Features
Proposed Penal Code amendment and threat of promotion of sexual abuse of children – II
by Kalyananda Tiranagama
Executive Director
Lawyers for Human Rights and Development
(First part of this article appeared in The Island of 09 June 2023)
The election of members for the next Human Rights Council was due to be held in May 2008. Sri Lanka was seeking re-election to the Council. A group of foreign-funded, pro-LTTE, anti-national NGOs and LGBTQ groups commenced, months before the elections, making preparations to carry on a sinister campaign to prevent Sri Lanka’s re-election to the Council. UN Human Rights Council was due to review Sri Lanka’s human rights situation in May 2008.
This review of Sri Lanka’s human rights situation was done on the basis of reports presented by the Government of Sri Lanka, UN representatives and national and international human rights NGOs. January 14, 2008 was the deadline for NGOs to send their reports to the Council. As the first step, these foreign-funded NGOs made an appeal to the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Louise Arbour, to extend the deadline for submission of NGO report till February 8, 2008. They conducted a series of meetings and prepared a report titled Joint Civil Society Report for Universal Periodic Review of Sri Lanka – May 2008 and presented it to the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in the name of 39 organizations in Sri Lanka.
This Report had deliberately ignored the violations of human rights committed by the LTTE, including the forcible conscription of children, stating that it had focused on the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) as it was a member of the Human Rights Council and subject to the Universal Periodic Review process and it stated that the human rights situation in Sri Lanka had deteriorated since the country became a member of the Human Rights Council in 2006.
This Report was full of lies and distortions intended to tarnish the image of the country. Some of the blatant lies, fabrications and distortions mentioned in this Joint Civil Society Report are mentioned below:
Blatant Lies ·
The establishment of semi-legal vigilante units (so-called Civil Defence Units) terrorizes the civilian population throughout the country.
· What a blatant lie this statement is! Civil Defence Force consisting of Gramarakshakas was established to protect the villages and the people in the North and the East in the villages which were vulnerable to terrorist attacks. They were not semi-legal vigilante units. Vigilante groups like Black Cats and Yellow Cats operated during the UNP Rule, from 1988 – 1991. Civil Defence Force was a force officially created by the Government of Sri Lanka and led by Rear Admiral Sarath Weerasekera, former Deputy Chief of the Sri Lanka Navy. Where have they terrorized civilian population? Can these NGOs cite a single incident where the Civil Defence Units have terrorized civilian population?
· Torture and cruel and inhuman treatment is endemic across police stations and detention centres.
· This statement was also highly exaggerated and distorted. There was no doubt that incidents of torture were still reported against some Police Officers and there were complaints of assaults and harassment by the Police. But could one say that torture and cruel and inhuman treatment was endemic across police stations and detention centres in Sri Lanka at that time? About three decades back – during the period from 1989 – 1991 – there was a time when torture was endemic across police stations. The situation had improved much since then.
· In 1994 Torture Act was enacted making torture a criminal offence punishable with a mandatory jail sentence of seven years. In 2000 a special unit was established in the Attorney General’s Department to prosecute perpetrators of torture and since then a large number of Police Officers have been indicted in the High Courts in different areas in the country for torture and some of them were convicted and sent to jail. The Attorney General did not appear for the Police or Army Officers in Fundamental Rights Applications before the Supreme Court where there were allegations of torture. The Supreme Court has continuously taken a very serious view of torture and ordered the State and the individual police officers who were found to be responsible for torture to pay compensation to victims. The policy of zero tolerance of torture, introduced by Dr. Radhika Coomaraswamy as the Chairperson of Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka (HRC), was continuously being followed by the HRC. The number of complaints of torture coming before the Supreme Court and the HRC had gradually decreased over the years.
· Flagrant violations of International humanitarian law including targeting of civilians, attacks on places of worship, hospitals and schools, and forced resettlement of IDPs.
· This statement was also a blatant lie. This is a Report submitted in February 2008, not after the end of the war in May, 2009. Could they cite a single incident where the GOSL has targeted civilians? They could not. There was not a single incident where the security forces have targeted civilians.
· Were there any incidents where the security forces had attacked places of worship, hospitals and schools? No. There wasn’t any. This statement is also a deliberate lie.
