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Speaker bars Parliamentary probe into Judicial Service Commission

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Speaker Dr Jagath Wickramaratne yesterday (09) delivered a ruling under Standing Order 27(3), declaring out of order a motion submitted by 31 Members of Parliament to appoint a Select Committee to examine the powers of the Judicial Service Commission (JSC).

The Speaker emphasised that the JSC’s functions constitute the exercise of the People’s judicial power and were protected by constitutional guarantees of judicial independence.

He noted that Parliament had no authority to supervise or review the JSC’s operations, citing the doctrine of separation of powers enshrined in Articles 3 and 4 of the Constitution.

The ruling has stressed that while Parliament holds fiduciary responsibility over public funds, this does not confer hierarchical supremacy over the judiciary.

Wickramaratne concluded that subjecting the JSC to parliamentary oversight would undermine judicial independence and, therefore, cannot be permitted.

“The appointment of a Select Committee of Parliament to examine matters pertaining to the Judicial Service Commission would be a derogation of the independence of the judiciary and thereby a derogation of the judicial power of the People. I extend my sincere appreciation to all Members of this House for their patient and attentive hearing of this lengthy ruling, which, I believe, will stand as a landmark in the parliamentary history of Sri Lanka, strengthening our parliamentary tradition and the dignity of this august Assembly,” he said.

Full statement: Hon. Members, by the mandate vested on me under Standing Order 27(3) of the Standing Order of Parliament, in determining whether a notice in respect of any motion by a Member of Parliament be included in the Order Book for answer, I hereby make a statement concerning a motion submitted by 31 Members of Parliament including Hon. Sajith Premadasa., Hon. R. M. Ranjith Madduma Bandara, Hon. Dayasiri Jayasekara, Hon. Gayantha Karunathilleka, Hon. Ajith P Perera, Hon. D.V. Chanaka, Hon. Dilith Jayaweera, Hon. Rishard Bathiudeen,  Hon. Shanakya Rasamanikkam. and Hon. Chamara Sampath Dasanayake. On 21st of November 2025 (hereinafter ‘the Motion’).

The Motion thus submitted calls for an appointment of a Select Committee of Parliament to examine the powers exercised by the Judicial Service Commission in relation to the appointment, promotion, transfer, dismissal and disciplinary control of judicial officers.

Given the serious legal and doctrinal issues raised by the Motion and the potential implications therein, I wish to make a statement detailing reasons for my determination under Standing Order 27(3).

At the outset, it needs to be noted that a similar ruling was issued for the first time in Parliamentary history on 20th of June 2001 by the then Speaker of Parliament Hon. Anura Bandaranaike. The Ruling in 2001 concerned an order issued by the Supreme Court restraining the Speaker from appointing a Select Committee of Parliament regarding a motion for the impeachment of the then Chief Justice.  While the factual circumstances evaluated in the 2001 Ruling are not comparable to the facts of the instant occasion, I believe the motion submitted by some of the Honourable Members of Parliament on 21st of November 2025 presents an equally momentous opportunity to reassert the commitment of this House to the doctrine of separation of powers.

While the 2001 ruling concerned the Speaker’s role in facilitating the appointment of a Parliamentary Select Committee, and raised the issue of whether the judiciary could control such an exercise, the present Motion raises the opposite question: should the Speaker, and by extension Parliament, be permitted to control the judiciary’s powers by creating an oversight mechanism for the Judicial Service Commission (JSC).

Before embarking on answering this question, I wish to outline the contents of the Motion submitted on 21st of November 2025.

