Features
Sir Waitialingam Duraiswamy
Extracted From All Experience: Essays and reflections by Sam Wijesinha, 2001.
The State Council created under the Donoughmore Constitution had its first meeting on July 7th, 1931. It ran its full term and was dissolved on December 7th, 1935.The elections to the Second State Council were concluded on March 7th, 1936. Of the fifty seats for which nominations were received seven returned uncontested members, viz.
Bandaranaike Mr.SWRD for Veyangoda
Corea Mr.GCS for Chilaw
Duraiswamy Mr.Waitialingam for Kayts
Freeman Mr.HR for Anuradhapura
Jayatilaka Sir DB for Kelaniya
Kotalawela Col JL for Kurunagala
Senanayake Mr DS for Minuvangoda
On March 17th at the first meeting of the Council three persons were nominated for the post of Speaker. On the first ballot the result was:
Mr. Waitialingam Duraiswamy 27 votes
Mr. Francis de Zoysa KC. 17 votes
Mr. Charles Batuwantudawa. 14 votes
The third candidate was eliminated, and there was another ballot between the first two which resulted in:
Mr. Waitialingam Duraiswamy 29 votes
Mr. Francis de Zoysa KC 29 votes
Since both had equal votes there had to be a third ballot on which finally a Speaker was chosen:
Mr. Waitialingam Duraiswamy 30 votes
Mr. Francis de Zoysa KC 28 votes
So Mr. Duraiswamy, the Member for Kayts, was elected Speaker. It was a remarkable tribute that, in a Legislature of 39 Sinhalese and 19 others, a Tamil from Jaffna was elected to this prestigious post. Of the other six members who were uncontested, five were elected Ministers. The sixth Mr. Freeman, the former British Civil Servant who was elected the member from Anuradhapura, remained a back bencher.
Who was this remarkable member from Jaffna who defeated Francis de Zoysa, one of the foremost statesmen of this country, an eminently distinguished lawyer, a King’s Counsel and President if the Ceylon National Congress in 1925-26?
Sir Waitialingam Duraiswamy (he was knighted in 1936 was born in Velanai, an island on the west of the Jaffna peninsula, on June 8th, 1874. He was a son of Ayampillai Waitialingam who had spent some time in Malaya. Young Duraiswamy had his education at Jaffna College, Vaddukoddai where he excelled both in studies and in sports. Following the Jaffna tradition of seeking education whatever the difficulties, he was then sent across to India and joined Presidency College in Calcutta University. In 1897 he graduated with double honors in Mathematics and Science. He had the distinction of studying under Professor PC Roy and Jagdish Chandra Bose.
Returning to Ceylon, he joins the Colombo Law College and was admitted as an Advocate in 1902. He worked in the chambers HJC Pereira KC, who was later President of the Ceylon National Congress. HJC, as he was popularly known was not only a leading lawyer, but also a fighter for fair play and freedom. He exhorted workers to unite, which led in due course to the formation of Trade Unions. Young Duraiswamy this certainly had a great opportunity to obtain a good, all-round training in Pereira’s chambers.
Due to family responsibilities he returned to Jaffna and left behind his association with HJC, thereby abandoning the prospect of a successful career in Colombo. He set up his legal practice in Jaffna and in 1905, as an eligible young lawyer, married Rasamma, the daughter of Mudaliyar Sittampalam Sathasivam.
Whilst immersed in his advancing professional practice, he began his public life as a Founder member and Secretary of the Jaffna Association which, like the Ceylon National Congress, worked for the political advancement towards independence by democratic means. He was also a member of the Liberal party, led at that time by Sir James Pieris. In addition, he was joint Founder and Secretary of the Hindu Board of Education, which was responsible for establishing a series of schools. He was on the governing body of Jaffna Hindu College and the President of the Jaffna Paripalana Sabha, which was responsible for the publication of two newspapers.
For the next two decades he made steady progress in the profession to become the leader of the Jaffna Bar and to be appointed Crown Advocate, always the most coveted position in the field in Ceylon at that period. With his diverse interests in religious affairs, educational development and social service he was well recognized, warmly respected and deeply appreciated by the public of Jaffna.
