Connect with us

Features

May Day: Further splits surface, combined attack on JVP while MR issues warning

Published

on

UNP delays official announcement on RW’s candidature as Namal presses for an opportunity

By Shamindra Ferdinando

In spite of determined UNP’s efforts, the party couldn’t convince SJB MPs to switch their allegiance to President Ranil Wickremesinghe in time for this year’s May Day rally chaired by the green leader at Maligawatte, the main Opposition party said.

Gampaha District SJB parliamentarian Kavinda Jayawardena told The Sunday Island that regardless of the UNP’s repeated invitations, the party was sure none in its parliamentary group would join President Wickremesinghe in the run-up to the presidential poll.

UNP General Secretary Palitha Range Bandara, on several occasions, invited the SJB which broke awa from the UNP before the last election to extend their support to Wickremesinghe, thereby strengthening his party ahead of crucial national elections.

SJB MP Nalin Bandara thumbed his nose at the UNP General Secretary over their failure to win over members of the main Opposition party. Addressing the SJB May Day rally at Chatham Street, the former UNP State Minister asked the UNP General Secretary what went wrong with their plans.

The UNP had to be happy with just Moneragala District SLPP MP Gayeshan Nawanandana who switched his allegiance to their side. Interestingly, Nawanandana, a first-time entrant to parliament contested the last general election with veteran politician Vasudeva Nanayakkara’s blessings.

The UNP’s decision not to officially announce Ranil Wickremesinghe candidature at the forthcoming presidential election at its Maligawatte May Day rally raised many eyebrows. The Opposition is going to drum-up this issue in the coming days. However, Minister Harin Fernando and former Minister Akila Viraj Kariyawasam referred to the forthcoming presidential election with the latter acknowledging the continuing disagreement between the UNP and the SLPP regarding Wickremesinghe’s candidature.

Kariyawasam, who with all his fellow UNP MPs failed to retain his Kurunegala district seat at the last election proudly declared that disgraced Health Minister Keheliya Rambukwelle being behind bars was a Wickremesinghe achievement.

Both the UNP and SJB held rallies on streets, packing participants into long narrow spaces, thereby constraining participation while the SLPP gathered at Campbell Park where former President Mahinda Rajapakasa declared that the outcome of the presidential election depended on SLPP support for the winner. The twice president and ousted premier warned that no one could win unless he/she reached a consensus with the pohottuwa. On stage with MR were Premier Dinesh Gunawardena, Basil Rajapaksa and new National Organizer Namal Rajapaksa widely believed to be the choice of an influential section of the SLPP to contest the presidential poll unless an agreement could be reach with Wickremesinghe to call early parliamentary polls.

Hence MP Namal Rajapaksa’s questioning at the May Day rally what he called “short-term decisions” should be examined in the context of his presidential ambitions. Interestingly, among those on the front row of the SLPP rally was businessman Dhammika Perera, MP, in his trademark blue suit and red tie in contrast to other informally clad participants. Perera has been repeatedly mentioned as a possible presidential candidate in case ongoing talks between Wickremesinghe and Basil Rajapaksa fail.

The SJB secured 54 seats, including seven National List slots, the second largest group elected at the last parliamentary polls in August 2020, whereas the parent UNP was able to scrape just one National List seat.

MP Jayawardena said that as the UNP hadn’t been so far able to propose a tangible plan of action to overcome the continuing economic/political/social crisis, it couldn’t expect political parties to extend their support to the UNP leader.

Two SJB MPs, Manusha Nanayakkara and Harin Fernando, during Ranil Wickremesinghe’s tenure as premier, joined the government in May 2022. But since he became president in July 2023, no SJB MP switched his or her allegiance to RW. However, the absence of Dr. Rajitha Senaratne and Thalatha Atukorale, both ex-ministers was noted while SJB Chairman Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka, MP, who has been in loggerheads with Sajith Premadasa left the venue before the conclusion of the day’s proceedings. Reportedly Fonseka had not been given a speech.

On Wednesday morning, the president joined the Ceylon Workers Congress, widely regarded as the strongest trade union/political party among plantation workers, at its May Day rally at the Kotagala public grounds. The single largest political force representing the upcountry Tamils, the CWC now supports Wickremesinghe after quitting the ruling SLPP on whose ticket it ran at the last parliamentary election. Jeevan Thondaman represents the CWC in Wickremesinghe’s cabinet while Senthil Thondaman is the governor or the Eastern Province.