The Motion calls for the appointment of a Select Committee of Parliament to inquire into the powers of appointment, promotion, transfer, dismissal and disciplinary control of judicial officers, exercised by the Judicial Service Commission and to compile a report assessing the following issues:

1.   The exercise of powers by the JSC in relation to all appointments, promotions, transfers, dismissals and disciplinary control of judicial officers during the period beginning from 1st of January 2025 to present;

2.   Whether such appointments, promotions, transfers, dismissal and disciplinary control have been conducted according to the Constitution, principles of natural justice and other such relevant laws or guidelines of the JSC;

3.   Whether reasons have been recorded and intimated to the judicial officers concerned within the means of law and without bias;

4.   Whether, prior to a decision on the transfer, dismissal, or disciplinary control of judicial officers, discussions with such judicial officers were facilitated;

5.   Whether, in making decisions on appointments, promotions, transfers, dismissals, and disciplinary control of judicial officers, the Judicial Service Commission took into account extraneous considerations.

6.   If so, the impact of such considerations on judicial independence, the administration of justice, and public confidence in the judiciary.

7.   Recommendations for Constitutional and statutory amendments, administrative guidelines, appeal mechanisms to counter irregular appointments, promotion, transfers, dismissal and disciplinary control through the JSC.

A cursory glance over the said objectives of the Motion reveals that the proposed Selected Committee of Parliament is exercising what essentially is an oversight function of the JSC and its operations. By scrutinizing the JSC’s decisions on appointments, promotions, transfers, dismissals, and disciplinary control, the proposed Committee would be intruding into the operational sphere of the judiciary, which is the very essence of an oversight function.

A role of oversight structurally presupposes a hierarchical relationship – a regulator possessing the power to review, direct, or correct the actions of another. This gives rise to two integral questions – what is the nature and character of the mechanism (in this case the JSC) sought to be regulated and is such regulation in compliance with the law and spirit of the Constitution of the Republic?

In answering the first question, first I would like to refer to the introduction of the JSC by the Seventeenth Amendment to the Constitution and the Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution and its character.

CHAPTER XV(15) A of the Constitution titled the JUDICIAL SERVICE COMMISSION was first introduced by the Seventeenth Amendment to the Constitution. The same Chapter was later substituted by the Nineteenth and Twenty First Amendments to the Constitution. As it stands today, Article 111D of the Constitution provides for the establishment of the JSC consisting of the Chief Justice (the Chairman of JSC) and the two most senior Judges of the Supreme Court appointed by the President, subject to the approval of the Constitutional Council. Article 111H sets out the powers of the JSC to include the power to appoint, promote, transfer, exercise disciplinary control and dismiss judicial officers. Article 111K further sets out the JSC’s immunity from legal proceedings and Article 111L explicitly makes interference with the decisions of the JSC an offence.

From both its composition and its conferred functions, it is my opinion that the operations of the JSC are attributable to and exercise of judicial power of the People as envisioned under Article 4(c) read with Article 3 of the Constitution.

The JSC forms an integral part of the judicial branch of government and not an administrative body subordinate to either the Executive or the Legislature. Entrusted with authority over appointments, promotion, transfer, disciplinary control, and dismissal of all judicial officers of the Republic, the JSC functions as an institutional extension of the judiciary itself. The JSC’s powers, exercised through the highest judicial leadership i.e. through the Chief Justice, affirm that the Commission’s role is properly attributable to the judicial arm of government.

By careful consideration of Articles 111D, 111H, 111K, 111L of the Constitution, it is clear that the establishment and functioning of the JSC constitutes a part of the judicial arm of the government and an exercise of the judicial power of the People.

Additionally, under CHAPTER VII -A tiled The Constitutional Council, Article 41C sets out that no person shall be appointed to the JSC by the President without the approval of the Constitutional Council recommendation. The Chapter further refers to other Commissions whose appointments are made upon the recommendations of the Constitutional Council. Article 41B explicitly refers to a list of such Commissions which are answerable to Parliament. However, the JSC has not been mentioned therein. This omission underscores that the JSC, as an extension of the People’s judicial power, stands independent of the executive and the legislature.

Therefore, in answering the first question—what the Motion seeks to regulate—is an exercise of judicial power of the People.

Next, the issue for determination is whether Parliament, through a Select Committee, can exercise oversight over the JSC and its operations, namely the exercise of the judicial power of the People. The guiding principle in answering this question is the doctrine of separation of powers.