· There were more than a dozen incidents where the LTTE terrorists had attacked civilian targets, killing hundreds of helpless children, women and men and injuring thousands of people. LTTE had attacked several Catholic Churches in Mannar and killed a Hindu priest at Batticaloa and a Buddhist monk at Trincomalee during that period. They used Vakarai Hospital as its base for attacking security forces. When this Report talked of “targeting of civilians, attacks on places of worship, hospitals and schools” without naming the real perpetrator of these crimes – the LTTE – it has made a subtle attempt to put all these crimes committed by the LTTE to the account of the Government of Sri Lanka.
· The Report alleged that there was forced resettlement of IDPs. It is no secret that several NGOs, INGOs and UN Agencies operating in the East at that time tried to obstruct the resettlement of displaced people. They tried to dissuade people from leaving their IDP camps. They wished the IDPs to remain in IDP camps undergoing all sorts of difficulties so that they could continue with their welfare work in IDP camps and carry on their international campaign against Sri Lanka clamouring about displacement of hundreds of thousands of people by war, comparing Sri Lanka’s situation with that of Somalia.
· Women on the plantations also face forced sterilization, promoted in some cases by the management.
· This was also a diabolical lie. There was no forced sterilisation of women anywhere in the country. There had never been. There were two powerful political parties and trade unions looking after the interests of plantation workers in Sri Lanka – the Ceylon Workers’ Congress, led by Mr. Arumugam Thondamon, and the Up-Country People’s Front, led by Mr. P. Chandrasekeran. There were a large number of NGOs working among the plantation workers. There was a Plantation Trust. If there was any attempt at forced sterilization of plantation women, these organizations would not have remained silent.
· This was a sinister attempt made by these NGOs that drafted this Report to tarnish the image of the country and the government of Sri Lanka by spreading the lie that a repressive Sinhala government was forcibly sterilizing Tamil women in the plantation areas, in violation of their human rights and committing genocide.
· Acts of violence against women are growing, as are restrictions on women’s freedom of choice on a range of issues, ranging from form of dress and choice of marriage partner.
· This statement that ‘Acts of violence against women are growing’ was also contrary to facts. Domestic violence is a problem affecting not only our society, but all societies including the West. After a long consultation process with women’s organizations in the country, the Government enacted Domestic Violence Act in 2003 to deal with the problem of domestic violence. Any woman or child affected by domestic violence could obtain a protection order on application to a Magistrate’s Court. The Ministry of Child Development and Women’s Empowerment had taken a special interest in the implementation of the Domestic Violence Act. There were several organizations like the Legal Aid Commission and the Women in Need (WIN) providing counselling and legal support services to women and children affected by domestic violence. In 36 Police Divisions, there were separate Women and Children Units, manned by women Police Officers, with special training to handle cases of violence against women and children.
· Were there any restrictions on women’s freedom of choice of form of dress or choice of marriage partner in Sri Lanka, as claimed by these NGOs? Certainly not. It was a diabolical attempt made to give a gloomy picture of Sri Lanka, to depict Sri Lanka as a country like Afghanistan under a fundamentalist rule.
· LGBT (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender) individuals are denied access to health services, education and employment and the ability to participate in social and public life. Targeting and persecution of LGBT persons have led to several individuals leaving the country to seek asylum elsewhere.
· Was there an iota of truth in this statement? Were Lesbians and Gays denied access to health services in hospitals in Sri Lanka? Were they denied admission to hospitals, government or private, when they fall sick? Were they or their children denied admission to schools, universities or other institutions of higher education, due to the fact that they are lesbians or gays? Were they denied employment? Was there a requirement, legal or otherwise, to disclose whether a person is a homosexual? Were there any restrictions on LGBT persons’ participation in social and public life? Don’t they have voting rights? Were they not allowed to contest elections? It is a well-known fact that a number of leading politicians in this country were/are homo-sexuals or persons who maintained homo-sexual relationships.
· Since the introduction of the Penal Code by the British rulers in 1863, homo-sexual conduct remained a criminal offence in Sri Lanka. Till 1995 only gay relationships or homo-sexual conduct between men was an offence. When the Penal Code was amended in 1995, ensuring gender equality, lesbian relationship was also made a criminal offence. Whether homo-sexual conduct is criminalized or not, Asian culture considers homo-sexuality as a deviation of the normal human sexual conduct.
