Features
Proposed Penal Code amendment and threat of promotion of sexual abuse of children – II
by Kalyananda Tiranagama
Executive Director
Lawyers for Human Rights and Development
(First part of this article appeared in The Island of 09 June 2023)
The election of members for the next Human Rights Council was due to be held in May 2008. Sri Lanka was seeking re-election to the Council. A group of foreign-funded, pro-LTTE, anti-national NGOs and LGBTQ groups commenced, months before the elections, making preparations to carry on a sinister campaign to prevent Sri Lanka’s re-election to the Council. UN Human Rights Council was due to review Sri Lanka’s human rights situation in May 2008.
This review of Sri Lanka’s human rights situation was done on the basis of reports presented by the Government of Sri Lanka, UN representatives and national and international human rights NGOs. January 14, 2008 was the deadline for NGOs to send their reports to the Council. As the first step, these foreign-funded NGOs made an appeal to the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Louise Arbour, to extend the deadline for submission of NGO report till February 8, 2008. They conducted a series of meetings and prepared a report titled Joint Civil Society Report for Universal Periodic Review of Sri Lanka – May 2008 and presented it to the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in the name of 39 organizations in Sri Lanka.
This Report had deliberately ignored the violations of human rights committed by the LTTE, including the forcible conscription of children, stating that it had focused on the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) as it was a member of the Human Rights Council and subject to the Universal Periodic Review process and it stated that the human rights situation in Sri Lanka had deteriorated since the country became a member of the Human Rights Council in 2006.
This Report was full of lies and distortions intended to tarnish the image of the country. Some of the blatant lies, fabrications and distortions mentioned in this Joint Civil Society Report are mentioned below:
Blatant Lies ·
The establishment of semi-legal vigilante units (so-called Civil Defence Units) terrorizes the civilian population throughout the country.
· What a blatant lie this statement is! Civil Defence Force consisting of Gramarakshakas was established to protect the villages and the people in the North and the East in the villages which were vulnerable to terrorist attacks. They were not semi-legal vigilante units. Vigilante groups like Black Cats and Yellow Cats operated during the UNP Rule, from 1988 – 1991. Civil Defence Force was a force officially created by the Government of Sri Lanka and led by Rear Admiral Sarath Weerasekera, former Deputy Chief of the Sri Lanka Navy. Where have they terrorized civilian population? Can these NGOs cite a single incident where the Civil Defence Units have terrorized civilian population?
· Torture and cruel and inhuman treatment is endemic across police stations and detention centres.
· This statement was also highly exaggerated and distorted. There was no doubt that incidents of torture were still reported against some Police Officers and there were complaints of assaults and harassment by the Police. But could one say that torture and cruel and inhuman treatment was endemic across police stations and detention centres in Sri Lanka at that time? About three decades back – during the period from 1989 – 1991 – there was a time when torture was endemic across police stations. The situation had improved much since then.
· In 1994 Torture Act was enacted making torture a criminal offence punishable with a mandatory jail sentence of seven years. In 2000 a special unit was established in the Attorney General’s Department to prosecute perpetrators of torture and since then a large number of Police Officers have been indicted in the High Courts in different areas in the country for torture and some of them were convicted and sent to jail. The Attorney General did not appear for the Police or Army Officers in Fundamental Rights Applications before the Supreme Court where there were allegations of torture. The Supreme Court has continuously taken a very serious view of torture and ordered the State and the individual police officers who were found to be responsible for torture to pay compensation to victims. The policy of zero tolerance of torture, introduced by Dr. Radhika Coomaraswamy as the Chairperson of Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka (HRC), was continuously being followed by the HRC. The number of complaints of torture coming before the Supreme Court and the HRC had gradually decreased over the years.
· Flagrant violations of International humanitarian law including targeting of civilians, attacks on places of worship, hospitals and schools, and forced resettlement of IDPs.
· This statement was also a blatant lie. This is a Report submitted in February 2008, not after the end of the war in May, 2009. Could they cite a single incident where the GOSL has targeted civilians? They could not. There was not a single incident where the security forces have targeted civilians.
· Were there any incidents where the security forces had attacked places of worship, hospitals and schools? No. There wasn’t any. This statement is also a deliberate lie.
