Features

BARRIERS TO NATIONAL PROGRESS

Published

1 year ago

2025/02/9

The 107th birth anniversary of Professor J E Jayasuriya falls on 14 February 2025. To commemorate this event we publish the text of the address he delivered at the sixth graduation ceremony of the Institute of Social Work in December 1960 on ‘Barriers to National Progress’. Most of what he mentioned 65 years ago seem to be still relevant today and several things he predicted then have come true.

The 34th J E Jayasuriya Memorial Oration would be delivered by Professor Panduka Karunanayake, Professor, Department of Clinical Medicine, University of Colombo on ‘Revisiting Humanism in Education: Insights from Tagore’ at the Sri Lanka Foundation Institute on 14 February 2025 at 5 15 p.m.

by Professor J. E. Jayasuriya
Professor of Education, University of Ceylon

I have chosen for my address at this the sixth graduation ceremony of the Institute of Social Work the subject “Barriers to National Progress”. I consider it as being of vital importance at this juncture in our national development that we give some thought and consideration to the factors that appear to act as barriers to national progress. I propose to confine myself largely to the factors in the human situation. Indeed, I believe that the malaise in our society is largely, if not wholly, explainable in social terms, that the causes that hold us back from the path of national progress are located in our thoughts, our attitudes and our ideals, both individually and collectively, rather than outside us in some aspect of our geographical environment.

Social attitudes engendered by colonial rule

A country that has only recently emerged from colonial rule starts with quite crippling handicaps. Some of these have to do with the economy of the country but they are not my concern now. I am more concerned with the social attitudes engendered by colonial rule. In fairness to the British rulers, I may say straightaway that of the colonial rulers of the past the British were about the most liberal; but colonial rule, even by the most liberal of rulers, is not the best thing for a nation. Its psychological consequences could be more far reaching than its economic consequences.

The lack of an identity of interest between the common man and the government, the belief in the mind of the common man that the government is an institution removed from him and his interests and designed to keep him in serfdom, the pukka sahib mentality of officials, both high and low, who look upon themselves as the natural successors to the British rulers rather than as the servants of the local public, the great language barrier to communication, a barrier which is being removed only now, western ideals alien to the local culture pattern – these are some of the derivatives of colonial rule on the psychological plane and they have slowly and insidiously eaten into the body politic. It is only by bringing out some of these to the surface, examining them in their role as barriers to national progress, that we can perhaps hope to eradicate them.

The lack of a civic sense

One of the most perturbing of the social phenomena that would seem to be widely prevalent in our country is the lack of a civic sense. This manifests itself in various ways. Public property is nobody’s concern and it may be disfigured with impunity- as, for example, has happened to the walls of public buildings or desks in schools and in the University – or dismantled and removed without compunction -as, for example, has happened to the equipment in public telephone booths. There is little awareness that public property belongs to and has been paid for by the entire public, that a responsibility rests on every member of the public to safe-guard and protect public property, that repair of damage or replacement of losses would entail expenditure out of public funds, draining away money which might have been channeled to productive purposes with resulting improvements in living standards all round.

There is also a whole gamut of offences of a different sort against the public. They are of a white collar type (committed not by people in poor socio economic conditions as is perhaps the case with most offences against public buildings or appurtenances) and range from making false tax returns, submitting false travelling claims, certifying for a consideration shoddy work that is not up to the required standard (witness, for example, public buildings that show cracks after completion by private contractors) and the net result of these offences is a drain on the country’s financial resources.

One of the most dangerous features about this kind of offence is the absence of a feeling of guilt on the part of the offender. Many who would shudder at the thought of thieving from a private individual would nevertheless regard state funds as fair prey. Some have even developed such skill in these arts and crafts that they are quite openly prepared to place their specialized knowledge at the disposal of others and initiate them into the most successful techniques for defrauding the state. Quite clearly, even in the highest of circles there often appear to be two standards of morality, one governing private life and impeccable on the financial plane, the other governing public life and not averse to regarding public coffers as legitimate prey. This surely is a situation that must cause concern among all those who have the interest of the country at heart and one that is deserving of close study by social scientists.

