Connect with us

Features

Committing the uncommitted

Published

on

By Uditha Devapriya

Any analysis of Sri Lanka’s political situation must consider the fact that many Lankans are tired of mainstream politics. It must then steer clear of diagnoses that trace the country’s problems to the last 75 years. If any party touting itself as an alternative to the mainstream faults the last 75 years for where we are now, that speaks volumes about that party’s inability to seize the moment, to present itself not merely as an alternative but also as the new mainstream, the new political centre and powerhouse. The JVP-NPP has been in politics, mainstream or otherwise, for over half a century. It cannot resort to the 75 years story. It has been part of that story. It remains part of that story.

The SJB is part of that story too. As a fairly mature party, it must realise that it cannot have the cake and eat it. Yet this is precisely what it has not come to terms with. One cannot view politics in isolation from economics. One cannot praise an economic programme while bemoaning the political excesses that programme has unleashed and continues to unleash. If the SJB is serious about its social democratic or centrist credentials, it must dispel itself of the false distinction it has made, and continues to make, between political action and economic reform. The two are intimately linked, and no party critiquing the government’s moves against its critics can afford to go easy on its economic reforms.

The latest International Health Policy (IHP) SLOTS tracker reveals the tide of discontent that’s swept through the country, but also the potential, hitherto untapped, for alternative parties and outfits. The tracker’s main takeaway is that close to a third of the country’s voters are uncommitted. These voters are tired of mainstream politics, mainstream economics, and mainstream pretty much everything.

They do not want to be told that the austerity they are living through and enduring is for the greater good, as some Colombo think-tanks are saying. They do not want to be told that the President is winning friends abroad, because in their cynicism they see the President’s foreign policy as catering to other interests, not Sri Lanka’s. They do not want words and empty debates, they want action.

This government isn’t just facing a crisis of credibility and identity, it’s also facing a crisis of optics. Everything it does seems to be riddled with ambiguity. Its rapprochement with India has brought about, at least superficially, a turnaround in relations with that country. Yet as (very few) commentators like Dr Dayan Jayatilleka point out, rapprochement must never be a byword for appeasement.

Is Sri Lanka’s attempts to (literally) build bridges with India going to take us to a Mexican standoff, or dare I say Chamberlainesque standoff, with India, China, and the US all holding a gun at one another and at us? The government must realise that how Sri Lankans view other countries, particularly India and China, has a bearing on how Sri Lanka conducts its relations with them. But has it realised this?

To this end Dr Jayatilleka, in his latest DailyFT column, criticises MP Eran Wickramaratne’s recent claim that Sri Lanka must turn to a multi-aligned foreign policy. The SJB, of course, is home to several MPs who share this sentiment. But as I argued in a piece not long ago, multi-aligned can mean many things to many people and many interests. To me it represents a policy of capitulation and appeasement, whereby we latch ourselves on to everyone and everything, not unlike George McHale, from Indiana Jones and the Kingdom of the Crystal Skull, who attaches himself to multiple friends and enemies, depending on the situation he’s in. What works for individuals don’t always work for countries, and for Sri Lanka, multi-alignment is never going to work. It is no different to the sentiment aired at the LKI Foreign Policy Seminar that non-alignment makes no sense. How so, exactly?

The world has moved on, but Sri Lanka is yet to wake up. Every other country has ditched market fundamentalism and is embracing industrial policy and national planning. This is not a throwback to the socialist era, far from it: even the US is committing itself to a New New Deal. The JVP-NPP has embraced this paradigm, but has it succeeded it converting its base to that philosophy? The Communist Party is the only Left outfit that has made a serious effort in this direction. It has not kept these conversations away from the public domain, but has taken them forward, going beyond petty political divisions. It recognises that these issues are in the national interest, and are no longer circumscribed by party divisions, at least not in the Opposition. Have other Left outfits recognised this and reciprocated? So far, neither the SJB nor the JVP has. What does that tell us about these parties?