· There were more than a dozen incidents where the LTTE terrorists had attacked civilian targets, killing hundreds of helpless children, women and men and injuring thousands of people. LTTE had attacked several Catholic Churches in Mannar and killed a Hindu priest at Batticaloa and a Buddhist monk at Trincomalee during that period. They used Vakarai Hospital as its base for attacking security forces. When this Report talked of “targeting of civilians, attacks on places of worship, hospitals and schools” without naming the real perpetrator of these crimes – the LTTE – it has made a subtle attempt to put all these crimes committed by the LTTE to the account of the Government of Sri Lanka.
· The Report alleged that there was forced resettlement of IDPs. It is no secret that several NGOs, INGOs and UN Agencies operating in the East at that time tried to obstruct the resettlement of displaced people. They tried to dissuade people from leaving their IDP camps. They wished the IDPs to remain in IDP camps undergoing all sorts of difficulties so that they could continue with their welfare work in IDP camps and carry on their international campaign against Sri Lanka clamouring about displacement of hundreds of thousands of people by war, comparing Sri Lanka’s situation with that of Somalia.
· Women on the plantations also face forced sterilization, promoted in some cases by the management.
· This was also a diabolical lie. There was no forced sterilisation of women anywhere in the country. There had never been. There were two powerful political parties and trade unions looking after the interests of plantation workers in Sri Lanka – the Ceylon Workers’ Congress, led by Mr. Arumugam Thondamon, and the Up-Country People’s Front, led by Mr. P. Chandrasekeran. There were a large number of NGOs working among the plantation workers. There was a Plantation Trust. If there was any attempt at forced sterilization of plantation women, these organizations would not have remained silent.
· This was a sinister attempt made by these NGOs that drafted this Report to tarnish the image of the country and the government of Sri Lanka by spreading the lie that a repressive Sinhala government was forcibly sterilizing Tamil women in the plantation areas, in violation of their human rights and committing genocide.
· Acts of violence against women are growing, as are restrictions on women’s freedom of choice on a range of issues, ranging from form of dress and choice of marriage partner.
· This statement that ‘Acts of violence against women are growing’ was also contrary to facts. Domestic violence is a problem affecting not only our society, but all societies including the West. After a long consultation process with women’s organizations in the country, the Government enacted Domestic Violence Act in 2003 to deal with the problem of domestic violence. Any woman or child affected by domestic violence could obtain a protection order on application to a Magistrate’s Court. The Ministry of Child Development and Women’s Empowerment had taken a special interest in the implementation of the Domestic Violence Act. There were several organizations like the Legal Aid Commission and the Women in Need (WIN) providing counselling and legal support services to women and children affected by domestic violence. In 36 Police Divisions, there were separate Women and Children Units, manned by women Police Officers, with special training to handle cases of violence against women and children.
· Were there any restrictions on women’s freedom of choice of form of dress or choice of marriage partner in Sri Lanka, as claimed by these NGOs? Certainly not. It was a diabolical attempt made to give a gloomy picture of Sri Lanka, to depict Sri Lanka as a country like Afghanistan under a fundamentalist rule.
· LGBT (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender) individuals are denied access to health services, education and employment and the ability to participate in social and public life. Targeting and persecution of LGBT persons have led to several individuals leaving the country to seek asylum elsewhere.
· Was there an iota of truth in this statement? Were Lesbians and Gays denied access to health services in hospitals in Sri Lanka? Were they denied admission to hospitals, government or private, when they fall sick? Were they or their children denied admission to schools, universities or other institutions of higher education, due to the fact that they are lesbians or gays? Were they denied employment? Was there a requirement, legal or otherwise, to disclose whether a person is a homosexual? Were there any restrictions on LGBT persons’ participation in social and public life? Don’t they have voting rights? Were they not allowed to contest elections? It is a well-known fact that a number of leading politicians in this country were/are homo-sexuals or persons who maintained homo-sexual relationships.
· Since the introduction of the Penal Code by the British rulers in 1863, homo-sexual conduct remained a criminal offence in Sri Lanka. Till 1995 only gay relationships or homo-sexual conduct between men was an offence. When the Penal Code was amended in 1995, ensuring gender equality, lesbian relationship was also made a criminal offence. Whether homo-sexual conduct is criminalized or not, Asian culture considers homo-sexuality as a deviation of the normal human sexual conduct.