Behaviour of the typical public servant

An attitude that is characterized by less moral taint perhaps but with equally damaging consequences to the public exchequer is reflected in the behaviour of the typical public servant. How few in the public service have a sense of duty that would stand a search by their own consciences! – Is it not a fact that the numerical strength of almost every department in the public service is far in excess of real needs? Quite apart from the fact that the rising salary bill in respect of the public services consumes money that could with advantage be utilized for economic development, there is also the wastage of human resources involved in employing in unproductive work a large work force that could be engaged in productive or creative work. It is all too easy for departmental heads to ask for more and more staff without taking the steps necessary for any scientific assessment of requirements. There is a very great need for an operational research unit that could go into the working of government departments, sample the daily quota of work of the employees and assess the strength of the staff really necessary for its purposes.

Uneconomic use of man hours

It is not only at the subordinate level that there is wastage of human resources. The uneconomic use of man hours at the top level is another problem that faces us. Tremendous tasks, essential for national reconstruction and requiring concentrated study, thinking, planning and execution lie ahead of those in high places Ministers, Heads of Departments and the like – and yet activities like the opening of a bridge, laying the foundation stone for a school building do every day take high officials several dozen miles away from their offices with several hours absence from their work. Are not large and significant issues often neglected in the rush for time consequent on this preoccupation with ceremonial trifles? This is not to deny the public relations aspect of the work of high officials. It is indeed a very important aspect but it must be undertaken with a due sense of proportion and organized in such a way that waste is minimized by setting apart a few days every month for such visits and perhaps having a programme at a number of places in a limited geographical area on such visits rather than visiting Kandy the first day, Badulla the second day, Batticaloa the third day, Jaffna the fourth day, back to office on the fifth day, to repeat the course again in a few days.

Lack of effective channels of communication

Lack of effective channels of communication is another problem that faces us, and one which is often responsible for the best results not being achieved whatever the activity or enterprise concerned. Communication in this country is usually a one-way process of transmitting instructions and orders from above to those below. But the reverse process of communication, from those down below to those above detailing their views and their perceptions of the same problem, and possibly these may be quite down-to-earth observations of real value, is discouraged and even regarded as evidence of objectionable rudeness. It is not realized sufficiently that no one ever lost by an exchange of views, and that a great deal of light is likely to be thrown on a problem when a number of persons collectively examine it, bringing to bear on it their several insights. In this connection, it must be remembered that discussion in its most profitable form does not come from a mass conference but when small groups meet and a real exchange of views takes place. The views of several such groups may be collected and the product in most cases would be illuminating beyond expectation.

Not even the most carefully thought-out plans work quite according to schedule. In their implementation, practical difficulties arise, and these are best seen not by the top-level planners but by the humble folk down the line who have to execute the details of the plans. Take, for example, the Guaranteed Price Scheme for paddy or the Paddy Lands Act. Field staff know best the defects, shortcomings, and loopholes in each. Collectively, they possess those insights that can remedy existing weaknesses in administering them, but they are not given opportunities to communicate their views. Indeed, if one of them were to suggest desirable modifications, that would be regarded as an act of sacrilege. Little wonder then, that they choose the path of least discomfort and let things just drift along. The reluctance to invite the views of those below us in the administrative hierarchy is part of the pukka sahib mentality of colonial administrators and we must get out of it if we are to prosper as a nation.

Talent of local experts

We have also to have faith in our fellow citizens and realize that the specialist knowledge required for national development in most spheres of work is possessed by one or more of them and that we ought not look slavishly for saviours from outside. Nothing has been found more frustrating by many gifted individuals in this country than to have some foreign expert enthroned above their heads, every word from whose lips is reverentially received, and nothing which anyone here said or could say counted at all against his counsel. I am not suggesting that we should do away entirely with foreign experts but let us have a due sense of proportion in accepting what they say. Let us, above all, examine their credentials carefully before we invite them. Some of the so-called experts we get have not solved problems in any other part of the world and in some cases have been unable to get decent employment in their own country.

It is because of this dependence on foreign experts that we have not up to this day mobilized the scientists of this country and sought their advice in connection with national development. Almost every other country in the world regards its scientists as a priceless treasure and their specialized knowledge is fully utilized in planning national development. In this country, we have recently given some recognition to economists, but they are not surely in possession of the whole truth. What about our physical and biological scientists, our agricultural scientists and engineers? What recognition do we give them? What opportunity do we give them to help us in finding solutions to our national problems? Every year, at the annual sessions of the Ceylon Association for the Advancement of Science, a number of research papers are read by them, suggestive for the task of finding solutions to many national problems, but what notice is taken of these? Whether it be increasing rice yields, developing inland fisheries, expansion of cottage industries, flood protection schemes, assessing the manpower required for national development—in fact, almost every national problem that we can think of has at some time or other received the attention of one or more members of the Association.