The Sunday Island learns that the CWC had been negotiating with the SJB but decided to go along with Wickremesinghe on the basis of the agreement on a Rs 1,700 minimum daily wage for plantation workers announced on their May Day platform on Wednesday.

Clearly, Wickremesinghe and Thondaman wrong-footed Premadasa, whose party in collaboration with Palani Digambaram, MP, organized a May Day rally at Talawakelle. Although former national cricket captain Arjuna Ranatunga’s appearance caught public attention, the declaration of Rs. 1,700 daily wage hogged the limelight.

The EPDP, represented in Cabinet by Jaffna District MP Douglas Devananda, joined the ruling SLPP’s rally at the Campbell Park. His spokesperson Nelson Edirisinghe told us that the party would support Wickremesinghe at the forthcoming presidential poll. He clarified that the EPDP contested the last parliamentary election on its own and won two seats in Jaffna and Vanni.

The ruling SLPP held its rally, minus some of its members, as well as key constituents of the original coalition. The SLPP that had won 145 parliamentary seats, including 17 National List places have lost nearly 30 MPs since the last general election. Of them, six led by former External Affairs Minister Prof. G. L. Peiris joined the SJB’s Colombo rally. Other members of Prof. Peiris’s group were Dilan Perera, Dr. Nalaka Godahewa, Wasantha Yapa Bandara, K.P.S. Kumarasiri and Dr. Upul Galappaththy.

Other original members of that group, including Matara District MP Dullas Alahapperuma who ran for president against Wickremesinghe in a parliamentary vote after Gotabaya’s resignation, hadn’t been able to reach a consensus regarding their future course of action, sources said. Therefore, they refrained from either joining any other political party or organizing an event of their own to mark May Day. That group included MPs Alahapperuma, Prof. Channa Jayasumana, Charitha Herath, Ratnapala Ratnasekera, Lalith Ellawela and Thilak Rajapaksha.

Patali Champika Ranawaka, who entered Parliament on the SJB ticket, didn’t organize a May Day event. A senior spokesman said that they were preparing for the convention of their party due shortly. Former Minister Ranawaka leads the Eksath Janaraja Peramuna that received the Election Commission’s recognition last year. Another elected member of the SJB to skip May Day was Kumara Welgama, leader of New Lanka Freedom Party.

The Wimal Weerawansa-led Uththara Lanka Sabhagaya (ULS), which is another active SLPP rebel group, held its rally at the Lalith Athulathmudali playground, Kirulapone. National Freedom Front (NFF) leader and former Minister Wimal Weerawansa chaired the meeting, in his capacity as the Chairman of the alliance comprising the Communist Party (represented by Dr. G. Weerasinghe and Weerasemana Weerasinhe, MP), Pivithuru Hela Urumaya of MP Udaya Gammanpila, Our Power of People Party of Ven. Atureliye Rathana, MP, in his capacity as the leader of Dharani Jathika Sabhawa. and civil society group Yuthukama (Gevindu Cumaratunga) joined the rally.

This party declared in unison at its May Day rally that it was the only grouping genuinely opposed to President Wickremesinghe’s agenda inimical to national interests. Addressing quite a significant crowd, former minister Gammanpila found fault with ousted President Gotabaya Rajapakasa for ruining the mandate received by him as a result of caving into US interventions. The outspoken lawmaker named US Ambassador Julie Chung and dual citizen Basil Rajapaksa as the two advisors who caused the President’s downfall.

Gampaha District MP Nimal Lanza’s ‘New Alliance,’ consisting of SLPP MPs, too, kept away from Campbell Park. That group has pledged its support to President Wickremesinghe but decided not to join the UNP rally until the official declaration of Wickremesinghe candidature. It was quite agitated by the UNP’s decision to further delay the official announcement.

State Minister Lasantha Alagiyawanna said that the majority of the SLFPers, who had been elected on the SLPP ticket, decided to keep away from May Day rallies. They included the majority of the 14-member SLFP group sitting in Parliament now.

MP Alagiyawanna said that a May Day meeting that had been organized in Gampaha by Maithripala Sirisena faction of the party was meant to boost the image of Justice Minister Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe, PC, whose appointment as Acting Chairman of the SLFP was restrained by a court order. Obviously, at the time MP Alagiyawanna talked to us he wasn’t aware of former President and SLFP leader Maithripala Sirisena’s declaration that Rajapakshe would be their (SLFP) presidential candidate. Sirisena too has been retrained from leading the SLFP by a court order.