· As was claimed in this Report, there was no targeting and persecution of LGBT persons in Sri Lanka. No police officer was going to peep into their bedrooms. Only thing they could not promote, openly display or exhibit their conduct. There was no reason for them to leave Sri Lanka and seek asylum elsewhere unless they wished to contract same sex marriages, which they could not do in Sri Lanka.
· Equal Ground, an NGO campaigning for recognition of LGBT rights and decriminalization of homo-sexuality, was also among the NGOs involved in this campaign.
Any person who is conversant with the situation of this country knows that most of these assertions were blatant lies, half-truths, distortions and fabrications concocted by some of the leaders of these foreign funded NGOs who were hell-bent on serving the agendas of their foreign masters of getting this country opened for foreign intervention.
As the next step of their anti-Sri Lanka campaign, in April 2008, these NGOs had addressed a letter, containing packs of lies and fabrications, to the Member States of the UN General Assembly seeking their support to prevent the re-election of Sri Lanka to the Human Rights Council. In this letter, these NGOs have stated:
“We, the undersigned civil society organizations are gravely concerned by the widening human rights crisis and growing culture of impunity that cripples our country….
” … It is with deep sadness and regret that we have now decided to make this appeal to the members of the United Nations General Assembly to oppose the re-election of Sri Lanka to the Council in 2008…. During Sri Lanka’s two years tenure in the UN Human Rights Council, the human rights situation has worsened. The Government’s unwillingness to take effective measures to address and prevent violations has made clear its inability to fulfill its pledges….
“We appeal to you to consider withholding support for Sri Lanka’s re-election this year. By doing so, your government will send a strong message to the Government of Sri Lanka that it must reform its practices if it wants to continue as an equal partner in international institutions such as the UN ….
“To re-elect Sri Lanka to the Human Rights Council in the present circumstances would amount to support for the undemocratic practices that have become part of our everyday lives. Your rejection of Sri Lanka’s bid for re-election to the Human Rights Council will reaffirm the faith that Sri Lanka civil society has placed in the international community, and could act as a powerful impetus for reforms in the country.” A Sinhala translation of this letter appeared in the Ravaya newspaper of 18. 05. 2008.
Features
Recruiting academics to state universities – beset by archaic selection processes?
Time has, by and large, stood still in the business of academic staff recruitment to state universities. Qualifications have proliferated and evolved to be more interdisciplinary, but our selection processes and evaluation criteria are unchanged since at least the late 1990s. But before I delve into the problems, I will describe the existing processes and schemes of recruitment. The discussion is limited to UGC-governed state universities (and does not include recruitment to medical and engineering sectors) though the problems may be relevant to other higher education institutions (HEIs).
How recruitment happens currently in SL state universities
Academic ranks in Sri Lankan state universities can be divided into three tiers (subdivisions are not discussed).
* Lecturer (Probationary)
– recruited with a four-year undergraduate degree. A tiny step higher is the Lecturer (Unconfirmed), recruited with a postgraduate degree but no teaching experience.
* A Senior Lecturer can be recruited with certain postgraduate qualifications and some number of years of teaching and research.
* Above this is the professor (of four types), which can be left out of this discussion since only one of those (Chair Professor) is by application.
State universities cannot hire permanent academic staff as and when they wish. Prior to advertising a vacancy, approval to recruit is obtained through a mind-numbing and time-consuming process (months!) ending at the Department of Management Services. The call for applications must list all ranks up to Senior Lecturer. All eligible candidates for Probationary to Senior Lecturer are interviewed, e.g., if a Department wants someone with a doctoral degree, they must still advertise for and interview candidates for all ranks, not only candidates with a doctoral degree. In the evaluation criteria, the first degree is more important than the doctoral degree (more on this strange phenomenon later). All of this is only possible when universities are not under a ‘hiring freeze’, which governments declare regularly and generally lasts several years.