Given the opportunity, they are only too willing to place their insights at the disposal of the government, and it is time that action was taken to mobilize the scientific manpower of the country in a concentrated attack on the problems that confront us. I have not referred to social scientists other than the economist but their role, particularly that of the psychologist, is a vital one. Upon the psychologist must fall the task of discovering the genesis of harmful social attitudes and inducing change in the right direction. On him falls also the task of discovering the processes of social engineering that must accompany change in other spheres.

The human relations aspect of planning plays a key role in determining the success of any plan. Be it a colonization scheme, be it a plan for making farmers take to modern methods of agriculture, be it an attempt to educate people in healthy living, be it a plan to encourage the co-operative movement – all these involve a human relations aspect pivotal to success. Indeed, the experience of failure in the past in some of these was due in no small measure to neglect of the human relations aspect. Management techniques enjoy a high priority in the private sector, but their importance is not realized in the government sector. We have no school for administrators where, inter alia, they might be schooled in the dynamics of human behaviour so that they would know how to get on with people, win their confidence and enlist their co-operation, induce them to change their behaviour in desired directions and generally influence them.

Dealing with people is one of the hardest tasks possible and yet there is no awareness of the intricacies of the problem. Village upliftment should be one of the top priorities in any plan for national progress, and I know that it is a problem to which the Honourable Minister present here today is devoting a great deal of attention. So much depends on the proper training of the personnel to be employed in this task, and it would be suicidal not to give the most careful attention to the problem of providing comprehensive training courses for them. In the field of training for social work, this Institute deserves the thanks of the country for having filled a vacuum when the government itself was unwilling to move. It cannot, however, perpetually depend on charity and benefactions, and it seems to me that the time has now come for the State to recognize its work in a big way and perhaps attach it to one of the Universities.

The parlous state of the finances of the country

One last point. What awareness is there among us of the fact that the country is going through a very critical period from the point of view of the finances of the country? I am quite certain that the parlous state of the finances of the country has not caused any concern to us or given us any sense of urgency. We continue to ask for more and more in terms of wages and salaries. We continue to import more and more of the choicest luxury goods. Unconcernedly we try to live Rolls Royce lives on a bullock cart economy. Times of great financial stress have not been unknown in the history of nations, nations much more advanced than we are. For some three or four years after the last war, Britain went through a period of great financial stress. There were austerity drives that touched the lives of the people at all points. Foodstuffs like eggs and bacon were on ration during these years. Foreign exchange for travel was severely restricted. But there was a remarkable oneness of purpose in the government and the people. The people faced discomfort with fortitude and showed deep faith that given their wholehearted co-operation the government would pull through and steer them to plenty again.

As finances improved, restrictions were progressively relaxed and in the year 1959 the government was able to exclaim from roof tops that Britain had never been so prosperous before as in that year. Nearer home, India sets us something of an example in plain living. The lives of Gandhi in his day and of Vinobha Bhave in the present day have fired the imagination of the people. The people of this country cannot be insensitive to high ideals or to the call of the nation, but we seem to be in such a state of stupor that only a personality of extraordinary dynamism, reflecting in his or her life a spirit of selfless service and the greatness of simplicity and high purpose, can rouse our people to meet the challenge that faces us. In the meantime, perhaps some little good may come if lesser mortals like you and me ponder over these issues, and it is with this hope that I have placed them before you.

(Originally published in the Ceylon Journal of Social Work vol. 2, no. 2, 1961.)

All News Advertisement

Features

Power crept into the Sangha and is now tearing it apart

Published

2 days ago

2026/06/5

Thilina Walpola

A file photo of Buddhist monks engaged in a protest

For more than a century, Sri Lankan society has lived with a quiet contradiction at the heart of its religious life. On the one hand, the Buddhist monk is revered as the embodiment of moral discipline, selfrestraint, and renunciation. On the other, the modern monk has become a public figure, political actor, administrator, media personality, and in some cases power broker whose influence extends far beyond the temple. This contradiction has been tolerated, even celebrated, for decades. But recent events, most notably a widely publicised case involving a senior monk accused of grave moral misconduct, have forced the country to confront a painful truth: the institutional conditions that make such scandals possible are not new. They are the predictable outcome of a long historical process that H. L. Seneviratne described with remarkable clarity in The Work of Kings. The moral deterioration visible today is not an aberration. It is the culmination of a centurylong transformation in the identity, function, and authority of the Sangha.