The doctrine of separation of powers states that the state’s principal organs (the executive, legislature, and judiciary) are to be constituted as separate and autonomous entities.  One of the earliest and clearest statements of the separation of powers was given by Montesquieu in 1748 (The Spirit of Laws) : When the legislative and executive powers are united in the same person, or in the same body of magistrates, there can be no liberty… there is no liberty if the powers of judging is not separated from the legislative and executive… there would be an end to everything, if the same man or the same body… were to exercise those three powers.

The doctrine of separation of powers is enshrined in the Constitution of Sri Lanka vis-à-vis Article 3 and Article 4. Article 3 of the Constitution provides “In the Republic of Sri Lanka sovereignty is in the People and is inalienable. Sovereignty includes the powers of government, fundamental rights and the franchise.” The manner in exercising such power is expressed in Article 4:

“The Sovereignty of the People shall be exercised and enjoyed in the following manner: –

1.   the legislative power of the People shall be exercised by Parliament, consisting of elected representatives of the People and by the People at a Referendum;

2.   the executive power of the People, including the defence of Sri Lanka, shall be exercised by the President of the Republic elected by the People;

3.   the judicial power of the People shall be exercised by Parliament through courts, tribunals and institutions created and established, or recognized, by the Constitution, or created and established by law, except in regard to matters relating to the privileges, immunities and powers of Parliament and of its Members, wherein the judicial power of the People may be exercised directly by Parliament according to law;

4.   the fundamental rights which are by the Constitution declared and recognized shall be respected, secured and advanced by all the organs of government and shall not be abridged, restricted or denied, save in the manner and to the extent hereinafter provided; and

5.   the franchise shall be exercisable at the election of the President of the Republic and of the Members of Parliament and at every Referendum by every citizen who has attained the age of eighteen years and who, being qualified to be an elector as hereinafter provided, has his name entered in the register of electors.

To that end, the Supreme Court in Jathika Sevaka Sangamaya v Sri Lanka Hadabima Authority (2015) 1 SLR 258 spoke of the doctrine of separation of powers as follows:

“There are three distinct functions involved in a Government of a State -legislative executive and judicial functions. Those three organs are constitutionally of equal status and also independent from one another. One organ should not control or interfere with the powers and functions of another branch of Government and should not be in a position to dominate the others.

The Doctrine of separation of powers is enshrined in Article 4 read with Article 3 of the Constitution – Article 3 is linked with article 4.”

In the same Judgment, the Supreme Court refers to Article 116 of the Constitution as a recognition of the “independence of the judiciary, certain safeguards which enable judicial officers to perform their powers and functions without any interference”. Speaking on Article 111C, the Judgment goes onto quote “Article 111 C of the Constitution is a manifest intention to ensure the judiciary is free from interferences whatsoever.”

At this juncture, it is pertinent to pause and reflect on the framing of Article 4(c) of the Constitution which provides “the judicial power of the People shall be exercised by Parliament through courts…” In fact, the Motion refers to the responsibility of Parliament to allocate funds from the Consolidated Fund to facilitate the operations of the JSC and the ensuing requirement of ensuring the transparent and accountable expenditure of such an allocation.

However, it is my opinion that Parliament’s custody of the public purse, entrusted by the People in trust, confers fiduciary responsibility but not hierarchical supremacy, and cannot justify an automatic encroachment on the constitutional separation of powers and form a derogation of the independence of the judiciary. In fact, the Constitution provides only one permissible avenue for review of JSC decisions – resorting to the Fundamental Rights Jurisdiction under Article 126 of the Constitution read with Article 17 of the Constitution.

Dr Jagath Wickramaratne

Moreover, in the House of Commons, it is a well-established constitutional convention that judicial independence prohibits any form of political accountability being imposed on judges. Consistent with the constitutional principles set out in Erskine May: Parliamentary Practice, and grounded in the doctrines of judicial independence and the separation of powers, the legal position is unequivocal: the establishment of such a committee would be unconstitutional and contrary to long-standing parliamentary practice. Erskine May, further states that judicial independence is a fundamental constitutional convention, and parliamentary actions must not “impair judicial independence.”