By Ordinance No 13 of 1910, in terms of what are known as the McCallum reforms, a small semblance of the principle of representation through election was recognized for membership of the Legislative Council. One member was therefore elected in 1912 for the Educated Ceylonese Electorate of about 3,000 voters. One is very limited Educational franchise. Ponnambalam Ramanathan who had been in the Council from 1879 to 1892 as an Unofficial Nominated Member, was the choice of the electors. But agitation against the niggardliness of the concession, carried on for the next 10 years, resulted in the elective principle being extended by the Order-in-Council of 1920. This provided for election to 11 territorial and five non-territorial seats. Each of the provinces was to elect one member on a limited income franchise, with the much more largely populated Western Province being allocated three seats.
With his professional standing and his record of service to the public, Advocate Waitialingam Duraiswamy became the obvious choice to represent the Northern Province. He was the only Hindu elected to the Legislative Council of 1921 and was unopposed. Sir Henry Kotalawela (knighted in 1947), elected to represent the Uva Province was the only Buddhist. All the other nine territorially elected members, including Advocate ER Tambimuttu who represented the Eastern Province were Christians.
Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan who was elected by the people both in 1912 and 1917 was knighted and nominated by the Governor as an Unofficial Member of the Legislative Council in 1921. It was claimed by NE Weerasooria in his book Ceylon and her People that ‘The distinction conferred on Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan was the precursor of his secession from the Ceylon National Congress.
’ However, disappointment at the manner in which Sinhalese politicians insisted on taking all the elected seats in the Western Province as well as those for special groups (such as the Low Country Products Association, which had a voting membership of just 11) also doubtless contributed.
In 1922 Sir Waitialingam successfully moved a motion in the Council for prohibition on the basis of local options, which resulted in all taverns and foreign liquor shops being abolished in the Jaffna District. The option, it should be noted, was not exercised elsewhere and prohibition in the South seems to occur only through impositions on specific occasions.
It was at this time that the recommendations of the Salaries Commission for increases were included in the budget for 1923-24, a contravention of a promise given by Sir Andrew Caldecott, the Colonial Secretary. The Unofficial Elected Members recorded a protest and eventually all 11 of them walked out of the Council. They resigned but were re-elected unopposed. Sir Waitialingam was one of the leaders of this protest which was organized by Sir James Peiris.
In 1923 the communal tensions that had been simmering for a couple of years came into the open with the question of a Memorandum about Minorities which had been ‘sent secretly’ to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, the Rt Hon Winston Churchill, with a view to thwarting the grant of responsible Government and recommending a return to communal representation. The Colonial Secretary refused to table a copy of this ‘Secret Memorial.’ But the Ceylon Daily News published a scoop about it which created a sensation.
At a public meeting in honor of Governor Manning at Jaffna, the genesis of the ‘Secret Memorial’ was revealed. Sir Ambalavanar Kanagasabai (Nominated Unofficial Member) said, ‘It was Sir William Manning who obtained for the Tamils the preferential treatment and concession as outlined in the draft.’ The Governor in reply paid a fulsome compliment to Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan for what it was suggested for assistance rendered in drafting these proposals.
Reflecting on these events, I feel today what Prof. KM de Silva so elegantly expressed when he wrote, “The Sinhalese Leaders of the Ceylon National Congress allowed themselves to be embroiled in a needless conflict. It was on an intrinsically unimportant issue – that reserved seat for the Tamils in the Western Province. A timely concession generously made would have removed it from the arena of political controversy.
” This big mistake on a small matter eventually cost us the friendship and the benevolence of two of the most outstanding men produced in 152 years of British rule. Ponnambalam Ramanathan and Ponnambalam Arunachalam, to both of whom so much is due from so many in our land. But this unwillingness to yield gracefully from a position of strength, so that concessions have to be exhorted with ever increasing suspicion, seems to be part of a congenital incapacity that continues to destroy the country.”
It should be noted however that the two elected Tamil members from the Northern and Eastern Provinces – Waitialingam Duraiswamy and ER Tambimuttu rejected the “Secret Memorial.” Duraiswamy indeed went on record saying, “I cannot understand how age and experience could have been guilty of such egregious blunders; this is all the work of our old men. If they cannot lead in the right way they lead in the wrong way, but they always lead, that is their one and only ambition.”