To understand how we arrived at this moment, it is necessary to revisit the argument Seneviratne made nearly three decades ago. His thesis was simple but profound: the modern Sri Lankan monkhood has taken on the ‘work of kings.’ By this he meant that monks, instead of confining themselves to the renunciant life prescribed by the Vinaya, have assumed the secular responsibilities once associated with precolonial kingship, such as protecting the religion, organising society, guiding the nation, and enforcing moral order. This shift, he argued, was not a natural evolution of Buddhist tradition but a modern invention shaped by colonialism, nationalism, and the anxieties of a society struggling to redefine itself in the face of foreign domination. The monk became a symbol of national identity, a guardian of cultural authenticity, and a leader in the struggle for political autonomy. In the process, the boundaries that once separated the monastic from the worldly began to dissolve.

Transformation

The consequences of this transformation were not immediately visible. For decades, the activist monk was celebrated as a patriot, a reformer, and a moral guide. His involvement in education, social welfare, and nationalist mobilisation was seen as a necessary response to colonial pressures and missionary competition. But beneath the surface, the foundations of monastic discipline were slowly eroding. The Vinaya, which had served for centuries as a rigorous framework for regulating monastic life, was increasingly overshadowed by the demands of public engagement. The communal structures that once ensured accountability, senior supervision, collective confession, and the daily rhythms of monastic routine, were weakened by the pressures of modernity. Monks who travelled constantly, managed institutions, or lived independently in urban temples found themselves outside the traditional systems of oversight that had long protected the integrity of the Sangha.

Scandal

It is within this historical context that the recent scandal must be understood. The case shocked the nation not only because of the severity of the allegations but because it shattered the public’s assumption that the monkhood remains a bastion of moral purity. Yet the shock itself reveals a collective denial. For years, Sri Lankan society has been aware, sometimes quietly, sometimes openly—of the growing gap between the ideal of the monk and the realities of modern monastic life. Stories of misconduct, financial irregularities, political manipulation, and abuse of authority have circulated with increasing frequency. But each incident has been treated as an isolated failure, a personal weakness, or an unfortunate exception. What has been missing is recognition that these incidents are symptoms of a deeper structural problem.

Seneviratne’s analysis helps illuminate this problem. When monks take on the work of kings, they inevitably enter domains of power that expose them to temptations the Vinaya was designed to avoid. Handling money, managing institutions, cultivating political patrons, and exercising authority over laypeople create opportunities for ego, ambition, and moral compromise. The monk who becomes a public figure is no longer shielded by the anonymity and humility of the renunciant life. Instead, he becomes a celebrity, a leader, and in some cases an object of uncritical devotion. This elevation brings with it a dangerous form of immunity. Laypeople who revere a monk for his public achievements may hesitate to question his behaviour. Politicians who rely on monastic support may protect him from scrutiny. The media, which often treats monks as moral authorities, may be reluctant to investigate allegations that challenge the sanctity of the robe.

The recent scandal illustrates how these dynamics can converge. The monk at the centre of the case was not an obscure figure. He was a respected preacher, charismatic leader, and head of a prominent institution. His public image was built on years of service, teaching, and community engagement. Yet it was precisely this public stature that allowed him to operate without meaningful oversight. The institutional structures around him, administrators, lay supporters, and junior monks, were either unwilling or unable to challenge his authority. The very qualities that made him a respected figure in the eyes of the public also made him untouchable within his own institution. When allegations finally emerged, they revealed not only personal wrongdoing but a systemic failure of accountability.

Failure that is not unique

This failure is not unique to one temple or one monk. It reflects a broader pattern within the modern Sangha. As monastic institutions have grown in size, wealth, and influence, their internal governance has struggled to keep pace. Many temples operate as semiautonomous entities controlled by a single monk or a small group of monks. Financial transparency is limited, administrative oversight is weak, and the mechanisms for addressing misconduct are often informal or ineffective. The traditional structures of monastic discipline, such as the Sangharama procedures for adjudicating offences, are rarely used in modern contexts, partly because they require collective participation and partly because they are illsuited to the complexities of contemporary institutional life. In practice, this means that monks who wield significant authority can act with little fear of internal sanction.

