Features
2024:Year of the Chinese Dragon and the Year of South Asian Elections
by Rajan Philips
2024 is the year of the dragon in Chinese zodiac system and is supposed augur well for those in power and authority. That might suit China’s strongman Xi Jinping just fine. The 12th anniversary of his becoming President falls in 2025, the year of snake, the same sign as for the year of his birth in 1953. Whether dialectics or astrology, Mr. Xi is going strong in spite of the country’s economic slips and social uncertainties at home. How well the dragon will play for those facing elections in 2024 will be determined not by the dragon or stars, but by the voters in the countries that will be holding elections in 2024. Four South Asian countries will be having elections in 2024.
The mother of all elections will be in November in the United States of America. The contest is widely expected to be between the oldest of them all – incumbent President, Joe Biden, and the most perversely tenacious of them all – Donald Trump, a former President and a defeated candidate. And the country will go through monthly rituals till November, involving primaries, conventions and finally the campaign. Adding to the list this year will be lawsuits and trials involving Trump. The Supreme Court will be in the thick of it all, and all nicely set up to be damned for what they do, and damned for what they don’t.
If President Wickremesinghe goes ahead with a March parliamentary, as we speculated earlier, then there would have been an election every month of the first four months in 2024, for four South Asian countries. Now, in Sri Lanka it is anticipated, the President willing, to have presidential election first, followed by parliamentary, both occurring in the last quarter or one of them spilling into 2025.
That leaves three South Asian countries having elections in the first four months – Bangladesh in January, Pakistan in February, and India in April-May. Sri Lanka is also the outlier and in a more important respect – the only country in South Asia to labour under a presidential system that is screwed atop a parliamentary system.
Bangladesh: Potemkin Election
The country will go to the polls a week into the New Year, on Sunday, January 7. The voters will directly elect 300 members of the Jatiya Sangsad (National Parliament), for a five year term, in a first-past-the-post voting system. An additional fifty members, all women, will be elected proportionately by the elected members of parliament. Bangladesh is a parliamentary democracy with a unicameral legislature that is still functioning under its first and only constitution adopted in 1972, one year after its liberation from its transcontinental rulers in Pakistan.
However, the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution enacted in January 1975, under the direction of the nation’s founding father Mujibur Rahuman himself, introduced a presidential form of government based on a one-party system, reduced the powers of parliament, and weakened judicial independence. That was the beginning of a whole era of political assassinations and military coups until constitutional order was restored 16 years later by the Twelfth Amendment enacted in 1991, which abolished the elected presidential system, reinstated the parliamentary system of government, and provided for parliament to elect the president as the constitutional head of state.
Another constitutional point to note is that the 1972 Constitution was founded on four fundamental principles – nationalism, socialism, democracy and secularism. The Eighth Amendment in 1988 established Islam as state religion. Twenty three years later in 2011, the 15th Amendment to the Constitution, restored secularism and freedom of religion as fundamental principles of the state, while retaining Islam as the state religion.
The president has power to dissolve parliament and appoints the prime minister from among the members of the Sangsad. The prime minister is head of government and head of the Council of Ministers (the cabinet), whose members are appointed by the President on the recommendations of the Prime Minister. The President also appoints the chief justice, other judges of the supreme court, and the chief election commissioner.
The current President is Mohammad Shahabuddin Chuppu, who was elected uncontested in February 2023. The Prime Minister is Sheikh Hasina, leader of the governing Awami League, and she has been in office since January 2009.
Ms. Hasina and the Awami League are certain to return to power with more than a comfortable majority in the election that Kallol Mustafa, a Bangladeshi engineer and writer, has called the “Potemkin election” – an election with all the paraphernalia, but without a real contest. That is because the main opposition party, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) that has been in office multiple times is boycotting the election over the Awami League government’s rejection of the BNP demand that the election must be conducted under a neutral caretaker government.