· As was claimed in this Report, there was no targeting and persecution of LGBT persons in Sri Lanka. No police officer was going to peep into their bedrooms. Only thing they could not promote, openly display or exhibit their conduct. There was no reason for them to leave Sri Lanka and seek asylum elsewhere unless they wished to contract same sex marriages, which they could not do in Sri Lanka.
· Equal Ground, an NGO campaigning for recognition of LGBT rights and decriminalization of homo-sexuality, was also among the NGOs involved in this campaign.
Any person who is conversant with the situation of this country knows that most of these assertions were blatant lies, half-truths, distortions and fabrications concocted by some of the leaders of these foreign funded NGOs who were hell-bent on serving the agendas of their foreign masters of getting this country opened for foreign intervention.
As the next step of their anti-Sri Lanka campaign, in April 2008, these NGOs had addressed a letter, containing packs of lies and fabrications, to the Member States of the UN General Assembly seeking their support to prevent the re-election of Sri Lanka to the Human Rights Council. In this letter, these NGOs have stated:
“We, the undersigned civil society organizations are gravely concerned by the widening human rights crisis and growing culture of impunity that cripples our country….
” … It is with deep sadness and regret that we have now decided to make this appeal to the members of the United Nations General Assembly to oppose the re-election of Sri Lanka to the Council in 2008…. During Sri Lanka’s two years tenure in the UN Human Rights Council, the human rights situation has worsened. The Government’s unwillingness to take effective measures to address and prevent violations has made clear its inability to fulfill its pledges….
“We appeal to you to consider withholding support for Sri Lanka’s re-election this year. By doing so, your government will send a strong message to the Government of Sri Lanka that it must reform its practices if it wants to continue as an equal partner in international institutions such as the UN ….
“To re-elect Sri Lanka to the Human Rights Council in the present circumstances would amount to support for the undemocratic practices that have become part of our everyday lives. Your rejection of Sri Lanka’s bid for re-election to the Human Rights Council will reaffirm the faith that Sri Lanka civil society has placed in the international community, and could act as a powerful impetus for reforms in the country.” A Sinhala translation of this letter appeared in the Ravaya newspaper of 18. 05. 2008.
Features
Samarawickrama’s rise gives Sri Lanka a second pillar
Harshitha Samarawickrema was 14 when Sri Lankan women’s cricket first pricked the national consciousness. She had already been playing cricket for her school, Gothami Balika Vidyalaya, but had largely pursued cricket merely for the sake of playing a sport, and also because she had enjoyed watching the men’s team play. But watching Sri Lanka defeat England in a thriller at the 2013 World Cup stirred up a deeper yearning.
“I’d watched all of the matches at that World Cup actually – that was the first time those kind of matches were telecast,” Samarawickrama said once. “That’s when I decided I was going to play and win matches for Sri Lanka one day.”
That victory against England was a new dawn for Sri Lanka’s women for two reasons. First up it was the highest-profile victory on their ledger until then, marking an unexpected high point in a World Cup in which little was generally expected of the team. But it also marked the rocket-powered arrival of Chamari Athapaththu, who top-scored with 62 to help set up the chase.
Thirteen years later, Samarawickrama has not only fulfilled her promise to herself, she has also helped Sri Lanka bring to life the promise of that 2013 campaign. Athapaththu, who has since has become the superstar around which Sri Lanka’s cricket orbits, has never known a more consistent batting collaborator than Samarawickrama. In T20Is, the pair have put on 1,202 runs together – easily the best for Sri Lanka. Though both are lefties who revel in pressure, that’s about where the similarities end – Athapaththu having grown up idolising the big-hitting of Sanath Jayasuriya, while Samarawickrama had been a disciple of the Kumar Sangakkara school of left-handed batting. (Samarawickrama still tries to replicate that famous bent-kneed cover drive, though she invariably sprinkles a little of of her own flair to the endeavour.) Oppositions have found this combination difficult to contend with, Athapaththu commanding through the legside and brutal on errors of length, while Samarawickrama flits around the crease and carves boundaries through cover and point.
