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At 80, CPSL launches economic alternative, but United Front is unclear

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The writer and his wife at the CP anniversary meeting

Dr. Dayan Jayatilleka

The Communist Party of Sri Lanka can be proud of itself. A relatively small party, it’s 80th anniversary event was a big splash or as we might observe retrospectively, a big bang. It produced a lively, well-attended event, with significant foreign Communist representation. The CPSL showed itself to be unlike its older sibling on the left, the LSSP.

Samasamajism remains politically alive only in the elderly personality of Vasudeva Nanayakkara, who leads the Democratic Left Front. It has been unable to reproduce itself, but the Communist Party with its new, middle-aged leadership of Dr. Weerasinghe a medical specialist, shows that the CP has made the generational shift. For an old, modestly-sized party, the CPSL’s Maharagama event demonstrated dynamism, enthusiasm, and in a word, life.

DR. WICKS: FOUNDING FATHER

Clearly and rightfully the party had given Dr SA Wickramasinghe, rather than the more determinedly revisionist Pieter Keuneman, the pride of place. ‘Doctor’ is accurately named the founding father– and therefore the more ‘organic’ ‘Southern’ Communist tradition is the wellspring of inspiration. In long retrospect, the figure of Dr SA Wickramasinghe emerges as the greatest of the founding fathers of the Lankan Left.

The secret of the CPSL’s spiritedness was disclosed by Dew Gunasekara’s opening remark that theirs was “not just a political party but a political Movement”. That Movement, as demonstrated by the grainy, black and white footage in the documentary clips that were superbly used at the 80th anniversary, was an international movement the history of which included the Red Army’s defeat of Nazi fascism and the Vietnamese communists expulsion of the mighty US military.

Delegates from the Communist Party of China, India’s two main Communist parties the CPI-M and CPI, the Communist Party of Nepal-UML and the Communist Party of Bangladesh attended the 80th anniversary event of the CPSL, testimony to the actuality of that international movement.

The excellent speech by the CPI-M delegate mentioned comrade N. Sanmugathasan, commended the Aragalaya (which was hopefully not lost on Wimal Weerawansa seated in the audience) and urged the devolution of power as solution to the Tamil National Question.

It is the pride in that history which forms a part of world history and remains concretized in the mighty achievements of China and Vietnam, that has given the CPSL its elan vital and kept it alive while the LSSP has withered even beyond mummification.

IDIRIMAGA-2

The CPSL had a text it was rightly proud of, that had stood the test of time. That text was “Idirimaga” — The Way Forward—whose prime author and articulator was Dr SA Wickramasinghe. As DEW disclosed in his speech, its co-author was GVS de Silva, economist and Communist (before he joined Philip Gunawardena after 1956) with a razor-sharp mind. ‘GVS’ was the most brilliant Marxist mind of his generation.

The ideas in ‘Idirimaga’ influenced both the UNP’s accelerated Mahaweli project and Rohana Wijeweera’s five lectures.

Nowhere in its history did Samasamajism (with its ‘golden brains’) produce anything as memorable and durable as ‘Idirimaga’. Among other things, it was, as Dew said, the first Sri Lankan text to set out a strategy of sustainable development.

On its 80th birthday, the CPSL returned to ‘Idirimaga’ and produced its sequel: “Idirimagen Idiriyata” (‘Forward from The Way Forward’), a 250-page alternative economic platform and program for the Sri Lankan crisis, produced by a team of 25, which contains 11 PhD-holders, five of whom are full professors. The team’s intellectual hard-drive is the Asia Progress Forum, a non-party think-tank of political economists. Their product makes much more sense than the ex-left ‘New Conservatism’ in economics that buys into the ‘There Is No Alternative’ but Ranil’ propaganda. It also makes more sense than Dr Harsha de Silva’s Economic Blueprint.

At the 80th anniversary event, the alternative economic platform – let’s hope posterity can call it ‘Idirimaga 2’—was accompanied by a political formula. The party’s Gen-Sec Dr Weerasinghe and its fiery parliamentary orator Weerasumana Weerasingha stressed the need for a broad united front. They were taking their cue from party chairman Dew Gunasekara who made the link between (1) the broad national united front (of a four-class bloc) slogan presented by Dr SA Wickramasinghe at the CP’s fourth Congress in Matara in 1950, and (2) the economic program for national regeneration contained in the ‘Idirimaga’ (The Way Forward) in 1955.