The third major political party in Bangladesh, the Jatiya Party, which too has led governments in the past, is currently the opposition party in parliament but is too weak to take on the Awami juggernaut that has been in office for 14 years. In the outgoing parliament, Awami League had 304 out of the 350 MPs, while the Jatiya Party has 27 MPs. Ideologically, the League is to the left-of centre, BNP to the right-of-centre, and the Jatiya Party is more rightwing.
However, the Jatiya Party has been in governing alliances with both the League and the BNP. The BNP’s decision to boycott the election is counterproductive because it leaves the political field open to be monopolized by the governing party.
The electoral void is being filled by official candidates of the Awami League and “independents” planted by the government to create the pretense of a contest. Yet there is pre-election violence between the official candidates and independent pretenders. The violence has been bad enough to provoke an editorial criticism in The Daily Star, Bangladesh’s leading English daily. The paper’s concern is that the violent clashes among politicos will frighten voters to stay away from the polls.
The Star also carried a remarkable exposé of the Bangladeshi Minister of Lands, Saifuzzaman Chowdhury Javed, who apparently owns more than 260 properties in the UK worth about GBP 135 million, and most of them are in London. Mr. Javed is a three term MP, now running for the fourth time. The Star’s cartoon (reproduced on this page) is quite an attention grabber in the world of political money making.
Although the election is a foregone conclusion, the government is under scrutiny for good behaviour in the business of elections and in the area of human rights. The US has already (in May) announced visa restrictions targeting government officials, members of political parties, law enforcement officials, the judiciary, and security services, who are “believed to be responsible for, or complicit in, undermining the democratic election process in Bangladesh.” The US Ambassador Peter Haas is also reported to have had meetings with Bangladeshi Chief Election Commissioner Kazi Habibul Awal.
It is quite a turnaround for the US and Bangladesh from where they were in 1971. The US took the side of Pakistan and ignored the bloodbath that Bangladesh had to go through for its liberation. Few years later, the US Administration called Bangladesh an economic “basket case.” Not anymore. It is an emerging economic success story, the credit for which, as well as for steering Bangladesh away from religious extremism, belongs to Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and her Awami League government, despite their poor record on human rights, mass arrests and incarceration of political opponents, not to mention the holding of virtual one-party election.
Pakistan: the new basket case
A month after Bangladesh, on February 8, Pakistan will have its general elections to elect its 16th National Assembly. In Bangladesh the main opposition party is boycotting the election, while in Pakistan the government and the establishment are trying to keep their main rival Imran Khan indefinitely in jail to neutralize the electoral threat that he is posing them. In contrast, Nawaz Sharif who is leading the governing Pakistan Muslim League Party (PML (N) in his bid to become Prime Minister for a record fourth time, has been acquitted of all charges against him and is being given all the perks of a prime minister designate.
Against all the odds, Imran Khan will be contesting the election from prison for three seats in the National Assembly. The latest blow to Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insa (PTI) Party is from the heavily partisan Election Commission that is hell bent on denying the PTI the use of its ‘bat’ election symbol. The Peshawar High Court has overruled the Commission’s decision but the Commission might keep appealing the ruling to create uncertainty for the PTI and its supporters over its election symbol with just five weeks before the elections.
Recent opinion polls seem to indicate that the PTI still leads in voter intentions, but Nawaz Shariff is the military’s favoured candidate this time unlike in 2018 when the military backed Imran Khan against Nawaz Sharif. The third major political party is the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) founded by the late Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the father of Benazir Bhutto. Her son Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, the Foreign Minister in the outgoing PML government, now leads the PPP whose main electoral base is the Province of Sindh.
India apparently is hoping for a Nawaz victory as the former Prime Minister is seen as being friendly towards India unlike the rest of the establishment. He was opposed to the Kargil war of 1999 and paid the price of being ousted from office by Pervez Musharraf. It will be interesting to see how Mr. Sharif might be able ease the relationship with Delhi if he were to win the election. The Modi government and its handling of Kashmir is not making it easy for any Pakistani government to mend fences with India.