Placing the judiciary before a Select Committee — a political body — would subject judges or judicial administrators to political scrutiny, thereby undermining the essential independence required of the judicial branch

Erskine May states that the courts and Parliament are “separate and independent” organs of government. Neither House may exercise judicial power, nor may they review, supervise, or control judicial acts. The administration of the judiciary — including appointments, discipline, case assignment, and internal governance — is an inherent part of judicial independence.

Therefore, it abundantly shows that the parliamentary scrutiny into administrative decisions of the judiciary would breach the constitutional separation of powers.

This proposition is further supported by authoritative English decisions; notably, M v Home Office [1994] 1 AC 377 and Duport Steels Ltd v Sirs [1980] 1 WLR 142, which unequivocally reaffirm the doctrine of separation of powers and the constitutional imperative of preserving judicial independence.

Even in the Sri Lankan Constitution, unlike in the United Kingdom, the principle of the separation of powers is expressly and unequivocally recognised as a foundational constitutional doctrine. The Apex Courts of Sri Lanka have repeatedly affirmed this position. In Premachandra v Major Montague Jayawickrama (1994) 2 SLR 90, the Supreme Court underscored that the separation of powers embodied in Articles 3 and 4 constitutes a fundamental feature of the Constitution, and that neither the Executive nor the Legislature may usurp or encroach upon judicial power; Chief Justice Sharvananda emphasised that each organ of government must function strictly “within the bounds set by the Constitution,” rendering any form of parliamentary supervision over judicial administration unconstitutional. Similarly, in Visuvalingam v Liyanage (1983) 1 SLR 203, although the issue concerned contempt, the Court reiterated that judicial independence is an indispensable constitutional postulate and that the judiciary cannot be subjected to pressure, influence, or control by the other branches of government. This principle was reaffirmed in many reported cases , where the Supreme Court held that the judiciary must remain entirely free from any form of investigation or interference by the Executive or Legislature, noting that the protection of judicial independence is essential for safeguarding the sovereignty of the People. This is further reinforced by in many reported Supreme Court Cases , where the Court held that the JSC enjoys exclusive constitutional authority over judicial administration.

The following  passages of   recently  concluded  Judicial Officers’ Tax Case (CA Writ 35/2023-36/2023, & 73/2023 C.A minutes 27th November 2023) explain that sovereignty belongs to the people under the Constitution, and its exercise through the Executive, Legislature, and Judiciary must operate within a strict separation of powers—ensuring strong legislative and executive authority while preserving judicial independence—so that each branch uses its powers responsibly, without overreach, for the wellbeing of society.

It is stated that –

“……………………The Constitution is the supreme law of the land and as per Article 3 of the Constitution, sovereignty lies in the people and is inalienable. Sovereignty includes the government; thus, the power of the people is exercised through the three pillars of the government, namely the executive, legislature and the judiciary. Therefore, the judiciary is only one such pillar of the government which exercises the judicial power of the people. …………………….

………………………………The regulation of taxation by laws passed and implemented by the three pillars of government serves the best interest of society. However, the efficacy of fulfilling such a task lies in the principle of separation of powers enshrined within the Constitution. As the learned DSG states in his submission “the legislature has the purse, the executive has its sword, and the judiciary has the public confidence”: though akin to a slogan, it aptly describes the separation of powers within a government system. Accordingly, the three branches of the government are to operate independently from one another, and there shall be no interference of one in the other. There shall only be checks and balances between these three branches. This principle, which is provided by the Constitution, safeguards the independence of the judiciary in a delicate balance.