More importantly, what does that tell us about where they are headed? The SJB and the JVP-NPP have become political purists: they do not want to be tainted by past associations, and are desperately trying to forge a new identity. The SJB has been remarkably weak when it comes to forging that identity, because it remains circumscribed by its past links with the UNP even as it steadfastly refuses to interact with Rajapaksist elements. The JVP-NPP is committing the opposite error, as fatal: it is fiercely committed to its independence, and will do everything to not engage with other parties. Both tactics are, at one level, evocative of a kind of political purism that can only benefit the status quo.

Day after day the President seeks one triumph after another, here and abroad. The optics don’t really matter to him or his cohorts: what matters is the perception that he’s doing something, the semblance of activity. With an Opposition that’s hardly doing anything, this is going to be easier than one may give him credit for. If the Opposition is serious about converting the unconverted, and committing the uncommitted, it must not just form the broadest possible alliance, but also enable the broadest possible rapprochement between parties. I have yet to see that rapprochement; it remains as elusive as ever.

The writer is an international relations analyst, researcher, and columnist who can be reached at udakdev1@gmail.com.



Features

The Division Bell Mystery

Published

on

Tales of Mystery and Suspense 3

The murder, in a private dining room in the house, is of a financier with whom the government was negotiating a loan. When this seemed difficult the Minister of Home Affairs agreed to lead discussions, since he had known Mr Oissel the financier when they were young. Hence the private dinner, but when the Minister stepped out for a vote, Oissel was shot just as the Division Bell rang.

The Brahms and Simon detective novels, the first of which I wrote about last week, were amongst several books by the pair that Robert Scoble gave me when I was in Australia towards the end of last year. Amongst them was another thriller of a very different sort, though that too was written and set between the wars.

Called The Division Bell Mystery, it was set in the House of Commons, the first such book I believe, and was by Ellen Wilkinson, a Labour MP who became Minister of Education in Attlee’s government after the war, having served previously as Parliamentary Private Secretary to several ministers. Her hero Robert West is also a PPS, but a conservative, and his Minister, of Home Affairs, is an old style aristocrat, not much loved by the less orthodox Prime Minister, who nevertheless needs his support on many occasions.

The murder, in a private dining room in the house, is of a financier with whom the government was negotiating a loan. When this seemed difficult the Minister of Home Affairs agreed to lead discussions, since he had known Mr Oissel the financier when they were young. Hence the private dinner, but when the Minister stepped out for a vote, Oissel was shot just as the Division Bell rang.

West was just outside the door when the shot was heard, and when he opened it saw only the dead body with a revolver beside it. The assumption that this was suicide was however challenged by Oissel’s grand-daughter Annette, who was his heir, on the grounds that he would never have killed himself. But her view was given greater credence by the Inspector put in charge of the case who said there were no burn marks on the body which would have been the case had Oissel fired the pistol himself.

Matters are complicated by the fact that Oissel’s flat had been burgled while he was at dinner, and Jenks the policeman allocated to him, who had served the Home Secretary and seemed more acceptable to Oissel than someone from the Security Service, had been killed. Matters get even more complicated when Annette says her grand-father’s notebook in which he wrote his secrets in cipher was missing.

That was found in Jenks’ pocket, and then a photographer came to West to say he had been asked by Jenks to photograph this. More worryingly for West, he finds in the Home Secretary’s drawer a few pages from the notebook with what appears to be an interpretation of the cipher.

Ellen

Overwhelmed by all this he confides in a recently created peer who knows all about the business world, who insists that they leave the house party at which they had met over dinner and discuss the matter with the Prime Minister who promptly summons the Home Secretary.

But the Home Secretary had gone to Scotland to launch a ship over the weekend, so the meeting could take place only on the morning of the Monday, when difficult questions were expected on the adjournment motion. He admits at the meeting that he had got Jenks to take the notebook, and also that he knew the code since it had been created by him and Oissel when they were young.

He thought he should resign, and even contemplated suicide, but the Prime Minister told him that that would be even worse for the government, and that he should go home to bed. The Prime Minister said that he himself would handle the question, which he did with aplomb, insisting that confidentiality was needed until the inquest. What had happened would be made clear then, he declared, leaving West and Inspector Blackit and Lord Dalbeattie what seemed the impossible task of solving the murder.