UNCLEAR UNITED FRONT

However, that’s where the real problems come in. Where is the united front, what are its constituent components, what is its main objective?

If the main objective is to build an anti-neoliberal bloc around a viable economic alternative program, a credible progressive answer to the crisis, then there has to be a roundtable which brings together three progressive-reformist alternatives already on the table, namely those of the CPSL, the Freedom People’s Congress (FPC) and the NPP-JVP. When will that discussion commence and who will convene it?

If on the other hand, the main idea is a united democratic front, then there should be a conclave of the broadest sort, involving all Opposition parties or more correctly all parties who are willing to fight for the holding of elections next year, starting with the local government elections and provincial council elections right now.

If the united front is to be of the Left, or have Left unity as its core, then it is a pointless exercise without the JVP-NPP and the FSP.

If it is to be an anti-Ranil united front, then all Opposition parties in and out of parliament should be invited. The same goes if the goal is to be an anti-autocracy, anti-austerity bloc.

Those who advocate a united front, which is indeed the need of the hour, must be realists above all. Even if all the shards of the 2019-2020 SLPP-led coalition form a united front, it will be similar to the United Left Front (ULF) of 1977 which also drew in PDP, led by the SLFP progressive dissidents TB Subasinghe, Nanda Ellawela, Tennyson Edirisuriya, and AM Jinadasa.

The United Left Front was wiped out at the 1977 general election because the voters were unconvinced that they had paid adequately for the sin of not leaving the United Front coalition government of Sirimavo Bandaranaike when there was great economic privation from 1973. The same thing could happen to any combination of the 2019-2020 coalition.

If the CPSL’s new ‘Idirimaga’ is to have any chance of implementation it must influence mainstream policy, which means it must be inserted into a coalition that has a chance of governing. Plainly put, any united front worth the effort must be capable of being elected, ideally to office and if not, at least to the Opposition as a fraction that can have an impact.

Any serious attempt at building a united front must firmly grasp two principles enunciated by the greatest political theorist of the Marxist tradition, the Italian Communist leader Antonio Gramsci:

“The proletariat can become the leading and dominant class to the extent that it succeeds in creating a system of alliances which allows it to mobilize the majority of the population…” (Gramsci, Some Aspects of the Southern Question’, SPW II)

“It is necessary to draw attention violently to the present as it is, if one wants to transform it”. (Gramsci, Prison Notebooks)

What is the answer that confronts us when one puts these two propositions together and applies it to Sri Lanka today? What in the current situation is the system of alliances that can bring together a majority of the population? Above all, the matter has to be considered concretely.

There are only two ‘centers’ which in alliance with each other or with the center-left, can unite the majority. They are, in no particular order, the centrist-populist SJB or the left-populist JVP-NPP.

One can rule out any united front which contains these two rivals, though it is problematic how anyone can secure an election next year from the autocrat Wickremesinghe without a broad bloc, perhaps an action bloc rather than a political-programmatic one, that contains both the SJB and the JVP.

Let us set that consideration aside for the rest of this year. This leaves the obvious conclusion that the parties of the left and center-left cannot merely unite with each other because their post-election presence in parliament is likely to be marginal. They have to enter a united front either with the SJB or the JVP-NPP.

I have no intention of tilting the outcome of the discussion in one way or another, except to warn that the ultra-nationalists in Uttara Lanka will desperately play the chauvinist-xenophobic card for electoral purposes and discredit the Left.

However, I do wish to point out that there are precedents in the history of the CPSL for an alliance with either the centrist SJB or the left-populist NPP-JVP:

The Ceylon Communist Party entered the Ceylon National Congress and played an influential role in 1943-1947, especially 1943-44. This model would clearly support a united front with the SJB.

The Ceylon Communist Party was a constituent member of the United Left Front of 1963-64. This model would clearly support a united front with the JVP-NPP and/or the FSP.

In 1947, at the (negatively) historic discussion at Sri Nissanka’s residence ‘Yamuna’, the Left had a chance of uniting with the progressive centrists such as SWRD Bandaranaike, but sectarianism as symbolized by Dr Colvin R de Silva’s remark that such unity would be a “three-headed donkey” wrecked that chance. Fifteen years later the LSSP would also break the United Left Front (and swing on “Sirima’s saree pota” as more radical leftists denounced it).