It has been clear for years now that Sri Lanka’s chances in pretty much any match depend primarily on Athapaththu runs. But Samarawickrama’s advance as a T20 batter has now opened up a new frontier in the team’s batting performance. Ideally, what Sri Lanka want is not merely big runs from their captain, but a strong partnership between Athapaththu and Samarawickrama. In victories, the Athapaththu-Samarawickrama stand averages 41.38.
More tellingly, a good Samarawickrama innings has become as reliable a predictor of a strong Sri Lanka showing as a good Athapaththu innings. In T20I wins, Athapaththu averages 40.18 and strikes at 131, in comparison to 17.94 and a strike rate of 94 in losses. Samarawickrama’s corresponding numbers are even more stark. In Sri Lanka victories, Samarawickrama averages 44.08 with a strike rate of 109. In losses those numbers are 16.94 and 87. Other Sri Lanka batters have leveled up in recent years too – Kavisha Dilhari, Nilakshika Silva and Hasini Perera having become more frequent contributors, while 20-year-old Vishmi Gunaratne has also showed promise. But 11 years into her international career, Samarawickrama now has a serious body of work.
Samarawickrama had been modest in the shortest format in 2025, but she arrives at the Women’s T20 World Cup 2026 having had a good six months. Against Bangladesh in April, Samarawickrama had cracked 61 off 35, then 49 off 29, in back-to-back matches that Sri Lanka won (Samarawickrama was top-scorer on both occasions). This was in addition to having put up good numbers in the ODI series that preceded the T20Is. Her 36 not out off 34 in a comfortable warm-up win against Netherlands suggests she is still riding on that form.
This is the first T20 World Cup in which serious runs are expected of Samarawickrama, and if history is much to go by, she is not the sort to be daunted by occasion. Samarawickrama’s finest moments as a Sri Lanka cricketer had come in their most-celebrated win of all, in the Asia Cup final of 2024, against India. Typically, that chase of 166 in Dambulla had been propelled by an 87-run Athapaththu-Samarawickrama stand, but when Athapaththu was dismissed, Samarawickrama ensured she remained at the crease until the winning moments, hitting 69 not out off 51, ultimately collecting the Player-of-the-Match award.
If 2013 was a new dawn inspiring a fresh generation of Sri Lanka cricketers, 2024 was the year in which the team hammered its stake into the ground, breaking through into an entirely new galaxy of recognition and acclaim at home. Frequently batting in the shadow of Athapaththu, but always charting her own path, Samarawickrama has grown into a leader.
[Cricinfo]
Features
US’ anti-migrant stance set to intensify tensions in Western camp
The announcement by the US authorities of an anti-migrant stance during a recent commemoration in France of the epochal D-Day Landings of June 6, 1944, ought to strike impartial observers as a supreme irony. Whereas what should have been expected was a vibrant celebration of the beginning of the process of Western Europe freeing itself decisively from Nazi or fascist control during the crucial stages of World War Two, this was not to be.
What the world heard instead was a call to contemporary Western Europe to arm itself against a seemingly rising and threatening migrant presence in the region. In other words, the migrant must be despised and ‘shown the door’.
Instead of a commemoration that rejoiced in the flourishing of liberal democracy and its values what one got was a strong affirmation of fascism and racial chauvinism. US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth vented his spleen against the migrant or foreigner presence in Europe reportedly thus: ‘Sadly today different European beaches are stormed by different dangerous ideologies.’ To ‘beaches in Spain and Italy and Greece and Bulgaria, boats and men arrive. When will European capitals do something about that invasion?’
While at the outbreak of World War Two it was Nazi Germany that was doing the invading and bringing some principal European countries under its suzerainty, this time around we are being given to understand that it’s migrants to the West who are seeking to colonize the latter. It goes without saying that such inflammatory rhetoric would have the deleterious effect of keeping racial tensions alive in the West and jeopardize all possibilities of the countries concerned cementing and maintaining social stability.
The Trump administration gives the impression of taking a leaf from the politically underdeveloped regions of the South to keep the US polity stable and united. In South Asia, for instance, we are not short of ambitious demagogues who use what is referred to as the ‘race card’ to gather unto themselves a following and thereby further their political fortunes. By seeking to stir and sustain anti-migrant hysteria, the Trump administration is also essentially replicating Nazi Germany’s policy of anti-Semitism. That is, fascism is very much alive in the US under President Trump.