Dalbeattie had suggested that West ask a female Labour MP who was very fond of him to get what information she could from the staff. That there was some involvement there had become clear when West, going back late one night to collect a briefcase he had left in a dining room, found someone lurking in the dark in the corridor outside the private rooms. Room J, where the murder had happened, was meant to be guarded throughout by a policeman, but he had left the room having felt dizzy, and it seemed that his coffee had been drugged. West’s sudden appearance however had prevented anyone else getting into the room.

Dalbeattie decides to recreate the scene of the murder and has a dinner party in Room J on the Tuesday night, inviting West and Annette and the society hostess at whose house he had met, and also Patrick Kinnaird, an MP who was engaged to Annette, as well as the Permanent Secretary to the Home Ministry.

After coffee Inspector Blackit comes in with Grace, the Labour MP who had got the confidence of the staff, and a journalist who had also been helpful, and just as they say they think they are on the track the division bell rings. Grace jumps up and tells the Inspector that that provides the solution and they get a ladder, and sure enough find the revolver in the space where the bell is. Directed at the place where Oissel had sat, it had been primed to go off with the ringing of the bell. The waiter who had helped to set things up made clear who the murderer had been.

The reason for the murder and the confused motives of all those involved made for a fascinatingly intricate mix. But also impressive in the book were the descriptions of the isolation possible in the crowded premises of the house, the forceful characterization of the members – Grace based on the writer, the society hostess based on Nancy Astor, the first female MP – and the laid back nature of senior politicians which West realized had to change in the brave new world of high finance.

Continue Reading

Features

The challenge of keeping value-based politics alive

Published

on

Anti-migrant protests in Durban, South Africa. BBC

The current outbreak of anti-immigrant protests in Durban, South Africa is bound to have taken many a subscriber to value-based politics or political idealism quite by surprise. After all, this is evidence that despite the historic accomplishments of nation-builders of the stature of the late President Nelson Mandela it cannot be taken for granted that identity politics, including racism in its worst forms, is no more in South Africa.

At the time of this writing details are scarce on the substantive root causes of the protests but it could very well be that economic grievances, particularly on the part of the majority community in South Africa, are contributing considerably to the disaffection. Shrinking employment and material prospects are likely to figure majorly among the factors igniting the unrest.

Fortunately, the local authorities in Durban are losing no time in calling for peaceful co-existence among the relevant communities and are pointing to the vital importance of stepping-up national integration processes. Apparently, immigrants in sizable numbers from neighbouring countries are present in Durban. However, international TV footage of the protests quoted some local authorities as saying that the majority of the immigrants in some centres that housed them were not illegal migrants and had the documents that entitle them to be in Durban.

In the Durban protests the world has fresh proof of the socially divisive consequences of the gathering globe-wide economic disaffection, touched off particularly by the continuing crisis in West Asia. Going ahead, the world would need to brace for increasing identity-based unrest of the kind it is just witnessing in South Africa.

Considering that the material lot of ordinary people everywhere could only aggravate progressively, with the US and Iran showing no signs of negotiating an end to their confrontation any time soon, it will be left to the more democratic and progressive sections of the world community to initiate positive measures collectively to bring a measure of relief to the discontented.

The swiftness with which such relief will be provided would depend crucially on the importance those sections taking up these undertakings attach to value-based politics as opposed to Realpolitik of power politics.

Going by these yardsticks, Italy could be considered to be moving in the right direction. Recently Italy came to the fore in initiating the collective named, ‘Rome Coalition for Food Security and Access to Fertilizer’, which has as one of its aims the swift provision of fertilizer to economically weak African countries.

In a recent statement Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Antonio Tajani, said that a principal aim of the project was to ensure that the farmers of Africa gained easy access to fertilizer, considering that food security is a growing concern among some of Africa’s economically vulnerable countries.

The statement went on to mention that some 30 countries hailing from the Mediterranean region, the Middle East, the Balkans as well as the FAO had been invited to join the coalition. The venture is far-seeing in that food security is main among the reasons for social discontent which in turn could degenerate into endemic political turmoil and bloodshed. Separatist violence and geographical fragmentation of countries wouldn’t be too far behind these developments, as Africa itself has often proved.