Meanwhile he was again elected uncontested to the enlarged new Legislative Council of 1924 to represent the Northern Province (Western Division). Tambimuttu was also re-elected to represent the Batticaloa District of the Eastern Province. During this period Duraiswamy was the architect of the Conference held in 1925 at Mahendra, his home in Jaffna, at which the delegates of the Ceylon National Congress led by Mr. CE Corea and the Ceylon Maha Jana Sabha led by himself discussed further reforms. Incidently Mahendra was the home graced by the visits of Mahatma Gandhi and Rajagopalachari in 1927 and in 1931 by Jawaharlal and Kamala Nehru and their daughter Indira.
During this time Duraiswamy was a member of the Akbar Committee of the Legislative Council which opted for establishing the Ceylon University in the Kandy District. Regrettably he remains, I believe, the only outstanding member of that Committee not recognized by a tangible memorial on the Peradeniya Campus.
In 1928 as the President of the Jaffna Association he gave evidence before the Donoughmore Commission and pressed for self-government. This was accepted but, together with many others in the Legislative Council at that time, he was not entirely happy with the Donoughmore Commission’s recommendations. At the debate in the Council in 1929 on the proposal that they be brought into operation, he was in opposition, and subsequently led the Jaffna boycott of the 1931 elections to the newly created State Council.
In a speech at Jaffna in 1931 Sir Waitialingam repudiated the suggestion that the boycott was for communal reasons. He went on to say, “We are not weak to depend on such sectional ideas, we are able to think for the good of the whole of Ceylon. Never did I think of communalism when I advocated reforms for the Island. We Tamils always worked for the good of the whole country, making no difference between race and race. Our safety lies in the safety of the Sinhalese, our freedom lies in the freedom of the Sinhalese, our progress in constitutional reforms depends on the co-operation of the Sinhalese. The policy of “Divide and Rule” shall not make us great. Therefore, let me once again assure the people of Ceylon that we are acting on behalf of the whole of Ceylon, and not from sectional motive.”
Jaffna abandoned the boycott and came back into the mainstream of national politics in 1934 when elections were held for the four seats in the district. On this occasion Duraiswamy did not contest. Kayts therefore was won by Mr. Nevin Selvadurai. In 1936 however, in the general elections to the Second State Council, he was as noted above elected uncontested to the Kayts constituency.
I have tried briefly in these paragraphs to answer the questions I proposed at the beginning as to who this remarkable gentleman was who came from Jaffna to defeat Francis de Zoysa for the post of Speaker. His election to this post was a demonstration of the unbounded popularity, and the high esteem in which he was held by all sections of the country. He was a gentleman of a genial disposition with a ready smile, full of kind thoughts, kind words, and kind deeds. Blessed by nature with a graceful appearance, he had dignity in his deportment and the gift of a sharp intellect. Impartiality and fairness came to him naturally,
On his election as Speaker, Sir Baron Jayatilaka, the Leader of the House and Minister of Home Affairs, congratulating him said, “You can bring to bear on the questions that will come up a trained and disciplined mind and long experience, not only as a prominent member of the legal profession, but also as a member of the Old Legislative Council for over 10 years.
Jayatilaka and Duraiswamy were born in the third quarter of the last century, both were graduates of the Calcutta University when such academic qualifications were uncommon, both were professionally experienced lawyers and dedicated educationists with long records of public service. They were interested in their own literature, deeply learned in their respective religions, and highly respected by their own people.
They brought trained and developed minds to bear on the problems of their country without fear or favour. They advanced into parliamentary politics with the ripe experience of their chosen disciplines and the mature mellowness of their age. Both faced three elections, and both were returned three times without contest. Both had a serenity that reflected contentment.
In concluding his response to Jayatilaka, Duraiswamy said, “When the time comes for me to lay down the authority with which you have clothed me, I will do so conscious of having done our best, to help forward the progress of Ceylon.” That authority he was entrusted with in 1936 he laid down in 1947, having maintained the dignity and safeguarded the privileges of the State Council for an unparalleled 11 years.