Sirisena who left the SLFP’s Gampaha May Day rally to attend the commemoration ceremony of the late T.B. Ilangaratne in Colombo acknowledged that 11 of his MPs now served Wickremesinghe’s interests but he was able to win over a key member of the UNP leader’s cabinet.

The SLFP rally attended by only two MPs – Maithripala Sirisena and Dushmantha Mithrapala -attracted just a fraction of the crowds the party once attracted over the years. Minister Mahinda Amaraweera, another key member of the group opposed to Sirisena’s leadership, was out of the country. Minister Rajapakashe declared his readiness to take up the challenge to run for president and his right to do so at the Gampaha rally.

MP Dayasiri Jayasekera, once SLFP Secretary, said that he didn’t organize any event as a member of the SLFP but addressed a gathering organized by Prabha Ganeshan, a member of a political grouping recently set up by the SLFPer.

Both Wickremesinghe and Premadasa reiterated their commitment to the IMF package at their May Day rallies though Sajith vowed to renegotiate it. Wickremesinghe again sought SJB and JVP/NPP backing for the IMF program that had been repeatedly attacked by the Opposition.

But whatever the disagreements, the UNP, SLPP and SJB agreed on the need to counter the strong challenge mounted by the JVP/NPP. Their fire was mainly focused on the JVP’s second insurgency launched in the wake of Indo-Lanka Accord of July 1987 and the induction of the IPKF here to subdue the LTTE.

The JVP held four rallies, including one in Colombo, whereas two breakaway factions, the NFF and Peratugaami Pakshaya, addressed supporters separately. The NFF is a member of the ULS. JVP/NPP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake declared that his party is confident of victory whatever national election is held first. What surprised many was AKD’s attack on Wickremesinghe over the latter’s dependence on India when he too is under fire for his own Indian links.

Another development that attracted public attention was Sagala Ratnayake addressing the UNP May Day rally in his capacity as the party’s National Organizer in spite of journalist Lasantha Ruhunuge, on behalf of the ‘Annidda’ newspaper, questioning the Election Commission as to how the President’s chief-of-staff, as a public servant, engaged in politics.



Features

The Division Bell Mystery

Published

on

Tales of Mystery and Suspense 3

The murder, in a private dining room in the house, is of a financier with whom the government was negotiating a loan. When this seemed difficult the Minister of Home Affairs agreed to lead discussions, since he had known Mr Oissel the financier when they were young. Hence the private dinner, but when the Minister stepped out for a vote, Oissel was shot just as the Division Bell rang.

The Brahms and Simon detective novels, the first of which I wrote about last week, were amongst several books by the pair that Robert Scoble gave me when I was in Australia towards the end of last year. Amongst them was another thriller of a very different sort, though that too was written and set between the wars.

Called The Division Bell Mystery, it was set in the House of Commons, the first such book I believe, and was by Ellen Wilkinson, a Labour MP who became Minister of Education in Attlee’s government after the war, having served previously as Parliamentary Private Secretary to several ministers. Her hero Robert West is also a PPS, but a conservative, and his Minister, of Home Affairs, is an old style aristocrat, not much loved by the less orthodox Prime Minister, who nevertheless needs his support on many occasions.

The murder, in a private dining room in the house, is of a financier with whom the government was negotiating a loan. When this seemed difficult the Minister of Home Affairs agreed to lead discussions, since he had known Mr Oissel the financier when they were young. Hence the private dinner, but when the Minister stepped out for a vote, Oissel was shot just as the Division Bell rang.

West was just outside the door when the shot was heard, and when he opened it saw only the dead body with a revolver beside it. The assumption that this was suicide was however challenged by Oissel’s grand-daughter Annette, who was his heir, on the grounds that he would never have killed himself. But her view was given greater credence by the Inspector put in charge of the case who said there were no burn marks on the body which would have been the case had Oissel fired the pistol himself.

Matters are complicated by the fact that Oissel’s flat had been burgled while he was at dinner, and Jenks the policeman allocated to him, who had served the Home Secretary and seemed more acceptable to Oissel than someone from the Security Service, had been killed. Matters get even more complicated when Annette says her grand-father’s notebook in which he wrote his secrets in cipher was missing.

That was found in Jenks’ pocket, and then a photographer came to West to say he had been asked by Jenks to photograph this. More worryingly for West, he finds in the Home Secretary’s drawer a few pages from the notebook with what appears to be an interpretation of the cipher.