The politicisation of the Sangha has further complicated matters. Since the midtwentieth century, monks have played an increasingly prominent role in electoral politics, nationalist movements, and public policy debates. This involvement has given them access to political networks that can be mobilised to protect their interests. It has also created a culture in which monks are valued not for their adherence to the Vinaya but for their ability to influence public opinion, mobilise voters, or lend moral legitimacy to political causes. In such an environment, the monk who is politically useful may be shielded from criticism, while the monk who adheres strictly to the renunciant ideal may find himself marginalised or ignored.

The result is a profound distortion of monastic identity. The monk who once sought liberation from worldly attachments is now encouraged to cultivate influence, authority, and public recognition. The monk who once lived under the strict supervision of senior elders now operates in a world where independence is celebrated and oversight is minimal. The monk who once relied on laypeople for basic sustenance now controls vast resources, manages institutions, and commands the loyalty of thousands of followers. This inversion of traditional roles has created a fertile ground for moral deterioration.

Yet it would be a mistake to interpret this deterioration as evidence that the Sangha as a whole is corrupt. Many monks continue to live lives of remarkable discipline, humility, and spiritual dedication. In remote forest monasteries, small village temples, and meditation centres across the country, monks quietly uphold the ancient ideals of the renunciant life. They are not the ones who appear on television, lead political rallies, or manage large institutions. Their work is invisible, their influence subtle, and their commitment unwavering. The crisis facing the Sangha today is not a crisis of individual morality but a crisis of institutional identity. It is the product of a centurylong transformation that has blurred the boundaries between the monastic and the secular, the spiritual and the political, the renunciant and the worldly.

If Sri Lanka is to address this crisis, it must begin by acknowledging the structural nature of the problem. The temptation to treat each scandal as an isolated incident must be resisted. Instead, the country must confront the uncomfortable reality that the modern configuration of monastic life is fundamentally at odds with the principles of the Vinaya. The Sangha cannot simultaneously function as a political force, a social service provider, a media institution, and a spiritual community without compromising its integrity. The more monks are drawn into the world, the more vulnerable they become to the moral dangers that the Buddha warned against.

Reform, therefore, must focus not only on punishing individual offenders but on rethinking the institutional structures that enable misconduct. This includes strengthening internal governance, enhancing financial transparency, restoring the authority of senior elders, and reestablishing the communal practices that once ensured accountability. It also requires a broader cultural shift in how laypeople relate to monks. Blind devotion must give way to informed respect. Reverence must be balanced with responsibility. The robe must be honoured, but it must not be used as a shield against scrutiny.

Seneviratne’s work offers a valuable starting point for this rethinking. His analysis reminds us that the crisis facing the Sangha is not the result of moral decline alone but of historical forces that reshaped the identity of the monkhood. By tracing the evolution of the activist monk, he shows how the Sangha became entangled in the political and social structures of the modern nationstate. This entanglement has brought both benefits and dangers. It has allowed monks to play important roles in education, social welfare, and national development. But it has also exposed them to the corrupting influences of power, wealth, and public acclaim.

The challenge now is to disentangle the Sangha from these influences without undermining its ability to serve society. This will not be easy. The activist monk has become deeply embedded in the cultural and political fabric of the country. Many laypeople expect monks to be leaders, reformers, and guardians of national identity. Politicians rely on monastic support to legitimise their agendas. Media institutions depend on monks for content, commentary, and moral authority. Reversing this trend will require a collective effort from monks, laypeople, and political leaders alike.

Ultimately, the future of the Sangha depends on its ability to reclaim the renunciant ideal that lies at the heart of Buddhist monasticism. This does not mean withdrawing from society entirely, but it does mean reestablishing the boundaries that protect the monk from the dangers of worldly involvement. It means recognising that the true strength of the Sangha lies not in its political influence or institutional power but in its moral authority, its spiritual discipline, and its commitment to the path of liberation. The recent scandal, painful as it is, may serve as a catalyst for this reevaluation. It has exposed the vulnerabilities of the modern monastic system and forced the country to confront the consequences of a centurylong transformation.