Those parties gathered at the 80th anniversary of the CPSL constituted the progressive or center-left camp. The progressives must partner either the Center (SJB) or the Left (JVP). There is no viable third option. After decades, the Old Left has the intellectual capital to invest in any partnership: the CPSL-Asia Progress Forum’s alternative economic program, ‘Idirimagen Idiriyata’.



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Is power devolution under JVP-NPP a political daydream?

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Former President Chandrika Kumaratunga

The JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva’s recent remarks at a news conference in Jaffna where he ruled out the possibility of holding provincial council elections this year has been widely reported and widely criticized. About the same time there was another media event in Jaffna that went largely unnoticed and unreported outside Jaffna. What was said at the second media event may carry far more political implications than Tilvin Silva’s election timing talk. A veteran Tamil political participant made the startling yet not implausible statement that the prospect of having political devolution under the JVP-NPP government is becoming “a daydream”. The statement was made by Dr. K. Vigneswaran, who served as Provincial Secretary to the only North-East Provincial Council Government that was elected under the auspices of the Thirteenth Amendment.

Dr. Vigneswaran is a Professional Civil Engineer who studied at Royal College, graduated with First Class Honours in Engineering in 1964, and went on to complete a pioneering PhD at the university of Waterloo, Canada, applying the finite element method (FEM) in the field of Geotechnical Engineering. His engineering career has always been at the Irrigation Department where he rose to a Deputy Director. That was when the department was in its golden years, and Vigneswaran was known for his technical mentorship, meticulous administrative skills, and for knowing the fine print of everything. While at the Irrigation Department, Vigneswaran married Ramya de Silva, a fellow irrigation Engineer. After 1983, Vigneswaran became a fulltime political activist and a powerful resource in Tamil politics, but with unwavering commitment to nonviolence, democracy and federalism. The family moved first to India and then Canada, and Vigneswaran has been shuttling between Canada and Sri Lanka.

Devolution: Tortuous Trajectory

Since 1987, the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement, and the 13th Amendment, Vigneswaran has been a permanent fixture in all the politics and institutional dynamic of implementing 13A and establishing provincial councils. He served as Secretary to the only elected Provincial Government for the Northern and Eastern Provinces. After 1994 and the election of Chandrika Kumaratunga as President, Vigneswaran became a key participant in all the civil society efforts and government initiatives to restore the PCs and implement 13A, both during the Kumaratunga presidency and the succeeding administrations of Mahinda Rajapaksa and the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe duo.

Devolution efforts stalled after the election of Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who in so many words declared that he had no time for 13A or PCs in his presidential agenda, whatever it was. Only that his whole agenda turned out to be a wholesale disaster for the country. Already by then, all the nine Provincial Councils had fallen into abeyance with the cancellation of the 1988 PC elections by the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe duo, with the TNA standing by. The abeyance continues under the JVP-NPP government with no apparent end in sight after Tilvin de Silva’s statement in Jaffna.

I say all this to provide the proper context for Vigneswaran’s statement in Jaffna that the prospects for power devolution under the JVP-NPP government are becoming a political daydream. He said something else as well: that of all the government leaders he has encountered over the years, the only leader who has been genuinely sincere about power devolution is former President Chandrika Kumaratunga, and no one else. I am constrained to add that the insincere category would include Ranil Wickremesinghe, who for all his handsome promises, never matched any of them with experiential sincerity. The present JVP-NPP government still has time to show that they are not an insincere lot.

It is not my purpose to agree with or question Dr. Vigneswaran’s assertions, but to use them as cue and context to comment on the widening mismatch between the JVP-NPP government’s promises and its practices on the matter of power devolution and the restoration of the PC system. With a stalling economy, rising prices and external shocks, it is obvious that the government has all the economic matters to worry about, but that does not mean that it can ignore all the other government responsibilities. No government is put in power to solve a single problem or address a single issue. It is in the nature of governments to deal with multiple problems with varying priorities. Otherwise you could have a single cabinet minister to deal with one problem at a time. That is never going to be the case.

The economy is of course the top of mind priority for the government even as it is a top of mind concern for the people. Even on the economic front, the government is holding steady but is showing little progress. And there are other government initiatives where political accountability will call for answers: to wit, the catchall Clean Sri Lanka programme, ambitious educational reforms, contentious energy sector reforms and, yes, power devolution as well as the overpromised constitutional reforms. Not to mention the sprawling unforced errors over substandard coal imports, foreign exchange fraud, and the chronic neglect of developing the renewable energy sector. Correcting these fields of errors may require a separate ministry for each.