Ellen

Overwhelmed by all this he confides in a recently created peer who knows all about the business world, who insists that they leave the house party at which they had met over dinner and discuss the matter with the Prime Minister who promptly summons the Home Secretary.

But the Home Secretary had gone to Scotland to launch a ship over the weekend, so the meeting could take place only on the morning of the Monday, when difficult questions were expected on the adjournment motion. He admits at the meeting that he had got Jenks to take the notebook, and also that he knew the code since it had been created by him and Oissel when they were young.

He thought he should resign, and even contemplated suicide, but the Prime Minister told him that that would be even worse for the government, and that he should go home to bed. The Prime Minister said that he himself would handle the question, which he did with aplomb, insisting that confidentiality was needed until the inquest. What had happened would be made clear then, he declared, leaving West and Inspector Blackit and Lord Dalbeattie what seemed the impossible task of solving the murder.

Dalbeattie had suggested that West ask a female Labour MP who was very fond of him to get what information she could from the staff. That there was some involvement there had become clear when West, going back late one night to collect a briefcase he had left in a dining room, found someone lurking in the dark in the corridor outside the private rooms. Room J, where the murder had happened, was meant to be guarded throughout by a policeman, but he had left the room having felt dizzy, and it seemed that his coffee had been drugged. West’s sudden appearance however had prevented anyone else getting into the room.

Dalbeattie decides to recreate the scene of the murder and has a dinner party in Room J on the Tuesday night, inviting West and Annette and the society hostess at whose house he had met, and also Patrick Kinnaird, an MP who was engaged to Annette, as well as the Permanent Secretary to the Home Ministry.

After coffee Inspector Blackit comes in with Grace, the Labour MP who had got the confidence of the staff, and a journalist who had also been helpful, and just as they say they think they are on the track the division bell rings. Grace jumps up and tells the Inspector that that provides the solution and they get a ladder, and sure enough find the revolver in the space where the bell is. Directed at the place where Oissel had sat, it had been primed to go off with the ringing of the bell. The waiter who had helped to set things up made clear who the murderer had been.

The reason for the murder and the confused motives of all those involved made for a fascinatingly intricate mix. But also impressive in the book were the descriptions of the isolation possible in the crowded premises of the house, the forceful characterization of the members – Grace based on the writer, the society hostess based on Nancy Astor, the first female MP – and the laid back nature of senior politicians which West realized had to change in the brave new world of high finance.

Continue Reading

Features

The challenge of keeping value-based politics alive

Published

on

Anti-migrant protests in Durban, South Africa. BBC

The current outbreak of anti-immigrant protests in Durban, South Africa is bound to have taken many a subscriber to value-based politics or political idealism quite by surprise. After all, this is evidence that despite the historic accomplishments of nation-builders of the stature of the late President Nelson Mandela it cannot be taken for granted that identity politics, including racism in its worst forms, is no more in South Africa.

At the time of this writing details are scarce on the substantive root causes of the protests but it could very well be that economic grievances, particularly on the part of the majority community in South Africa, are contributing considerably to the disaffection. Shrinking employment and material prospects are likely to figure majorly among the factors igniting the unrest.

Fortunately, the local authorities in Durban are losing no time in calling for peaceful co-existence among the relevant communities and are pointing to the vital importance of stepping-up national integration processes. Apparently, immigrants in sizable numbers from neighbouring countries are present in Durban. However, international TV footage of the protests quoted some local authorities as saying that the majority of the immigrants in some centres that housed them were not illegal migrants and had the documents that entitle them to be in Durban.

In the Durban protests the world has fresh proof of the socially divisive consequences of the gathering globe-wide economic disaffection, touched off particularly by the continuing crisis in West Asia. Going ahead, the world would need to brace for increasing identity-based unrest of the kind it is just witnessing in South Africa.

Considering that the material lot of ordinary people everywhere could only aggravate progressively, with the US and Iran showing no signs of negotiating an end to their confrontation any time soon, it will be left to the more democratic and progressive sections of the world community to initiate positive measures collectively to bring a measure of relief to the discontented.

The swiftness with which such relief will be provided would depend crucially on the importance those sections taking up these undertakings attach to value-based politics as opposed to Realpolitik of power politics.

Going by these yardsticks, Italy could be considered to be moving in the right direction. Recently Italy came to the fore in initiating the collective named, ‘Rome Coalition for Food Security and Access to Fertilizer’, which has as one of its aims the swift provision of fertilizer to economically weak African countries.

In a recent statement Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Antonio Tajani, said that a principal aim of the project was to ensure that the farmers of Africa gained easy access to fertilizer, considering that food security is a growing concern among some of Africa’s economically vulnerable countries.