To understand how the Vihara Devalegam Act relates to the perceived moral deformation of the clergy, it is necessary to examine how property management, state law, and monastic discipline intersect in the modern era. Historically stemming from the Buddhist Temporalities Ordinance No. 19 of 1931, this act serves as the primary legal framework governing the ‘temporalities’—meaning the secular wealth, extensive landholdings, and material donations belonging to Buddhist temples and shrines. While ancient kings granted these vast tracts of land to support the monkhood’s spiritual pursuits, the modern codification of this law has inadvertently fostered a system where property rights frequently supersede spiritual accountability.

The core of the crisis lies in the commercialisation of the monastic order that this legal framework enables. By treating temple lands as economic assets and vesting absolute administrative power in individual chief monks or lay trustees, the act has contributed to the rise of what critics term a monastic middle class. Access to vast, unregulated financial resources, rent from lands, and corporate donations has fundamentally shifted the focus of certain segments of the clergy away from the traditional path of worldly renunciation and spiritual guidance. Instead, it has driven a preoccupation with business investments, the accumulation of private capital, and luxury lifestyles, which deeply alienates a public looking to the Sangha for moral leadership.

The institutional flaws embedded in the Vihara Devalegam Act find a stark, real-world manifestation in the recent criminal case involving Venerable Pallegama Hemarathana Thero. As the chief priest of Anuradhapura and the custodian of the Atamasthana—the eight highly venerated Buddhist shrines, including the sacred Jaya Sri Maha Bodhi—Hemarathana Thero occupied one of the most powerful and wealthy positions within the Sri Lankan Sangha. His arrest on charges of sexual abuse of a minor girl perfectly illustrates how the structural defects of the Act facilitate not only moral decay but also the systemic obstruction of justice.

The core of this intersection lies in the vast, unaccountable wealth generated by the temporalities of the Anuradhapura shrines. Under the Vihara Devalegam Act, the chief custodian exercises immense, virtually unchecked control over temple revenues, state-backed land management, and millions of rupees in daily donations from millions of global pilgrims. It is precisely this immense financial liquidity that enabled the alleged deployment of vast sums of money to the victim’s family.

Furthermore, the situation underscores the profound policy failures cited regarding the helplessness of the monastic hierarchy and state enforcement. When child protection authorities initially attempted to act, the National Child Protection Authority noted severe delays and institutional resistance, stating they practically had to force the police to execute the arrest. The monk’s immediate retreat to a private hospital in Colombo upon the advancement of the criminal probe, followed by his release on bail, mirrors the exact loop described where wealthy monastics deploy high-priced legal defence teams funded directly or indirectly by their institutional positions. Because the Vihara Devalegam Act does not provide a mechanism for the immediate, unconditional forfeiture of temporal administrative rights upon a criminal indictment, the accused retains his structural power throughout the legal process. The Pallegama Thero scandal stands as definitive proof that without a fundamental overhaul of how temple wealth is legally governed and disciplined, the material benefits guaranteed by ancient temporalities will continue to shield the worst elements of moral deformation from the rule of law.

If Sri Lanka can learn from this moment and if it can recognise the structural roots of the crisis and commit to meaningful reform, then the Sangha may yet emerge stronger, more disciplined, and more faithful to its ancient ideals. But if the country continues to treat each scandal as an isolated failure and if it continues to ignore the deeper institutional problems that Seneviratne identified, then the moral deterioration we see today will only deepen. The work of kings, when performed by monks, carries a heavy price. It is time to decide whether that price is worth paying.

by Professor Amarasiri de Silva

Features

Kondachchi wind farm and battery storage project to boost energy security, says Power Ministry Secretary

Published

2 days ago

2026/06/5

Thilina Walpola

The Power and Energy Ministry’s drive towards energy security and renewable energy expansion received a major boost yesterday with the signing of a tripartite cooperation agreement for the development of the 150 MW Kondachchi Wind Power Project and an integrated Battery Energy Storage System (BESS) in Mannar.

The agreement was signed at the Ministry of Power auditorium under the patronage of Power Minister Anura Karunatilaka and Deputy Power Minister Arkam Ilyas.

Speaking at the event, Ministry Secretary G. M. R. D. Aponsu described the project as a transformative investment that would strengthen the country’s electricity network while supporting Sri Lanka’s transition towards cleaner energy sources.