Problem type 1
– Archaic processes and evaluation criteria
Twenty-five years ago, as a probationary lecturer with a first degree, I was a typical hire. We would be recruited, work some years and obtain postgraduate degrees (ideally using the privilege of paid study leave to attend a reputed university in the first world). State universities are primarily undergraduate teaching spaces, and when doctoral degrees were scarce, hiring probationary lecturers may have been a practical solution. The path to a higher degree was through the academic job. Now, due to availability of candidates with postgraduate qualifications and the problems of retaining academics who find foreign postgraduate opportunities, preference for candidates applying with a postgraduate qualification is growing. The evaluation scheme, however, prioritises the first degree over the candidate’s postgraduate education. Were I to apply to a Faculty of Education, despite a PhD on language teaching and research in education, I may not even be interviewed since my undergraduate degree is not in education. The ‘first degree first’ phenomenon shows that universities essentially ignore the intellectual development of a person beyond their early twenties. It also ignores the breadth of disciplines and their overlap with other fields.
This can be helped (not solved) by a simple fix, which can also reduce brain drain: give precedence to the doctoral degree in the required field, regardless of the candidate’s first degree, effected by a UGC circular. The suggestion is not fool-proof. It is a first step, and offered with the understanding that any selection process, however well the evaluation criteria are articulated, will be beset by multiple issues, including that of bias. Like other Sri Lankan institutions, universities, too, have tribal tendencies, surfacing in the form of a preference for one’s own alumni. Nevertheless, there are other problems that are, arguably, more pressing as I discuss next. In relation to the evaluation criteria, a problem is the narrow interpretation of any regulation, e.g., deciding the degree’s suitability based on the title rather than considering courses in the transcript. Despite rhetoric promoting internationalising and inter-disciplinarity, decision-making administrative and academic bodies have very literal expectations of candidates’ qualifications, e.g., a candidate with knowledge of digital literacy should show this through the title of the degree!
Problem type 2 – The mess of badly regulated higher education
A direct consequence of the contemporary expansion of higher education is a large number of applicants with myriad qualifications. The diversity of degree programmes cited makes the responsibility of selecting a suitable candidate for the job a challenging but very important one. After all, the job is for life – it is very difficult to fire a permanent employer in the state sector.
Widely varying undergraduate degree programmes.
At present, Sri Lankan undergraduates bring qualifications (at times more than one) from multiple types of higher education institutions: a degree from a UGC-affiliated state university, a state university external to the UGC, a state institution that is not a university, a foreign university, or a private HEI aka ‘private university’. It could be a degree received by attending on-site, in Sri Lanka or abroad. It could be from a private HEI’s affiliated foreign university or an external degree from a state university or an online only degree from a private HEI that is ‘UGC-approved’ or ‘Ministry of Education approved’, i.e., never studied in a university setting. Needless to say, the diversity (and their differences in quality) are dizzying. Unfortunately, under the evaluation scheme all degrees ‘recognised’ by the UGC are assigned the same marks. The same goes for the candidates’ merits or distinctions, first classes, etc., regardless of how difficult or easy the degree programme may be and even when capabilities, exposure, input, etc are obviously different.
Similar issues are faced when we consider postgraduate qualifications, though to a lesser degree. In my discipline(s), at least, a postgraduate degree obtained on-site from a first-world university is preferable to one from a local university (which usually have weekend or evening classes similar to part-time study) or online from a foreign university. Elitist this may be, but even the best local postgraduate degrees cannot provide the experience and intellectual growth gained by being in a university that gives you access to six million books and teaching and supervision by internationally-recognised scholars. Unfortunately, in the evaluation schemes for recruitment, the worst postgraduate qualification you know of will receive the same marks as one from NUS, Harvard or Leiden.
The problem is clear but what about a solution?
Recruitment to state universities needs to change to meet contemporary needs. We need evaluation criteria that allows us to get rid of the dross as well as a more sophisticated institutional understanding of using them. Recruitment is key if we want our institutions (and our country) to progress. I reiterate here the recommendations proposed in ‘Considerations for Higher Education Reform’ circulated previously by Kuppi Collective:
* Change bond regulations to be more just, in order to retain better qualified academics.
* Update the schemes of recruitment to reflect present-day realities of inter-disciplinary and multi-disciplinary training in order to recruit suitably qualified candidates.