The US is being deafeningly silent on the Pakistani elections while threatening visa restrictions to Bangladeshis over their election. Silence on Pakistan has been the Biden Administration’s approach over the last three years.
And with Imran Khan accusing the US of involvement in his expulsion from parliament and the sacking of his government, there is no quick prospect for rapprochement between the two former Cold War allies.
For the people of Pakistan, the state of the economy and their own predicaments will be top of mind in the ballot booths. While Bangladesh is emerging as a successful economy, Pakistan has been in a free fall over several years. It would be poetic irony if someone in Washington were to call Pakistan a “basket case,” 50 years after disparaging Bangladesh.
Despite their violent separation, Pakistan and Bangladesh share similar constitutional experiences. Bangladesh was East Pakistan when Pakistan became independent with a parliamentary system of government. After the 1958 coup, and with the second constitution adopted in 1962, the country abolished the office of the prime minister and shifted to a presidential form of government.
Parliamentary system and the office of the Prime Minister were restored only after the separation of East Pakistan as Bangladesh, and under the 1973 Constitution championed by then Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.
The president in Pakistan is now a constitutional head of government elected by an electoral college comprising the National Assembly, the Senate, and the four Provincial Assemblies.
Pakistan has a federal constitution with four federated provinces and a bicameral legislature. The National Assembly consists of 336 members, 266 of whom are directly elected under the first-past-the-post system. 60 seats are reserved for women and 10 for non-Muslim minorities, both of whom are elected by members of parliament in proportion to the number of MPs in each of the political parties represented in parliament. The Senate of Pakistan is the House of the Federation. It has 100 members, 92 of them elected by the four provincial legislatures, four to represent the Federal Capital and another four to represent Federally Administrated Tribal Areas.
After Pakistan, it will be India that will have its general election in April-May to elect its 18th Lok Sabha. Only in Sri Lanka, the President calls the shots when it comes to election timing. Like Bangladesh and Pakistan, Sri Lanka too shifted from a parliamentary system to a presidential system of government with a complicated proportional representation system to elect its unicameral legislature. But unlike in Bnagladesh and Pakistan, there was no military compulsion for the system change in Sri Lanka.
What is more, both Bangladesh and Pakistan have reverted to the parliamentary system and the simple first-past-the-post system for electing members of parliament with additional reserved seats for women. Their constitutional experience could be a source of hope for Sri Lanka, as the New Year dawns and the stage is set for the much anticipated national elections.
Features
Cyclones, greed and philosophy for a new world order
Further to my earlier letter titled, “Psychology of Greed and Philosophy for a New World Order” (The Island 26.11.2025) it may not be far-fetched to say that the cause of the devastating cyclones that hit Sri Lanka and Indonesia last week could be traced back to human greed. Cyclones of this magnitude are said to be unusual in the equatorial region but, according to experts, the raised sea surface temperatures created the conditions for their occurrence. This is directly due to global warming which is caused by excessive emission of Greenhouse gases due to burning of fossil fuels and other activities. These activities cannot be brought under control as the rich, greedy Western powers do not want to abide by the terms and conditions agreed upon at the Paris Agreement of 2015, as was seen at the COP30 meeting in Brazil recently. Is there hope for third world countries? This is why the Global South must develop a New World Order. For this purpose, the proposed contentment/sufficiency philosophy based on morals like dhana, seela, bhavana, may provide the necessary foundation.
Further, such a philosophy need not be parochial and isolationist. It may not be necessary to adopt systems that existed in the past that suited the times but develop a system that would be practical and also pragmatic in the context of the modern world.
It must be reiterated that without controlling the force of collective greed the present destructive socioeconomic system cannot be changed. Hence the need for a philosophy that incorporates the means of controlling greed. Dhana, seela, bhavana may suit Sri Lanka and most of the East which, as mentioned in my earlier letter, share a similar philosophical heritage. The rest of the world also may have to adopt a contentment / sufficiency philosophy with strong and effective tenets that suit their culture, to bring under control the evil of greed. If not, there is no hope for the existence of the world. Global warming will destroy it with cyclones, forest fires, droughts, floods, crop failure and famine.