Such efforts at churning racial hysteria at this juncture in the US should not come as a surprise. For all intents and purposes, the Trump administration is nowhere near achieving its aims in West Asia, for instance, in the short term. It has failed to bring Iran down to its knees, as it hoped to do, but is adopting the expedient of keeping the world guessing and confused on what it is doing in the region, since it cannot withdraw from the theatre in a hurry without losing face.
While perhaps working out an escape strategy the Trump administration it seems, is hoping to maintain its following at home intact and silent by playing on their racial biases and insecurities. Hence, the anti-foreigner campaign.
Simultaneously, the Trump administration will need to keep a close eye on how economic pressures on the domestic front are panning out. Anti-administration sentiments first break to the surface at meal tables. On this score, the news cannot be good because the average US family’s spending power ought to be shrinking on account of rising energy and oil prices. Consequently, it would not be a bad idea to keep the attention of the US consumer diverted by adeptly playing ‘the race card’; once again, lessons from intellectually bankrupt Southern politicians are coming in handy.
To be sure such comparisons many politicians in vibrantly democratic countries would find quite unflattering. But the stark truth is that racism cannot be tolerated in civilized societies and those politicians who resort to it risk being branded as racists of the first degree. In fact they could be seen as being on par with the likes of German dictator Adolph Hitler and his close collaborators.
However, on the question of migrant policy the Trump administration would likely be at polar opposites with the most vibrant of liberal democracies of the West. This will be the case with the UK, France and Italy for instance. The latter continue to keep their doors open to legal migrants and they are likely to view a virtual blanket ban on migrants as reprehensible.
Moreover, in the foremost democracies of the West debates are vibrantly ongoing on the need to keep racism or any hint of it completely outlawed in the public plane. There is the case of the UK, for instance, where the authorities continue to emphatically pinpoint their adherence to the principle of anti-racism in the conduct of public affairs.
One proof of the above was the parliamentary debate relating to the killing of 18-year-old Henry Nowak in Southampton. Police handling of the victim came in for sharp scrutiny by particularly the opposition in the House of Commons but there seemed to be a consensus over the main political divide that the matter should not be politicized.
Moreover, the UK authorities stressed in the House the government’s strict adherence to the policy of non-racism. It was also pointed out that British institutions set up to manage racism at the national, county and neighbourhood levels, for example, were very much intact. In fact, Sri Lanka could gain considerably by studying and implementing locally, legislation modeled on the relevant UK laws if it is in earnest when it speaks of ‘reconciliation’.
Accordingly, it is highly unlikely that Western Europe would ‘cave in’, so to speak, to US pressure on issues related to migration. The liberal democracies of Western Europe in particular would remain for the foreseeable future migrant-welcoming, multi-ethnic and plural democracies.
Nor is it likely that Western Europe would be passively receptive to US demands that it drastically increases its defense spending to meet the latter’s aims. Within the Western fold the EU is remaining committed to backing Ukraine, for instance, in its ongoing armed resistance to the Russian invasion and it is not giving any indication of being deferent to US pressure.
However, although tensions would continue to bristle within US-Western Europe relations on the above and numerous other matters of contention it would be far too premature to announce a parting of company between the two sections of the West. In that sense, the post-World War Two order remains essentially intact. There are still many things in common between the two, particular on the economic plane, that will ensure the continuance of the partnership.
Features
A decade among Yala’s ghosts of gold
The first rays of dawn creep over the ancient rocks of Yala. The Indian Ocean glimmers in the distance, and the wilderness slowly awakens. Somewhere amid the scrub jungle, a pair of amber eyes scans the landscape.
For wildlife conservationist and leopard researcher Milinda Wattegedara, moments such as these have defined more than a decade of dedication to one of Sri Lanka’s most iconic creatures—the Sri Lankan leopard.
What began as fascination evolved into a remarkable conservation journey that has transformed the understanding of Yala’s leopard population and placed Sri Lanka firmly on the global wildlife research map.
“Long before I ever lifted a camera, leopards had already captured my imagination,” says Wattegedara. “What fascinated me was not merely their beauty but the complexity of their lives—their hunting strategies, movements, reproductive behaviour and their remarkable ability to adapt to changing environments.”