Devolution: Daydream or Deliverable

On the PC system and constitutional reform, there has been scant progress in spite of handsome promises. On both, the government is inadvertently deepening the holes that it had dug itself into through indifference, inaction or procrastination, or all of them and more. In the matter of devolution and provincial councils, the government can simply defuse the situation by directing the Election Commission to conduct elections at the earliest opportunity that is logistically possible. Making his statement in Jaffna, Mr. Tilvin Silva alluded to funding shortfall and legal complications as reasons for the necessity to postpone PC elections until next year. Neither reason holds water.

The funding question would seem to have been put to rest by the statement of Health Minister and Cabinet Spokesman Nalinda Jayatissa, presumably reflecting cabinet consensus, that there are no funding issues and if needed additional funds could be arranged through supplementary allocations. It is also disingenuous to cite legal complications as a reason. The so called legal complications arose because of the collective stupidity of the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe parliament that included the then miniscule NPP and the politically-lost TNA. The JVP-NPP has now ballooned from a handful MPs to a two-thirds majority and it can expedite any legislation that it wants to enable the PC elections to be held without delays.

Alternatively, the elections can be held under the old arrangement of proportional representation with assurance by political parties to honour their commitment to fielding more female candidates. Already at a gathering of all political parties, including the NPP (but not the JVP), and civil society groups, convened by People’s Action For Free & Fair Elections (PAFFREL), the political parties jointly committed to a 25% quota for women and youth under the old electoral system. The ongoing parliamentary committee exercise studying the legal matter, headed by the overstretched Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath, is also an unnecessary red herring. The Election Commission is ready to go under whatever law or electoral system that is before it. So, there is no reason to hide behind legal complications to further delay the PC elections.

Somewhat amusingly, Public and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Ananda Wijepala has trotted out the argument that the NPP government has already conducted two nationwide elections during the one and a half years it has been in office, and that unlike the Ranil Wickremesinghe government the JVP-NPP is not in the business “to delay elections for our personal benefit” – whatever that means. Unfortunately, the good minister is missing the point. The question is not how many elections can the JVP-NPP hold in how many years, but how many years do people in the provinces have to wait before they vote in another provincial election? How many more years? That really is the question.

We know the current situation in the provinces. There are provincial governments but no elected provincial councils. The government administration in every province is being run by the President of the Republic through his handpicked governors and unelected government officials. This is a travesty of democracy and the euthanizing of the PC system. Already under 13A, the office of the provincial governors has been constitutionally and legally compared to the office of the Governors of old Ceylon who represented the monarch in what was then a crown colony. The irony is that a JVP-NPP President may have inadvertently positioned himself as the monarch of all he provincially surveys, courtesy of the Thirteenth Amendment!

The JVP was in the forefront of the litigation that caused the demerger of the Northern and Eastern Provinces. If Dr. Vigneswaran’s assertion were to prove correct, a potential dissolution of the provincial system under the JVP-NPP government would be the consummation of the JVP’s original opposition to the introduction of the provincial council system itself. The whole system may not be eradicated, but it could be devoured of its democratic essence while preserving the administrative shell as the medium for the country’s president to overreach into the provinces. That would be worse than a daydream, a real nightmare.

by Rajan Philips ✍️

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‘Spectrum’ Art Exhibition Showcases Emerging Talent at Lionel Wendt

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A new art exhibition, titled Spectrum ,will be held at the Lionel Wendt Art Centre on the 20th and 21st of June 2026, bringing together a collection of works by ten emerging artists.

Athsara Wijegunawardena

Neha Thirumavalavan

Dillai Joseph

Wasantha Siriwardena

Champika Dias

Nipun Dias

Dr. Prasanna Siriwardena

Kalhari Perera

Siromi Samarasinghe

Chandana Illankone

All ten artists have trained under the guidance of renowned Sri Lankan artist Royden Gibbs, and this exhibition marks an important point in their individual journeys.

Dr. Prasanna Siriwardena

Spectrum brings together a mix of styles, subjects and approaches, giving visitors a chance to experience a wide range of work in one place. The exhibition will include pieces in watercolors, soft pastels, oils and charcoal, reflecting both the discipline and personal direction of each artist. The work ranges from scenery and portraits to still life and studies of the human form, offering different ways of seeing and interpreting familiar subjects.

Dillai Joseph

Although they share the same mentor, each artist presents a distinct point of view. The result is a show that feels varied yet connected, with each piece carrying its own character and intent. It is this balance that gives Spectrum its identity.