Leading economists had commented on the damaging effect of greed on the economy while philosophers, ancient as well as modern, had spoken about its degenerating influence on the inborn human morals. Ancient philosophers like Plato, Aristotle, and Epicurus all spoke about greed, viewing it as a destructive force that hindered a good life. They believed greed was rooted in personal immorality and prevented individuals from achieving true happiness by focusing on endless material accumulation rather than the limited wealth needed for natural needs.
Jeffry Sachs argues that greed is a destructive force that undermines social and environmental well-being, citing it as a major driver of climate change and economic inequality, referencing the ideas of Adam Smith, John Maynard Keynes, etc. Joseph Stiglitz, a Nobel Laureate economist, has criticised neoliberal ideology in similar terms.
In my earlier letter, I have discussed how contentment / sufficiency philosophy could effectively transform the socioeconomic system to one that prioritises collective well-being and sufficiency over rampant consumerism and greed, potentially leading to more sustainable economic models.
Obviously, these changes cannot be brought about without a change of attitude, morals and commitment of the rulers and the government. This cannot be achieved without a mass movement; people must realise the need for change. Such a movement would need leadership. In this regard a critical responsibility lies with the educated middle class. It is they who must give leadership to the movement that would have the goal of getting rid of the evil of excessive greed. It is they who must educate the entire nation about the need for these changes.
The middle class would be the vanguard of change. It is the middle class that has the capacity to bring about change. It is the middle class that perform as a vibrant component of the society for political stability. It is the group which supplies political philosophy, ideology, movements, guidance and leaders for the rest of the society. The poor, who are the majority, need the political wisdom and leadership of the middle class.
Further, the middle class is the font of culture, creativity, literature, art and music. Thinkers, writers, artistes, musicians are fostered by the middle class. Cultural activity of the middle class could pervade down to the poor groups and have an effect on their cultural development as well. Similarly, education of a country depends on how educated the middle class is. It is the responsibility of the middle class to provide education to the poor people.
Most importantly, the morals of a society are imbued in the middle class and it is they who foster them. As morals are crucial in the battle against greed, the middle class assume greater credentials to spearhead the movement against greed and bring in sustainable development and growth. Contentment sufficiency philosophy, based on morals, would form the strong foundation necessary for achieving the goal of a new world order. Thus, it is seen that the middle class is eminently suitable to be the vehicle that could adopt and disseminate a contentment/ sufficiency philosophy and lead the movement against the evil neo-liberal system that is destroying the world.
The Global South, which comprises the majority of the world’s poor, may have to realise, before it is too late, that it is they who are the most vulnerable to climate change though they may not be the greatest offenders who cause it. Yet, if they are to survive, they must get together and help each other to achieve self-sufficiency in the essential needs, like food, energy and medicine. Trade must not be via exploitative and weaponised currency but by means of a barter system, based on purchase power parity (PPP). The union of these countries could be an expansion of organisations,like BRICS, ASEAN, SCO, AU, etc., which already have the trade and financial arrangements though in a rudimentary state but with great potential, if only they could sort out their bilateral issues and work towards a Global South which is neither rich nor poor but sufficient, contented and safe, a lesson to the Global North. China, India and South Africa must play the lead role in this venture. They would need the support of a strong philosophy that has the capacity to fight the evil of greed, for they cannot achieve these goals if fettered by greed. The proposed contentment / sufficient philosophy would form a strong philosophical foundation for the Global South, to unite, fight greed and develop a new world order which, above all, will make it safe for life.
by Prof. N. A. de S. Amaratunga
PHD, DSc, DLITT
Features
SINHARAJA: The Living Cathedral of Sri Lanka’s Rainforest Heritage
When Senior biodiversity scientist Vimukthi Weeratunga speaks of Sinharaja, his voice carries the weight of four decades spent beneath its dripping emerald canopy. To him, Sri Lanka’s last great rainforest is not merely a protected area—it is “a cathedral of life,” a sanctuary where evolution whispers through every leaf, stream and shadow.