……………………………………Contemporary society is constantly changing, with new social upheavals and challenges arising every day. To effectively solve these problems and guarantee positive change, those in power must be equipped with the necessary tools and authority to do so. This means that the legislative and executive power of the government must have adequate and far-reaching powers, free from unnecessary obstruction or interference. It is important to remember that these powers are given to them by the people, and with this trust comes the expectation that they will use their powers responsibly with a sense of justice and for the betterment of people……………………….

…………………………… the independence of the judiciary should be preserved without any obstruction, hindrance or interference. The judiciary plays a vital role in ensuring that justice is served fairly and impartially, and any interference with their independence could compromise the integrity of the judicial system. A delicate balance ought to be struck between both these points for the adequate functioning of society.”

While exercising their powers, all three branches of the government may experience a sense of satisfaction, but they must also remember that using their powers excessively or unjustly is not acceptable. The saying, “It is excellent to have a giant’s strength; but it is tyrannous to use it like a giant” ( William Shakespeare, in his play Measure for Measure, Act 2, Scene 2.) serves as a reminder that those in power must be mindful of the impact of their actions on society and use their powers for the greater good, rather than for personal gain or to oppress others………………”.  (@ -94-96 pp)

Building on the jurisprudence outlined above, it is evident that the independence of the judiciary is firmly established and safeguarded under the doctrine of separation of powers. Accordingly, the JSC, whose functions reflect the exercise of the People’s judicial power, enjoys the same protection against encroachment by the legislature or the executive.

Having examined the JSC as an extension of the People’s judicial power and the limits imposed by the doctrine of separation of powers for the protection of such exercise, I now turn to my duty under Standing Order 27(3).

The Motion before me seeks a resolution of Parliament to appoint a Select Committee to oversee the JSC’s functionality and operations. Under Standing Orders 27(3), I, as Speaker, hold the discretion to decide whether such a Motion should be placed on the Order Paper and to rule it either in order or out of order. In exercising this discretion, I must determine whether the objectives of the Motion align with the Constitution of the Republic.

In my opinion, any motion in the exercise of the legislative power that encroaches on the exercise of the People’s judicial power threatening the doctrine of separation, is an affront to the Constitution of the Republic.

As such, for the following reasons, I find the Motion submitted on 21st of November 2025 to appoint a Select Committee of Parliament to examine the powers of the Judicial Service Commission in relation to the appointment, promotion, transfer, dismissal, and disciplinary control of judicial officers out of order:

1.   The functions and purpose of the Judicial Service Commission embody the exercise of the People’s judicial power, and therefore enjoy the constitutional protection of judicial independence; and

2.   The Constitution does not permit Parliament to encroach upon that power by exercising oversight over the Judicial Service Commission’s operations; this prohibition is reinforced by the doctrine of separation of powers enshrined in Article?3, read with Article?4, of the Constitution; and

3.   The custody of the public purse, entrusted to Parliament by the People in trust, confers fiduciary responsibility but not hierarchical supremacy, and cannot justify encroachment upon the constitutional separation of powers; and

4.   The Constitution does not provide the Parliament the authority to inquire into, supervise, or review the functions or decisions of the Judicial Service Commission.

The appointment of a Select Committee of Parliament to examine matters pertaining to the Judicial Service Commission would be a derogation of the independence of the judiciary and thereby a derogation of the judicial power of the People. I extend my sincere appreciation to all Hon Members of this House for their patient and attentive hearing of this lengthy ruling, which I believe will stand as a landmark in the parliamentary history of Sri Lanka, strengthening our parliamentary tradition and the dignity of this august Assembly.



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The Sun is directly overhead Warakapola, Aranayaka, Gampola, Bibile, Inginiyagala, and Akkaraipattu at about 12:12 noon today (08)

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On the apparent northward relative motion of the sun, it is going to be directly over the latitudes of Sri Lanka from the  05th to 15th of April this year.

The nearest areas of Sri Lanka over which the sun is overhead today (08th) are Warakapola, Aranayaka, Gampola, Bibile, Inginiyagala, and Akkaraipattu at about 12:12 noon.