The exhibition aims to support and highlight emerging talent within Sri Lanka’s art scene, while also creating a space where artists and audiences can connect. Visitors will find work that shifts between quiet observation and more expressive pieces, making it an engaging experience for both seasoned collectors and those simply interested in art.

Spectrum is expected to draw art lovers, collectors, students and members of the wider creative community. It also offers an opportunity to discover and support new artists at an early stage in their careers.

Open to the public over two days, Spectrum invites visitors to experience a range of work in a venue that has long been part of Colombo’s cultural landscape.

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Rewiring Brain: Meditation to Break the Cycle of Craving

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“Craving begets sorrow, craving begets fear. For him who is free from craving there is no sorrow; how can there be fear for him,” Dhammapada verse 216 states. The mental factor craving, Tanha in Pali, is central to Buddhist Teaching, as its ultimate goal is the cessation or extinction of it—tanhakkhaya. Even though Tanha is translated as craving here, it can sometimes mislead modern readers into thinking tanha only refers to extreme or physical addictions. Just as with any Pali term, it has broad meanings. Venerable Walpola Rahula describes it as “thirst” or unceasing wanting, one of the deep-rooted proclivities or latent tendencies (anusaya) of life (Rahula 1959), without which life as we know would not exist.

Even though the Buddha recognized this natural phenomenon two and a half millennia ago, it was only in the late 20th century that science took note of it and gave it a captivating term—the Hedonic Treadmill. The advantage of this empirical investigation to us Buddhists is that it provides a way to gain penetrative, experiential comprehension (anubodha) of this concept using the vernacular of this technology-savvy age—an alternative to struggling with the language of a bygone era.

These investigations have revealed that there are no hard-to-comprehend metaphysical or mysterious elements involved with this phenomenon; it is a biochemical process fundamental to sustaining life. What is more, an effort to grasp this concept would be well within the goals of Vipassana meditation described in the Sutta Pitaka, incorporating the four elements of investigation: body (kayanupassana), sensations (vedananupassana), mind (chittanupassana), and natural laws (dhammanupassana).

Vipassana and modern science

Vipassana meditation is an in-depth exploration of how humans perceive the world, gain knowledge, and interact with themselves and the environment. Knowing this with wisdom allows one to lead a harmonious way of life (samadhi), a condition conducive to curbing the “thirst” and achieving the Buddhist ideal. The goal of modern science is also to investigate life, but humanity has often used that knowledge to increase material wealth and comfort, providing only lip service to spirituality on the fringe.

An attitude that tends to ignore the consequences of wanting more and more – thirst, potentially endangering the planet. However, that does not prevent us from using scientific information as and aid or a tool to grasp Buddhist concepts. The scientific method bears parallels to the Buddhist approach: it is based on causality (paticcasamuppada), empirical verification (ehipassiko), systematic observation (meditation), and rejecting dogma and beliefs. The primary difference is simply the vocabulary used.

The process of perception: five aggregates

Our five external sense organs receive data (vedana) containing information on the environment: Eyes: receive light, Ears: receive sound, Skin: senses physical contact and temperature, Nose & Tongue: sense chemical properties of substances. The data received by the sense organs is transmitted to the brain, where it is registered as neural networks (sanna). Neural networks, which are interconnected groups of nerve cells (neurons) can be viewed as mind-readable QR codes.

The activity of the brain, or mind (mano), processes this data and converts them into actionable information (sankhara). Modern neuroscience and psychology have made great advances in understanding these processes at the molecular level. This process allows the individual to become aware of their environment, build an autobiographical memory or the notion of a self (atta), and take actions to protect and perpetuate life.

The Pali term vinnana refers to the collection of information committed to memory. Translating vinnana as “consciousness” can be confusing, as the latter often refers to all brain activities. All physical phenomena that sense organs encounter and the mental constructs (sankhara) are referred to as Rupa. This activity of mind forms the basis of all knowledge, representing the entire world as perceived by the individual. This process is what the Teaching refers to as the Five Aggregates (pancakkhanda). The critical takeaway is that the world we perceive is merely a mental construct. While an objective world exists, our sense organs have limitations in seeing it—a fact easily realized through the hundreds of illusions used for entertainment.