“The Kondachchi Wind Power Project represents a significant milestone in Sri Lanka’s renewable energy journey. By combining large-scale wind generation with advanced battery energy storage technology, we are creating a more resilient and reliable power system capable of meeting future energy demands while reducing dependence on imported fossil fuels,” Aponsu said.

The project will be developed at Silavathurai in the Kondachchi area of Mannar on lands owned by the Sri Lanka Cashew Corporation. It is expected to utilise some 31 modern wind turbines with a total installed capacity of at least 150 MW.

Aponsu said the inclusion of an integrated battery storage facility would help address the variability associated with wind power generation and ensure stable electricity supply to the national grid.

“The battery energy storage component is a key feature of this project. It will enable the efficient integration of renewable energy into the grid and enhance overall system stability, which is essential as Sri Lanka increases the share of renewables in its energy mix,” he said.

According to the Ministry, the wind farm is expected to generate nearly 525 gigawatt-hours of electricity annually, significantly reducing the country’s expenditure on imported fuel and strengthening national energy security.

The project is also expected to contribute to Sri Lanka’s climate commitments by reducing carbon dioxide emissions by an estimated 372,750 tonnes annually.

“This investment delivers both economic and environmental benefits. It will reduce greenhouse gas emissions, support sustainable development objectives and help Sri Lanka move closer to achieving its renewable energy and climate targets,” Aponsu noted.

The project will be implemented under a Public-Private Partnership (PPP) arrangement using the Build, Own and Operate (BOO) model. The Asian Development Bank is providing technical and financial advisory support through its Transaction Advisory Services programme.

The signing ceremony was attended by Pradeep Perera, Chairman of the National System Operator (Pvt) Ltd., and Takeyo Koike, Head of Market Development and Public-Private Partnership Division of the ADB, among other distinguished guests.

The Ministry said comprehensive Environmental Impact Assessments and avifaunal studies have been undertaken to ensure minimal impacts on bird populations, nearby communities and agricultural lands. A dedicated 220-kilovolt transmission system will also be constructed to connect the project to the national grid.

“The Kondachchi Wind Farm is a strategic national project that will help secure Sri Lanka’s energy future while accelerating the country’s transition towards sustainable and affordable electricity generation,” Aponsu said.

Energy sector experts view the project as one of the most important renewable energy initiatives currently being pursued in Sri Lanka, combining utility-scale wind generation with modern energy storage technology to enhance grid reliability and long-term energy sustainability.

By Ifham Nizam

Features

Saudi Arabia sets new benchmark in Hajj management as 1.7 million pilgrims complete sacred journey

Published

2 days ago

2026/06/5

Thilina Walpola

Ambassador Al-Kahtani

Interview with Khalid Hamoud Al-Kahtani, Ambassador of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to Sri Lanka

Saudi Arabia has once again demonstrated its unparalleled capacity to manage one of the world’s largest annual religious gatherings, with this year’s Hajj pilgrimage concluding successfully despite extreme temperatures and the immense logistical challenge of accommodating more than 1.7 million pilgrims from around the world.

In an exclusive interview with The Island, Khalid Hamoud Al-Kahtani, Ambassador of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to Sri Lanka, described the 2026 Hajj season as a resounding success, crediting the achievement to the visionary leadership of the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, His Royal Highness the Crown Prince and Prime Minister, and the coordinated efforts of multiple government agencies working around the clock to serve pilgrims.

The Ambassador noted that nearly 3,500 Sri Lankan pilgrims participated in this year’s Hajj under the quota allocated to Sri Lanka, benefiting from enhanced healthcare services, sophisticated crowd-management systems, expanded shaded areas and cutting-edge digital solutions introduced by the Kingdom.

With Saudi Arabia continuing to invest heavily in infrastructure, technology and pilgrim services under Vision 2030, Ambassador Al-Kahtani said the Kingdom remains committed to ensuring that pilgrims from around the world perform their religious duties in safety, comfort and tranquility.

The Saudi envoy also highlighted the growing partnership between Saudi Arabia and Sri Lanka, emphasising expanding cooperation not only in Hajj affairs but also in trade, investment, education, culture and institutional exchanges.

Following are excerpts of the interview:

Q: How do you assess this year’s Hajj season?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: This year’s Hajj season was a resounding success, thanks to the Almighty Allah and the integrated efforts of the government of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, led by the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques and His Royal Highness the Crown Prince and Prime Minister. This success was reflected in the efficiency of crowd management, the quality of services provided to the Hajj pilgrims and the effective coordination among the various relevant authorities, which enabled pilgrims to perform their rituals in an atmosphere of security, tranquility and ease.