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AKD admits import of substandard coal, blames technicalities and supplier

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President

… announces temporary relief package

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake yesterday acknowledged in Parliament that the import of substandard coal had adversely impacted electricity generation.

“There’s an issue with the coal. That’s true,” the President said, addressing the House.

President Dissanayake maintained that the problem had not arisen from the tender process but from the failure of the supplier to deliver coal that met the required standards. “The issue did not arise from the tender process. It resulted from the supplier’s failure to deliver coal that met the required standards. I would also like to point out that coal is not tested by individuals through simple inspection or personal judgment; it is examined in certified laboratories,” he said.

The President went on to say that coal shipments are tested through certified laboratories before dispatch, and an initial payment of 80 percent was made after receiving laboratory certification confirming that the coal meets stipulated specifications.

The President said the balance 20 percent was released only after a second verification carried out by an Indian laboratory selected for the purpose in 2023. Tests had revealed that three shipments failed to meet the required specifications.

The President added that although some shipments had passed laboratory tests, operational assessments at the power plant indicated that the coal was not performing to the expected standard. As a result, the government had withheld the remaining payments for certain consignments, imposed penalties on some suppliers, and in a few instances suspended even the initial 80 percent payment.

He said the use of substandard coal would increase electricity generation costs as the shortfall would have to be compensated by alternative sources, such as diesel. However, he assured Parliament that the additional costs would be recovered from the coal suppliers and would not be passed on to consumers.

The President also said the government expected to receive the fourth and fifth tranches of financial assistance from the International Monetary Fund by the end of May. He told Parliament that Sri Lanka hoped to reach a staff-level agreement with the IMF by Thursday, which would enable the country to secure about USD 700 million in funding.

Meanwhile, the President announced a temporary increase in cash assistance under the Aswesuma welfare programme to provide relief to low-income households during the April festive season.

He said the government continued to face challenges in accurately identifying eligible beneficiaries but noted that Aswesuma remained the only available framework to determine eligibility. Under the scheme, current benefit categories include payments of Rs. 17,500, Rs. 10,000 and Rs. 5,000.

For April, the Rs. 17,500 allowance will be increased by Rs. 7,500 to Rs. 25,000, while the Rs. 10,000 payment will rise by Rs. 5,000 to Rs. 15,000. Beneficiaries in the transitional category will receive an additional Rs. 2,500. The temporary increases are expected to cost the Treasury about Rs. 8.5 billion and will apply only for the month of April.

Addressing electricity tariffs, the President said the adjustment that came into effect on April 1 had been determined earlier and was not linked to the present crisis. According to him, the increase for households consuming less than 30 units amounts to about Rs. 15 per month, while other tier increases translate to approximately Rs. 1 to Rs. 1.50 per day.

He said the government had considered three options to manage rising electricity costs: requiring the Ceylon Electricity Board to absorb the losses, transferring the burden entirely to the Treasury, or passing the cost on to consumers. Instead, the government opted for a shared approach involving the State, the public and the national power system operator.

Under this arrangement, consumers using less than 90 units of electricity will receive a subsidy during the next tariff revision. The government has allocated Rs. 5 billion per month for the programme, amounting to Rs. 15 billion over three months. The President said losses in the electricity sector during the same period were estimated at about Rs. 32 billion.

Turning to agriculture, the President outlined measures to stabilise fertiliser supply amid rising global prices. He said the Department of Agriculture currently held about 14,000 metric tonnes of urea imported at the previous price, while private companies also possessed stocks.

Following discussions with fertiliser suppliers, companies had agreed to release all remaining stocks purchased at the old price to Agrarian Service Centres. These quantities, together with government stocks, are expected to be sufficient for two paddy cultivation seasons.

However, fertiliser required for the third season would have to be imported at higher prices. The President said recent offers for urea ranged from USD 680 to USD 850 per metric tonne.