The statement went on to mention that some 30 countries hailing from the Mediterranean region, the Middle East, the Balkans as well as the FAO had been invited to join the coalition. The venture is far-seeing in that food security is main among the reasons for social discontent which in turn could degenerate into endemic political turmoil and bloodshed. Separatist violence and geographical fragmentation of countries wouldn’t be too far behind these developments, as Africa itself has often proved.

It is hoped that more G7 countries would take the cue from Italy and do what they could to ease the hardships of economically distressed countries, particularly of the global South. In these efforts they would need to break rank with the US, which is today brutally indifferent to the consequences of its policy of making ‘America First’, come what may.

Going by current developments, the Trump administration seems to be blithely oblivious to the wider, deleterious effects of its policy course in West Asia. Besides rendering Iran militarily and otherwise impotent nothing else seems to matter to Washington, as regards West Asia. This is policy short-sightedness of an extreme kind. After all, right now West Asia could be said to be sitting on the proverbial powder keg.

On the other hand, Iran is not giving the world the impression that it is doing anything constructive to get out of the policy straitjacket that it wove for itself decades ago. Rather than enter into a policy of ‘live and let live’ in relation to Israel in particular and initiate a process of reconciliation with the latter, it has chosen to operate within policy parameters that continue to damn Israel. This has put Israel always on the ‘defensive’ so to speak and prevented the opening up of space for meaningful dialogue.

That said, Israel is obliged to explore the possibilities of entering into a negotiatory process with the Arab-Islamic world that could lead to a de-escalation of tensions and bloodshed. It cannot continue to look at its neighbours through lenses that distort them as archetypal enemies who should be ‘wiped off completely from the face of the earth.’

In other words, the need is urgent for Realpolitik to give way to value-based politicks. Italy is beginning to prove that the latter approach could be pursued with some success. May be the EU and the UK could throw their weight behind these initiatives as well and establish that international politics could be refashioned on the basis of humane, civilized norms. The UN would need to be fully supportive of these moves and prove an organizational nucleus of the operations that follow.

In fact the time is ripe for people of conscience to collectively stand up on the side of peace and say ‘No’ to war and violence. Organizations such as the ICRC, the WHO and Medicines Sans Frontiers have already taken up this call. Referring to the widespread destruction of health facilities and their dehumanizing results these organizations have said, among other things, that ‘This is not a failure of the law. It is a failure of political will.’

True, ‘failure of political will’ among those powers that matter accounts for the runaway, uncontrollable nature of war and destruction in contemporary times, but more fundamentally it is a failure of the human conscience. It could very well be that the phenomenal levels to which violence and war have been unleashed today have had the effect of deadening consciences. This is a matter for urgent study and wide discussion.

Continue Reading

Features

Vesak celebrations … with Cuteefly

Published

on

Perfect for celebrations, gifts, and meaningful occasions // Gift pack

I would describe Indunil Kaushalya Dissanayaka as innovative and creative, and she operates under the name of Cuteefly.

Indunil always comes up with something novel to celebrate special occasions, and she does it with candles … and that’s her profession.

She was in the spotlight when she created a happening scene, with candles, for Christmas, Sinhala and Tamil New Year, and Valentine’s Day.

As lanterns light up Sri Lanka for Vesak, the Colombo-based candle maker is quietly turning wax and wick into little pieces of the festival.

Candles reflecting Vesak themes

Her candles reflect Vesak themes – light, peace, remembrance, giving, etc., to enable you to fill your Vesak celebration with devotion and beauty.

Among her Vesak creations is a lotus-shaped soy candle, scented with sandalwood, lavender, etc., meant to burn during this Vesak Poya Day.

Indunil Kaushalya Dissanayaka: Customers
praise her for her creativity

These handcrafted Vesak candles are perfect for offering at the temple, she says.

What makes her creations so novel is that they come in different shapes, scents, themes, and all are handmade.

What’s more, her customers have heaped praise on her for her creativity.

According to Indunil, her creations are perfect as a thoughtful gift … to bring beauty, unity, and light into every moment.

Says Indunil: “Our beautifully handcrafted Unity candles are designed with premium detail and love, making them perfect for celebrations, gifts, and meaningful occasions.”

Cuteefly, says Indunil, is available online.

Readers could contact Indunil on 0778506066 for more details.

He Facebook Page is: Cuteefly.

Handmade with love

Continue Reading

Trending