He created healthy precedents and built-up honorable traditions. He sometimes quoted from Ramayana and the Mahabharata, the Thirukkural and the Bhagavad Gita to defend the rights of backbenchers and protect those of the less influential members of the House. He was able to direct, guide and inspire the most difficult raw material to handle – the young enthusiastic legislators of the State Council.
At this point it may not be irrelevant to mention that Duraiswamy was an outstanding athlete in his day and continued to maintain his healthy mind in a healthy body. He was the Founder member of the Tamil Union and its President for several years. I still remember a picture in a newspaper that showed him as Speaker bowling to the Governor Sir Andrew Caldecott, with Minister DS Senanayake behind the stumps.
When he laid down his office there was not one person in the State Council who had a single word against him. He was an exemplary Speaker by any standard, totally free from sectarianism and deeply devoted to the ideal of a Ceylonese nation. As he wished on the day he was elected, so he downed his authority, having done his best to help forward the progress of Ceylon. The never-failing springs of his constant strength were the fundamental principles of his deep faith and the unbroken traditions of his ancient culture. Truly then it might be said of him that, ‘he was a man not for an age, but for all time.’
Features
The Division Bell Mystery
Tales of Mystery and Suspense 3
The murder, in a private dining room in the house, is of a financier with whom the government was negotiating a loan. When this seemed difficult the Minister of Home Affairs agreed to lead discussions, since he had known Mr Oissel the financier when they were young. Hence the private dinner, but when the Minister stepped out for a vote, Oissel was shot just as the Division Bell rang.
The Brahms and Simon detective novels, the first of which I wrote about last week, were amongst several books by the pair that Robert Scoble gave me when I was in Australia towards the end of last year. Amongst them was another thriller of a very different sort, though that too was written and set between the wars.
Called The Division Bell Mystery, it was set in the House of Commons, the first such book I believe, and was by Ellen Wilkinson, a Labour MP who became Minister of Education in Attlee’s government after the war, having served previously as Parliamentary Private Secretary to several ministers. Her hero Robert West is also a PPS, but a conservative, and his Minister, of Home Affairs, is an old style aristocrat, not much loved by the less orthodox Prime Minister, who nevertheless needs his support on many occasions.
The murder, in a private dining room in the house, is of a financier with whom the government was negotiating a loan. When this seemed difficult the Minister of Home Affairs agreed to lead discussions, since he had known Mr Oissel the financier when they were young. Hence the private dinner, but when the Minister stepped out for a vote, Oissel was shot just as the Division Bell rang.
West was just outside the door when the shot was heard, and when he opened it saw only the dead body with a revolver beside it. The assumption that this was suicide was however challenged by Oissel’s grand-daughter Annette, who was his heir, on the grounds that he would never have killed himself. But her view was given greater credence by the Inspector put in charge of the case who said there were no burn marks on the body which would have been the case had Oissel fired the pistol himself.
Matters are complicated by the fact that Oissel’s flat had been burgled while he was at dinner, and Jenks the policeman allocated to him, who had served the Home Secretary and seemed more acceptable to Oissel than someone from the Security Service, had been killed. Matters get even more complicated when Annette says her grand-father’s notebook in which he wrote his secrets in cipher was missing.
That was found in Jenks’ pocket, and then a photographer came to West to say he had been asked by Jenks to photograph this. More worryingly for West, he finds in the Home Secretary’s drawer a few pages from the notebook with what appears to be an interpretation of the cipher.
Overwhelmed by all this he confides in a recently created peer who knows all about the business world, who insists that they leave the house party at which they had met over dinner and discuss the matter with the Prime Minister who promptly summons the Home Secretary.
But the Home Secretary had gone to Scotland to launch a ship over the weekend, so the meeting could take place only on the morning of the Monday, when difficult questions were expected on the adjournment motion. He admits at the meeting that he had got Jenks to take the notebook, and also that he knew the code since it had been created by him and Oissel when they were young.