To cushion farmers from price increases, the government has decided to sell fertiliser for the third season at a fixed price of Rs. 10,200 per bag despite the estimated market price ranging between Rs. 13,500 and Rs. 14,000. The Treasury will absorb the difference, amounting to roughly Rs. 3,000 per bag, at a total estimated cost of about Rs. 1.7 billion.

The President also announced increases in fertiliser subsidies. Farmers cultivating paddy will receive Rs. 30,000 per hectare, up from Rs. 25,000, while subsidies for subsidiary crops during the Yala season will increase from Rs. 15,000 to Rs. 18,000. Small tea holders will receive a one-time additional payment of Rs. 5,000 per fertiliser bag in addition to the existing Rs. 4,000 subsidy.

He said the expanded fertiliser support programme would cost the government about Rs. 6.5 billion, with an additional Rs. 600 million allocated specifically for fertiliser subsidies.

The President also outlined plans to manage rising energy costs, particularly in the fuel sector. He said the government had considered allowing fuel prices to fully reflect market costs or introducing a subsidy mechanism.

According to current estimates, he said, diesel would exceed Rs. 600 per litre if sold strictly at cost. Instead, the government has decided to maintain the existing tax structure and provide Treasury-funded subsidies.

Under the proposed scheme, diesel will receive a subsidy of up to Rs. 100 per litre, while petrol will receive up to Rs. 20 per litre. Fuel prices will continue to be adjusted based on monthly cost calculations, with the next revision scheduled for May 1.

The subsidy programme is expected to cost around Rs. 20 billion per month and will operate for three months at an estimated total cost of Rs. 60 billion.

In addition, fishermen will receive targeted assistance. Small fishing boats will qualify for an extra Rs. 50 per litre fuel subsidy for up to 625 litres per month, credited directly to bank accounts. This will provide a monthly benefit of Rs. 31,250 per boat.

Multi-day fishing vessels will receive a fuel allowance of Rs. 150,000 per vessel during the three-month subsidy period, the President said.

By Saman Indrajith

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‘Sri Lanka – China relations: Community with a Shared Future’ launched

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Chinese and Sri Lankan officials at the book launch

The Chinese Embassy in Colombo launched the commemorative publication in connection with the 70 years of Sri Lanka Diplomatic Relations with China titled, “Sri Lanka – China Relations: Community with a Shared Future” on 03 April 2026 in the presence of a large distinguished audience.

Cao Jing, Deputy Director General of the Asian Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Officials of the Chinese Foreign Ministry, Diplomatic Corps, Xu Yan of the Chinese People’s Association for Friendship with Foreign Countries, officials of Ministry’s line agencies and state-owned enterprises and several other guests having interests in Sri Lanka participated at the event.

The commemorative publication captures the essence of Sri Lanka’s resilience as a nation by tracing its rich history, civilization and culture. It offers insights into salient features of Sri Lanka that has been recognized for ages as “a land like no other”.

The publication was authored by the distinguished career Ambassador Dr. Ananda Kumarasiri.

In delivering the opening remarks Ambassador Majintha Jayesinghe, expressed his appreciation to the author Dr. Ananda Kumarasiri. Recalling the establishment of Diplomatic Relations in 1957, Sri Lankan Ambassador stated that the impressive tapestry of genuine friendship that exists between our two countries since ancient times have grown exponentially.

Ambassador Majintha Jayesinghe expressed the aspiration that this book will present an insightful account of the rich heritage of Sri Lanka’s relations with China. He hoped that the commemorative publications would encourage future generations to look at the shared history and relations with pride and motivate them to further enhance this unique friendship and goodwill to higher vistas of achievements.

In his address, Ambassador, Dr. Ananda Kumarasiri among other important observations, pointed out that there is much scope for Sri Lanka and China to collaborate in a number of fields. In particular, he highlighted that China’s tremendous technological and industrial progress can be harnessed for Sri Lanka to embark into-the development of alternative sources of energy, backward integration of Sri Lanka’s primary resources that would ensure value added exports and also in recycling wastes from various primary resources.

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