* Ensure recruitment processes are made transparent by university administrations.
Kaushalya Perera is a senior lecturer at the University of Colombo.
(Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.)
Features
Talento … oozing with talent
This week, too, the spotlight is on an outfit that has gained popularity, mainly through social media.
Last week we had MISTER Band in our scene, and on 10th February, Yellow Beatz – both social media favourites.
Talento is a seven-piece band that plays all types of music, from the ‘60s to the modern tracks of today.
The band has reached many heights, since its inception in 2012, and has gained recognition as a leading wedding and dance band in the scene here.
The members that makeup the outfit have a solid musical background, which comes through years of hard work and dedication
Their portfolio of music contains a mix of both western and eastern songs and are carefully selected, they say, to match the requirements of the intended audience, occasion, or event.
Although the baila is a specialty, which is inherent to this group, that originates from Moratuwa, their repertoire is made up of a vast collection of love, classic, oldies and modern-day hits.
The musicians, who make up Talento, are:
Prabuddha Geetharuchi:
(Vocalist/ Frontman). He is an avid music enthusiast and was mentored by a lot of famous musicians, and trainers, since he was a child. Growing up with them influenced him to take on western songs, as well as other music styles. A Peterite, he is the main man behind the band Talento and is a versatile singer/entertainer who never fails to get the crowd going.
Geilee Fonseka (Vocals):
A dynamic and charismatic vocalist whose vibrant stage presence, and powerful voice, bring a fresh spark to every performance. Young, energetic, and musically refined, she is an artiste who effortlessly blends passion with precision – captivating audiences from the very first note. Blessed with an immense vocal range, Geilee is a truly versatile singer, confidently delivering Western and Eastern music across multiple languages and genres.
Chandana Perera (Drummer):
His expertise and exceptional skills have earned him recognition as one of the finest acoustic drummers in Sri Lanka. With over 40 tours under his belt, Chandana has demonstrated his dedication and passion for music, embodying the essential role of a drummer as the heartbeat of any band.
Harsha Soysa:
(Bassist/Vocalist). He a chorister of the western choir of St. Sebastian’s College, Moratuwa, who began his musical education under famous voice trainers, as well as bass guitar trainers in Sri Lanka. He has also performed at events overseas. He acts as the second singer of the band
Udara Jayakody:
(Keyboardist). He is also a qualified pianist, adding technical flavour to Talento’s music. His singing and harmonising skills are an extra asset to the band. From his childhood he has been a part of a number of orchestras as a pianist. He has also previously performed with several famous western bands.
Aruna Madushanka:
(Saxophonist). His proficiciency in playing various instruments, including the saxophone, soprano saxophone, and western flute, showcases his versatility as a musician, and his musical repertoire is further enhanced by his remarkable singing ability.
Prashan Pramuditha:
(Lead guitar). He has the ability to play different styles, both oriental and western music, and he also creates unique tones and patterns with the guitar..
Features
Special milestone for JJ Twins
The JJ Twins, the Sri Lankan musical duo, performing in the Maldives, and known for blending R&B, Hip Hop, and Sri Lankan rhythms, thereby creating a unique sound, have come out with a brand-new single ‘Me Mawathe.’
In fact, it’s a very special milestone for the twin brothers, Julian and Jason Prins, as ‘Me Mawathe’ is their first ever Sinhala song!
‘Me Mawathe’ showcases a fresh new sound, while staying true to the signature harmony and emotion that their fans love.
This heartfelt track captures the beauty of love, journey, and connection, brought to life through powerful vocals and captivating melodies.
It marks an exciting new chapter for the JJ Twins as they expand their musical journey and connect with audiences in a whole new way.
Their recent album, ‘CONCLUDED,’ explores themes of love, heartbreak, and healing, and include hits like ‘Can’t Get You Off My Mind’ and ‘You Left Me Here to Die’ which showcase their emotional intensity.
Readers could stay connected and follow JJ Twins on social media for exclusive updates, behind-the-scenes moments, and upcoming releases:
Instagram: http://instagram.com/jjtwinsofficial
TikTok: http://tiktok.com/@jjtwinsmusic
Facebook: http://facebook.com/jjtwinssingers
YouTube: http://youtube.com/jjtwins
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