He thought he should resign, and even contemplated suicide, but the Prime Minister told him that that would be even worse for the government, and that he should go home to bed. The Prime Minister said that he himself would handle the question, which he did with aplomb, insisting that confidentiality was needed until the inquest. What had happened would be made clear then, he declared, leaving West and Inspector Blackit and Lord Dalbeattie what seemed the impossible task of solving the murder.
Dalbeattie had suggested that West ask a female Labour MP who was very fond of him to get what information she could from the staff. That there was some involvement there had become clear when West, going back late one night to collect a briefcase he had left in a dining room, found someone lurking in the dark in the corridor outside the private rooms. Room J, where the murder had happened, was meant to be guarded throughout by a policeman, but he had left the room having felt dizzy, and it seemed that his coffee had been drugged. West’s sudden appearance however had prevented anyone else getting into the room.
Dalbeattie decides to recreate the scene of the murder and has a dinner party in Room J on the Tuesday night, inviting West and Annette and the society hostess at whose house he had met, and also Patrick Kinnaird, an MP who was engaged to Annette, as well as the Permanent Secretary to the Home Ministry.
After coffee Inspector Blackit comes in with Grace, the Labour MP who had got the confidence of the staff, and a journalist who had also been helpful, and just as they say they think they are on the track the division bell rings. Grace jumps up and tells the Inspector that that provides the solution and they get a ladder, and sure enough find the revolver in the space where the bell is. Directed at the place where Oissel had sat, it had been primed to go off with the ringing of the bell. The waiter who had helped to set things up made clear who the murderer had been.
The reason for the murder and the confused motives of all those involved made for a fascinatingly intricate mix. But also impressive in the book were the descriptions of the isolation possible in the crowded premises of the house, the forceful characterization of the members – Grace based on the writer, the society hostess based on Nancy Astor, the first female MP – and the laid back nature of senior politicians which West realized had to change in the brave new world of high finance.
Features
The challenge of keeping value-based politics alive
The current outbreak of anti-immigrant protests in Durban, South Africa is bound to have taken many a subscriber to value-based politics or political idealism quite by surprise. After all, this is evidence that despite the historic accomplishments of nation-builders of the stature of the late President Nelson Mandela it cannot be taken for granted that identity politics, including racism in its worst forms, is no more in South Africa.
At the time of this writing details are scarce on the substantive root causes of the protests but it could very well be that economic grievances, particularly on the part of the majority community in South Africa, are contributing considerably to the disaffection. Shrinking employment and material prospects are likely to figure majorly among the factors igniting the unrest.
Fortunately, the local authorities in Durban are losing no time in calling for peaceful co-existence among the relevant communities and are pointing to the vital importance of stepping-up national integration processes. Apparently, immigrants in sizable numbers from neighbouring countries are present in Durban. However, international TV footage of the protests quoted some local authorities as saying that the majority of the immigrants in some centres that housed them were not illegal migrants and had the documents that entitle them to be in Durban.
In the Durban protests the world has fresh proof of the socially divisive consequences of the gathering globe-wide economic disaffection, touched off particularly by the continuing crisis in West Asia. Going ahead, the world would need to brace for increasing identity-based unrest of the kind it is just witnessing in South Africa.
Considering that the material lot of ordinary people everywhere could only aggravate progressively, with the US and Iran showing no signs of negotiating an end to their confrontation any time soon, it will be left to the more democratic and progressive sections of the world community to initiate positive measures collectively to bring a measure of relief to the discontented.
The swiftness with which such relief will be provided would depend crucially on the importance those sections taking up these undertakings attach to value-based politics as opposed to Realpolitik of power politics.
Going by these yardsticks, Italy could be considered to be moving in the right direction. Recently Italy came to the fore in initiating the collective named, ‘Rome Coalition for Food Security and Access to Fertilizer’, which has as one of its aims the swift provision of fertilizer to economically weak African countries.
In a recent statement Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Antonio Tajani, said that a principal aim of the project was to ensure that the farmers of Africa gained easy access to fertilizer, considering that food security is a growing concern among some of Africa’s economically vulnerable countries.