“Sinharaja is the largest and most precious tropical rainforest we have,” Weeratunga said.
“Sixty to seventy percent of the plants and animals found here exist nowhere else on Earth. This forest is the heart of endemic biodiversity in Sri Lanka.”
A Magnet for the World’s Naturalists
Sinharaja’s allure lies not in charismatic megafauna but in the world of the small and extraordinary—tiny, jewel-toned frogs; iridescent butterflies; shy serpents; and canopy birds whose songs drift like threads of silver through the mist.
“You must walk slowly in Sinharaja,” Weeratunga smiled.
“Its beauty reveals itself only to those who are patient and observant.”
For global travellers fascinated by natural history, Sinharaja remains a top draw. Nearly 90% of nature-focused visitors to Sri Lanka place Sinharaja at the top of their itinerary, generating a deep economic pulse for surrounding communities.
A Forest Etched in History
Centuries before conservationists championed its cause, Sinharaja captured the imagination of explorers and scholars. British and Dutch botanists, venturing into the island’s interior from the 17th century onward, mapped streams, documented rare orchids, and penned some of the earliest scientific records of Sri Lanka’s natural heritage.
These chronicles now form the backbone of our understanding of the island’s unique ecology.
The Great Forest War: Saving Sinharaja
But Sinharaja nearly vanished.
In the 1970s, the government—guided by a timber-driven development mindset—greenlit a Canadian-assisted logging project. Forests around Sinharaja fell first; then, the chainsaws approached the ancient core.
“There was very little scientific data to counter the felling,” Weeratunga recalled.
- Poppie’s shrub frog
- Endemic Scimitar babblers
- Blue Magpie
“But people knew instinctively this was a national treasure.”
The public responded with one of the greatest environmental uprisings in Sri Lankan history. Conservation icons Thilo Hoffmann and Neluwe Gunananda Thera led a national movement. After seven tense years, the new government of 1977 halted the project.
What followed was a scientific renaissance. Leading researchers—including Prof. Savithri Gunathilake and Prof. Nimal Gunathilaka, Prof. Sarath Kottagama, and others—descended into the depths of Sinharaja, documenting every possible facet of its biodiversity.
“Those studies paved the way for Sinharaja to become Sri Lanka’s very first natural World Heritage Site,” Weeratunga noted proudly.
- Vimukthi
- Nadika
- Janaka
A Book Woven From 30 Years of Field Wisdom
For Weeratunga, Sinharaja is more than academic terrain—it is home. Since joining the Forest Department in 1985 as a young researcher, he has trekked, photographed, documented and celebrated its secrets.
Now, decades later, he joins Dr. Thilak Jayaratne, the late Dr. Janaka Gallangoda, and Nadika Hapuarachchi in producing, what he calls, the most comprehensive book ever written on Sinharaja.
“This will be the first major publication on Sinharaja since the early 1980s,” he said.
“It covers ecology, history, flora, fauna—and includes rare photographs taken over nearly 30 years.”
Some images were captured after weeks of waiting. Others after years—like the mysterious mass-flowering episodes where clusters of forest giants bloom in synchrony, or the delicate jewels of the understory: tiny jumping spiders, elusive amphibians, and canopy dwellers glimpsed only once in a lifetime.
The book even includes underwater photography from Sinharaja’s crystal-clear streams—worlds unseen by most visitors.
A Tribute to a Departed Friend
Halfway through the project, tragedy struck: co-author Dr. Janaka Gallangoda passed away.
“We stopped the project for a while,” Weeratunga said quietly.
“But Dr. Thilak Jayaratne reminded us that Janaka lived for this forest. So we completed the book in his memory. One of our authors now watches over Sinharaja from above.”