That fascination led to the birth of the Yala Leopard Diary in 2013, an ambitious long-term project dedicated to documenting individual leopards and unraveling the mysteries surrounding their lives.
For many visitors, a leopard sighting is a fleeting thrill. For Wattegedara and his team, every encounter is a chapter in an ongoing scientific story.
“Each photograph was never the end of an encounter,” he explains. “It was the beginning of deeper questions. How did a particular leopard use the landscape? How did its behaviour change with the seasons? What environmental pressures shaped its decisions?”
These questions drove years of meticulous fieldwork. Every sighting was carefully recorded with details including location, habitat, behaviour, date and time. Photographs were analysed to identify individual animals through unique spot patterns, allowing researchers to distinguish one leopard from another with remarkable accuracy.
What followed was groundbreaking.

YF77 “Shelly” pauses in quiet observation, embodying the alertness
and grace that define Yala’s leopard population.
From 2013 to 2026, the Yala Leopard Diary identified an astonishing 189 individual leopards within the Yala Block 1. The research revealed a leopard density of approximately 0.524 leopards per square kilometre, making Yala one of the highest leopard-density landscapes ever recorded anywhere in the world.
Such findings have elevated Yala’s status among global wildlife researchers.
Nestled between the Indian Ocean and a mosaic of habitats, ranging from rocky outcrops to dense scrub forests, Yala offers an ecological stage unlike any other.
Here, leopards are photographed silhouetted against ocean horizons, perched atop ancient granite formations, resting on tree branches and stalking prey across sunlit grasslands.
The images tell stories of extraordinary lives.
There is Haminee, a devoted mother navigating the challenges of raising cubs in a competitive landscape. There is Lucas, one of Yala’s most frequently documented males, striding confidently across the Gonalabba Plains with the vast ocean forming an unforgettable backdrop.
There is Ruki demonstrating the species’ incredible strength by hoisting prey onto branches, and Shelly, quietly surveying her surroundings in a moment of feline vigilance.
Together, these individuals have become familiar characters in a living wilderness drama.

YM31 “Ruki” secures prey on a branch, illustrating the remarkable strength and coordination of the Sri Lankan leopard.
Recognising the immense value of long-term documentation, Wattegedara joined forces with fellow researchers Dushyantha Silva, Raveendra Siriwardana and Mevan Piyasena to establish the Yala Leopard Centre in 2020.
Located at the Palatupana entrance to the Yala National Park, the centre is believed to be the world’s first information facility dedicated exclusively to leopards.
“The centre serves as a repository of knowledge, accumulated through years of observation and research,” Wattegedara says. “Our goal is to connect visitors with the science behind conservation and foster a deeper appreciation of these magnificent animals.”
The project’s impact extends far beyond Sri Lanka’s borders.
Research arising from the Yala Leopard Diary has been published in internationally recognised scientific journals. One study introduced an innovative framework for identifying individual leopards, while another documented an extraordinary and previously unrecorded case of a leopard cub being consecutively adopted by two different adult females—first a relative and later an unrelated leopardess.
The discovery attracted international scientific attention and highlighted the complexity of leopard social behaviour.
Yet for Wattegedara, the most important lesson remains one of humility.
“One conclusion has become increasingly clear,” he reflects. “Our understanding of these leopards remains far from complete. We are only beginning to understand how they live, adapt and persist in one of Sri Lanka’s most dynamic protected landscapes.”

YF15 “Hope” descends Rukvila Rock at dawn, showcasing the agility and adaptability of Yala’s leopards.
His words underscore an essential conservation truth: the more we learn about nature, the more mysteries emerge.
As Sri Lanka navigates growing environmental challenges, the Yala Leopard Diary stands as a shining example of what sustained observation, scientific curiosity and public engagement can achieve.
Beyond the stunning photographs and remarkable sightings lies something even more valuable—a growing body of knowledge capable of informing future conservation decisions and ensuring that future generations inherit a wilderness where leopards continue to roam free.
For more than a decade, Wattegedara and his colleagues have followed the tracks of Yala’s elusive predators through dust, rain and scorching heat.
Their work has revealed that every leopard has a story, every sighting has significance and every photograph can contribute to conservation.
And perhaps, most importantly, it has reminded us that the golden ghosts of Yala still have many secrets left to share.
By Ifham Nizam
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