The statement went on to mention that some 30 countries hailing from the Mediterranean region, the Middle East, the Balkans as well as the FAO had been invited to join the coalition. The venture is far-seeing in that food security is main among the reasons for social discontent which in turn could degenerate into endemic political turmoil and bloodshed. Separatist violence and geographical fragmentation of countries wouldn’t be too far behind these developments, as Africa itself has often proved.
It is hoped that more G7 countries would take the cue from Italy and do what they could to ease the hardships of economically distressed countries, particularly of the global South. In these efforts they would need to break rank with the US, which is today brutally indifferent to the consequences of its policy of making ‘America First’, come what may.
Going by current developments, the Trump administration seems to be blithely oblivious to the wider, deleterious effects of its policy course in West Asia. Besides rendering Iran militarily and otherwise impotent nothing else seems to matter to Washington, as regards West Asia. This is policy short-sightedness of an extreme kind. After all, right now West Asia could be said to be sitting on the proverbial powder keg.
On the other hand, Iran is not giving the world the impression that it is doing anything constructive to get out of the policy straitjacket that it wove for itself decades ago. Rather than enter into a policy of ‘live and let live’ in relation to Israel in particular and initiate a process of reconciliation with the latter, it has chosen to operate within policy parameters that continue to damn Israel. This has put Israel always on the ‘defensive’ so to speak and prevented the opening up of space for meaningful dialogue.
That said, Israel is obliged to explore the possibilities of entering into a negotiatory process with the Arab-Islamic world that could lead to a de-escalation of tensions and bloodshed. It cannot continue to look at its neighbours through lenses that distort them as archetypal enemies who should be ‘wiped off completely from the face of the earth.’
In other words, the need is urgent for Realpolitik to give way to value-based politicks. Italy is beginning to prove that the latter approach could be pursued with some success. May be the EU and the UK could throw their weight behind these initiatives as well and establish that international politics could be refashioned on the basis of humane, civilized norms. The UN would need to be fully supportive of these moves and prove an organizational nucleus of the operations that follow.
In fact the time is ripe for people of conscience to collectively stand up on the side of peace and say ‘No’ to war and violence. Organizations such as the ICRC, the WHO and Medicines Sans Frontiers have already taken up this call. Referring to the widespread destruction of health facilities and their dehumanizing results these organizations have said, among other things, that ‘This is not a failure of the law. It is a failure of political will.’
True, ‘failure of political will’ among those powers that matter accounts for the runaway, uncontrollable nature of war and destruction in contemporary times, but more fundamentally it is a failure of the human conscience. It could very well be that the phenomenal levels to which violence and war have been unleashed today have had the effect of deadening consciences. This is a matter for urgent study and wide discussion.
Features
Vesak celebrations … with Cuteefly
I would describe Indunil Kaushalya Dissanayaka as innovative and creative, and she operates under the name of Cuteefly.
Indunil always comes up with something novel to celebrate special occasions, and she does it with candles … and that’s her profession.
She was in the spotlight when she created a happening scene, with candles, for Christmas, Sinhala and Tamil New Year, and Valentine’s Day.
As lanterns light up Sri Lanka for Vesak, the Colombo-based candle maker is quietly turning wax and wick into little pieces of the festival.

Candles reflecting Vesak themes
Her candles reflect Vesak themes – light, peace, remembrance, giving, etc., to enable you to fill your Vesak celebration with devotion and beauty.
Among her Vesak creations is a lotus-shaped soy candle, scented with sandalwood, lavender, etc., meant to burn during this Vesak Poya Day.

Indunil Kaushalya Dissanayaka: Customers
praise her for her creativity
These handcrafted Vesak candles are perfect for offering at the temple, she says.
What makes her creations so novel is that they come in different shapes, scents, themes, and all are handmade.
What’s more, her customers have heaped praise on her for her creativity.
According to Indunil, her creations are perfect as a thoughtful gift … to bring beauty, unity, and light into every moment.
Says Indunil: “Our beautifully handcrafted Unity candles are designed with premium detail and love, making them perfect for celebrations, gifts, and meaningful occasions.”
Cuteefly, says Indunil, is available online.
Readers could contact Indunil on 0778506066 for more details.
He Facebook Page is: Cuteefly.

Handmade with love
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