Evolution and emotion

The evolutionary purpose of this data processing mechanism is to enable living beings to respond to environmental factors for survival. The psychological and physiological state that arises prior to acting is called emotion. Primarily, emotions can be of three kinds: desire (loba) – seeing a new phone causes an urge to buy it, even though the current one works fine; aversion (dosha) – encountering a vicious dog triggers a “fight or flight” response; delusion (moha) or illusion – an unanswered message to a loved one triggers worry or speculation. Thus, tanha or thirst represents how we connect to the world in its entirety; it can be desire, aversion, and delusion, not merely simple greed. Consequently, these are natural phenomena beyond our immediate control, which are intended to sustain life. In other words, emotions are the forerunner to volitions or intentions, which the Teaching defines as kamma.

The biochemistry of craving

Emotions result from the interaction between the nervous system and biochemicals known as neurotransmitters and neuromodulators (e.g., dopamine, serotonin, epinephrine, GABA, glutamate, acetylcholine, and endorphins). Just as the Buddha’s simile of two bundles of bamboo supporting each other describes, these two processes are interdependent and co-arising. Every thought or emotional state corresponds to patterns of neural firing. When neurons fire, they release these chemicals into synapses, influencing how one feels and acts. This release perturbs the body’s normal balance, or homeostasis. Once an action is complete, these chemicals are reabsorbed, and the body returns to its baseline.

Return to baseline is essential for survival. For example, if we stay satisfied with just one meal forever, we could not sustain life. Nature has developed another mechanism to prevent us from being satisfied – we also habituate. In the case of dopamine, the brain adapts by reducing the response to the same stimulus. To get the same level of satisfaction with repeated experiences, the amounts of neurotransmitters needed keeps increasing. This leads to the cycle of craving and dissatisfaction—the Hedonic Treadmill. You “run” toward happiness on the treadmill, but it does not take you anywhere, leaving you in the same emotionally unsatisfactory state, wanting more and more.

Breaking the cycle

This explains why achievements and possessions do not bring permanent happiness, and lead to a cycle of struggle, addiction, crime, and other ills of society. For Buddhists, it also explains why we cling to meaningless rituals. The Dhamma captured this complex phenomenon in the Four Noble Truths: pleasant experiences are impermanent (anicca), leading to grasping (tanha) and unsatisfactoriness (dukkha). The remedy is the Eightfold Path that involves wisdom (panna), conduct (sila), and harmony (samadhi).

Neuroplasticity and the point of liberation

While we cannot stop the sense organs from receiving stimulation (vedana) and sending them to brain, the mind can be developed to prevent vedana from leading to tanha. This is the “point of liberation,” the seventh link in the paticcasamuppada formula. We may not have free will, but we have ‘Free Won’t’ or the ability to say no to the natural tendency to act upon stimuli. We can rewire our neural connections to do so. This ability can be cultivated by practice and repetition, and neuroscience refers to it as neuroplasticity—the brain’s ability to change with experience.

The natural tendency of the brain is to strengthen frequently used neural networks while weakening and eliminating lesser used networks and building new ones as needed. This is known as neural plasticity or rewiring the brain. As described in the Eight-fold Path, the way to weaken and eliminate dopamine-driven neural networks includes three aspects. First, the process leading to thirst must be understood. One must engage in sila – activities and thoughts that cultivate Metta: loving-kindness and goodwill, Karuna: compassion, Mudita: appreciative joy, and Upekkha: equanimity, emotional stability, calmness, and evenness of mind in the face of gain and loss, praise and blame, fame and disrepute, pleasure, and pain. That must be done with wisdom, ritualistic behavior does not strengthen the correct neural networks. These activities promote a “cocktail” of oxytocin, serotonin, and GABA, subduing the role of dopamine and helping us step off the Hedonic Treadmill. This leads to a tranquil state of mind and a harmonious existence – samadhi. Again, it is an interdependent, co-arising process that improves upon repetition. Using mind altering substances hijacks this process, thus the need for adhering to the Fifth Precept.

The goal of Vipassana is to understand this process and train the mind to say “no” to tanha. It is not just about sitting on a mat; it requires developing a lifestyle that maintains homeostasis or harmony, samadhi, at every moment. Pali term bhavana means the development of wisdom and insight. In modern vernacular – rewiring brain. This model must be assessed for its efficacy by the individual and realize the benefits by themselves –ehipassiko; knowledge without practice does not work. According to what the Buddha taught, that is the path to cessation or extinction of craving – tanhakkhaya, the supreme goal.

by Geewananda Gunawardana, Ph.D. ✍️

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