Q: How many Sri Lankan pilgrims performed Hajj this year?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The number of Hajj pilgrims from the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka reached approximately 3,500, within the quota allocated to Sri Lanka for this season.

Q: Are there any discussions regarding increasing Sri Lanka’s quota in the future?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani:Hajj quotas are determined according to approved regulatory mechanisms that take into account a range of considerations. The relevant authorities in the Kingdom continue to study various aspects related to developing Hajj services and accommodating the allocated numbers for all countries, in coordination with the concerned parties.

Q: What were the most prominent special arrangements implemented this year?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The operational plans for this season focused on enhancing the safety and comfort of the Hajj pilgrims, especially given the climatic conditions and high temperatures. Measures included expanding shaded areas, increasing water distribution points and enhancing health and ambulance services, in addition to developing the transportation system and traffic management within the holy sites.

Q: What are the most prominent digital systems and smart services that were provided?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani:The Kingdom continues to implement its digital transformation objectives for the Hajj and Umrah system. The scope of electronic services offered through the Nusuk platform and application has been expanded, along with the development of digital systems for issuing permits, managing crowds, guidance and health services. This contributes to increasing the efficiency of services and improving the pilgrim’s experience at all stages of their journey.

Q: How were the challenges of overcrowding and heat addressed?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The relevant authorities adopted an integrated crowd-management system based on modern technologies and real-time data analysis. This was coupled with intensified health-awareness campaigns, expanded organised movement routes and increased deployment of field, medical and emergency teams. These measures support the safety of the Hajj pilgrims and reduce the risks associated with crowd density and climatic conditions.

Q: Were there special services for the elderly and sick?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: Yes. The Kingdom paid special attention to the elderly and people with special health needs by providing specialized medical services, assistive transportation and facilities equipped to meet their needs, in addition to field teams working to provide humanitarian support and necessary healthcare throughout the Hajj period.

Q: How successful was the Kingdom in combating irregular Hajj permits?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The relevant authorities in the Kingdom continued to rigorously implement the regulations and instructions governing Hajj, utilising modern technologies and advanced monitoring procedures to reduce violations related to irregular Hajj. These efforts contributed to enhancing the safety of pilgrims, improving crowd-management efficiency and maintaining the smooth flow of movement within the holy sites.

Q: How would you describe Saudi-Sri Lankan cooperation in organising Hajj?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: Cooperation between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Republic of Sri Lanka is characterised by continuous and constructive coordination in all matters related to Hajj. The relevant authorities in both countries work jointly to ensure the provision of the best services for Sri Lankan pilgrims and enable them to perform their rituals with ease and peace of mind.

Q: How many Hajj pilgrims were there globally, and what were the main challenges?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: According to official statistics, the number of Hajj pilgrims this year reached 1,707,301 from various countries around the world. The main challenges included managing large crowds, ensuring public safety and providing health, transportation and accommodation services within a specific geographical and temporal scope. These challenges were addressed through advanced and integrated operational plans, which contributed to the smooth and successful completion of the Hajj season.

Q: Are there any future expansion projects?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The Kingdom continues to implement strategic development projects within the framework of Vision 2030, including developing the infrastructure in Makkah and the Holy Sites, and enhancing transportation networks and smart services. This contributes to raising the quality of services provided to pilgrims and Umrah performers and improving their long-term experience.

Q: How are Saudi-Sri Lankan relations strengthened outside the context of Hajj?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: Relations between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Republic of Sri Lanka are witnessing continuous development in many areas, including political, economic, trade, cultural and educational cooperation, in addition to developing exchanges between institutions and the private sector. This reflects the two countries’ keenness to strengthen the bilateral partnership and achieve common interests.

Q: What message would you like to convey to Sri Lankan Muslims?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: We extend our sincere congratulations to the Hajj pilgrims who have completed their Hajj rituals, and we ask Almighty Allah to accept their pilgrimage. We also assure Muslims in Sri Lanka that the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia places serving the Two Holy Mosques and the guests of Almighty Allah at the forefront of its priorities and continues to develop the Hajj and Umrah system to achieve the highest standards of quality and safety.

By Ifham Nizam