It is hoped that more G7 countries would take the cue from Italy and do what they could to ease the hardships of economically distressed countries, particularly of the global South. In these efforts they would need to break rank with the US, which is today brutally indifferent to the consequences of its policy of making ‘America First’, come what may.

Going by current developments, the Trump administration seems to be blithely oblivious to the wider, deleterious effects of its policy course in West Asia. Besides rendering Iran militarily and otherwise impotent nothing else seems to matter to Washington, as regards West Asia. This is policy short-sightedness of an extreme kind. After all, right now West Asia could be said to be sitting on the proverbial powder keg.

On the other hand, Iran is not giving the world the impression that it is doing anything constructive to get out of the policy straitjacket that it wove for itself decades ago. Rather than enter into a policy of ‘live and let live’ in relation to Israel in particular and initiate a process of reconciliation with the latter, it has chosen to operate within policy parameters that continue to damn Israel. This has put Israel always on the ‘defensive’ so to speak and prevented the opening up of space for meaningful dialogue.

That said, Israel is obliged to explore the possibilities of entering into a negotiatory process with the Arab-Islamic world that could lead to a de-escalation of tensions and bloodshed. It cannot continue to look at its neighbours through lenses that distort them as archetypal enemies who should be ‘wiped off completely from the face of the earth.’

In other words, the need is urgent for Realpolitik to give way to value-based politicks. Italy is beginning to prove that the latter approach could be pursued with some success. May be the EU and the UK could throw their weight behind these initiatives as well and establish that international politics could be refashioned on the basis of humane, civilized norms. The UN would need to be fully supportive of these moves and prove an organizational nucleus of the operations that follow.

In fact the time is ripe for people of conscience to collectively stand up on the side of peace and say ‘No’ to war and violence. Organizations such as the ICRC, the WHO and Medicines Sans Frontiers have already taken up this call. Referring to the widespread destruction of health facilities and their dehumanizing results these organizations have said, among other things, that ‘This is not a failure of the law. It is a failure of political will.’

True, ‘failure of political will’ among those powers that matter accounts for the runaway, uncontrollable nature of war and destruction in contemporary times, but more fundamentally it is a failure of the human conscience. It could very well be that the phenomenal levels to which violence and war have been unleashed today have had the effect of deadening consciences. This is a matter for urgent study and wide discussion.

Continue Reading

Features

Vesak celebrations … with Cuteefly

Published

on

Perfect for celebrations, gifts, and meaningful occasions // Gift pack

I would describe Indunil Kaushalya Dissanayaka as innovative and creative, and she operates under the name of Cuteefly.

Indunil always comes up with something novel to celebrate special occasions, and she does it with candles … and that’s her profession.

She was in the spotlight when she created a happening scene, with candles, for Christmas, Sinhala and Tamil New Year, and Valentine’s Day.

As lanterns light up Sri Lanka for Vesak, the Colombo-based candle maker is quietly turning wax and wick into little pieces of the festival.

Candles reflecting Vesak themes

Her candles reflect Vesak themes – light, peace, remembrance, giving, etc., to enable you to fill your Vesak celebration with devotion and beauty.

Among her Vesak creations is a lotus-shaped soy candle, scented with sandalwood, lavender, etc., meant to burn during this Vesak Poya Day.

Indunil Kaushalya Dissanayaka: Customers
praise her for her creativity

These handcrafted Vesak candles are perfect for offering at the temple, she says.

What makes her creations so novel is that they come in different shapes, scents, themes, and all are handmade.

What’s more, her customers have heaped praise on her for her creativity.

According to Indunil, her creations are perfect as a thoughtful gift … to bring beauty, unity, and light into every moment.

Says Indunil: “Our beautifully handcrafted Unity candles are designed with premium detail and love, making them perfect for celebrations, gifts, and meaningful occasions.”

Cuteefly, says Indunil, is available online.

Readers could contact Indunil on 0778506066 for more details.

He Facebook Page is: Cuteefly.

Handmade with love

Continue Reading

Trending