An Invitation to the Public
A special exhibition, showcasing highlights from the book, will be held on 13–14 December, 2025, in Colombo.
“We cannot show Sinharaja in one gallery,” he laughed.
“But we can show a single drop of its beauty—enough to spark curiosity.”
A Forest That Must Endure
What makes the book special, he emphasises, is its accessibility.
“We wrote it in simple, clear language—no heavy jargon—so that everyone can understand why Sinharaja is irreplaceable,” Weeratunga said.
“If people know its value, they will protect it.”
To him, Sinharaja is more than a rainforest.
It is Sri Lanka’s living heritage.
A sanctuary of evolution.
A sacred, breathing cathedral that must endure for generations to come.
By Ifham Nizam
Features
How Knuckles was sold out
Leaked RTI Files Reveal Conflicting Approvals, Missing Assessments, and Silent Officials
“This Was Not Mismanagement — It Was a Structured Failure”— CEJ’s Dilena Pathragoda
An investigation, backed by newly released Right to Information (RTI) files, exposes a troubling sequence of events in which multiple state agencies appear to have enabled — or quietly tolerated — unauthorised road construction inside the Knuckles Conservation Forest, a UNESCO World Heritage site.
At the centre of the unfolding scandal is a trail of contradictory letters, unexplained delays, unsigned inspection reports, and sudden reversals by key government offices.
“What these documents show is not confusion or oversight. It is a structured failure,” said Dilena Pathragoda, Executive Director of the Centre for Environmental Justice (CEJ), who has been analysing the leaked records.
“Officials knew the legal requirements. They ignored them. They knew the ecological risks. They dismissed them. The evidence points to a deliberate weakening of safeguards meant to protect one of Sri Lanka’s most fragile ecosystems.”
A Paper Trail of Contradictions
RTI disclosures obtained by activists reveal:
Approvals issued before mandatory field inspections were carried out
Three departments claiming they “did not authorise” the same section of the road
A suspiciously backdated letter clearing a segment already under construction
Internal memos flagging “missing evaluation data” that were never addressed
“No-objection” notes do not hold any legal weight for work inside protected areas, experts say.
One senior officer’s signature appears on two letters with opposing conclusions, sent just three weeks apart — a discrepancy that has raised serious questions within the conservation community.
“This is the kind of documentation that usually surfaces only after damage is done,” Pathragoda said. “It shows a chain of administrative behaviour designed to delay scrutiny until the bulldozers moved in.”
The Silence of the Agencies
Perhaps, more alarming is the behaviour of the regulatory bodies.
Multiple departments — including those legally mandated to halt unauthorised work — acknowledged concerns in internal exchanges but issued no public warnings, took no enforcement action, and allowed machinery to continue operating.
“That silence is the real red flag,” Pathragoda noted.
“Silence is rarely accidental in cases like this. Silence protects someone.”
On the Ground: Damage Already Visible
Independent field teams report:
Fresh erosion scars on steep slopes
Sediment-laden water in downstream streams
Disturbed buffer zones
Workers claiming that they were instructed to “complete the section quickly”
Satellite images from the past two months show accelerated clearing around the contested route.
Environmental experts warn that once the hydrology of the Knuckles slopes is altered, the consequences could be irreversible.
CEJ: “Name Every Official Involved”
CEJ is preparing a formal complaint demanding a multi-agency investigation.
Pathragoda insists that responsibility must be traced along the entire chain — from field officers to approving authorities.
“Every signature, every omission, every backdated approval must be examined,” she said.
“If laws were violated, then prosecutions must follow. Not warnings. Not transfers. Prosecutions.”
A Scandal Still Unfolding
More RTI documents are expected to come out next week, including internal audits and communication logs that could deepen the crisis for several agencies.
As the paper trail widens, one thing is increasingly clear: what happened in Knuckles is not an isolated act — it is an institutional failure, executed quietly, and revealed only because citizens insisted on answers.
by Ifham Nizam
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