Features
The Popular Sinhala Cinema : Rukmani Devi; Mohideen Baig ; Gamini Fonseka
by Laleen Jayamanne
Rukmani Devi, the first star of the Sinhala cinema and incomparable singer with a unique voice, originally known as Daisy Rasamma Daniel, was a Tamil Christian. It was well known that she couldn’t read or write Sinhala and that her dialogue and lyrics were written in English. Al-Haj Mohideen Baig, who sang some of the most cherished, perennial popular Sinhala film songs (including Budhu Gee), wrote down the Sinhala lyrics in his mother tongue, Urdu. The multilingual Mohideen Baig came to Lanka in 1932 for his brother’s funeral and stayed on. With the guidance of Mohammed Gauss at Columbia records, he began singing on radio soon after. In India he had sung Ghazals in Urdu in his village Salem and also Hindi and Tamil songs.
Once film production began in Lanka, he had a long career as a backup singer, starting with Asokamala (1947). His powerful, textured voice was unique just like Rukmani Devi’s, which made their songs immensely popular. Also, he acted as a beggar in Sujatha (53), walking across landscapes, singing melancholy shoka gee, commenting on the action. His love songs with Rukmani Devi are some of the most heartfelt songs of longing (viraha), in films like Nalagana (1960), which I heard as a child, at the proletarian Gamini theatre Maradana, where their songs blared out vibrating the small theatre and our hearts. Listening to the songs now on YouTube, those memories flood my thoughts (as I write), as only music can, though the films themselves are a faint memory. Gamini was among several Tamil owned cinemas burned down in July 83 race riots.
Here, I wish focus on Rukmani Devi and Baig Master’s careers within the multi-ethnic composition of the Lankan film industry. Gamini Fonseka will make a guest appearance here as a trilingual Sinhala star who built a Tamil fan base. I examine the period from Rukmani Devi’s starring role in the very first Sinhala film Kadawuna Produwa (Broken Promise) in 1947, going beyond her accidental tragic death in 1978, to the murdering of the director K. Vanket in July 83, and concluding with the assassination of the pioneering film producer and entrepreneur, K. Gunaratnam in 1989, by a JVP gunman.
I do this so as to understand anew the cultural value of the early Lankan hybrid popular cinema and its cross-cultural heritage of songs, its multi-ethnic history, through reading and listening carefully to several of its most ardent cinephiles and researchers. They are a group of older, now retired journalists who are in fact the first generation of Sinhala cinephiles and writers of the Lankan cinema, such as A.D. Ranjith Kumara, Sunil Mihindukula former editors of Saraswiya, Ranjan de Silva, Ananda Padmasiri and Ariyasiri Withanage, who have conducted research into those critically maligned early films, their songs and the mass audience and have helped create a film culture through their writing and programming of film songs.
As cinephiles and collectors, their passion for that popular cinema of the past remains undiminished even in retirement. I came across them through a series of informative programmes on Independent Television Network (ITN), directed by Indrasiri Suraweera (available on YouTube). Their careful historical research into the musical traditions of the films, and generosity of spirit should inspire younger generations of critics and intellectuals to do more historical and theoretical work on the Lankan cinema more broadly and not forget its hybrid foundations. It is a cinema I enjoyed as a child, but studied critically while writing my doctorate on female representation in these films. Also, because most of these men were trained as journalists on radio and the print media, they are highly disciplined concise speakers (unlike us verbose academics), so it was a pleasure to listen to them exploring an undervalued period of Lankan mass cultural history. This history has an important relationship to Sinhala Buddhist Nationalism and its relation to the ethnic minorities of the country as well.
A Feminist Perspective on Rukmani Devi’s Career
Rukmani Devi died in a car crash in the early hours of one morning in October 1978. She had been travelling all night from Matara to Negombo, after having sung at a carnival variety show there. While there are numerous accounts of her death in all its detail and of the mass funeral and public mourning recorded on film, there is no discussion of why she was travelling such a long distance all night, from Matara to Negombo, after a ‘hard day’s work…’. As far as I know there is no critical analysis of what happened to her career at midlife and how that might have had some connection to the circumstances leading to that fatal accident. Her career trajectory from super-stardom as both an actress and singer from the 1940s, mingling with political and business leaders and some of the major Indian film stars, appearing on the cover of the Indian film magazine Film Fare, and a long recording and singing career, starting as a girl, from 1938, to end up singing in a variety show down South, is surely an index of the precariousness of her life. Her financial insecurity was also true of the lives of many other people who had worked in the film industry (including technicians, directors, main and supporting actors), in the first decades of Lankan cinema. This dark history should also be included as an essential part of what is often referred to (with pride), by some Sinhala critics as, Sinhala sinamawe wansa kathawa (the illustrious genealogy of the Sinhala cinema).
That Rukmani Devi lived an independent personal life as a professional woman in Lanka, starting quite young as an actress, on stage and film in the late 1940s, strikes me as an important aspect of her career, though the roles available to her on film reinforced feudal patriarchal values. The film Samiya Birindage Deviyaya (The Husband is the Wife’s God, 1963, WMS Tampo), stands as one of the most extreme examples of these oppressive values. It’s been referred to as a ‘women’s picture’, one which ‘they like to watch crying’, said one Sinhala male critic. Hollywood called their version ‘the weepies’, a profitable melodramatic genre targeting the new female spectator-consumer, who attended matinees.
The panellists, Ranjith Kumara has written a book on Rukmani Devi and Ranjan de Silva is a collector of her gramophone records and the song sheets of that era. He is also knowledgeable about Indian musical traditions such as the Raga based Hindustani music and popular Bajan and Ghazal songs for instance. He could hear their precise influences on the best of the early Sinhala film songs and how the originals were adapted and modified, rather than simply copied in the best examples. Appreciating the high quality of the Indian originals, he didn’t simply dismiss the early songs as ‘bad’ just because their origins were ‘Indian’.
His ideas on adaptation are sophisticated and can be used to revise dogmatic views on the early film songs. Most entries on the web simply list Rukmani Devi’s’ films with plot summaries without an analysis of her roles, some even extending her film list to dates well after her death, perhaps their dates of exhibition!
I can find no discussion on how her career ended in sharp decline, and what that means about the economically precarious state of some of the personnel, both men and women in the film industry of that time. There is plenty of adulation and appreciation of Rukmani Devi now as a singer, especially at anniversaries. People still listen to her songs and know her ‘legend’, and sing her songs, but with voices that are very high-pitched and ‘thin’, without her rich timbre nor the wide range of her voice and intensity of feeling. These innate qualities prompted one critic to suggest that she might have been able to sing Western opera as well. There is an unfortunate absence of an account of her as a pioneering female professional actress and singer, the challenges she faced (as a modern high profiled Tamil woman), all of which I think merit research, especially by feminist scholars and critics.
A useful thesis or two may be formulated and written on this and related topics at one of our universities. The existing research by Ranjith Kumara and Ranjan de Silva and younger critics and researchers should be drawn on and extended from a feminist perspective on ‘women and work’ and ‘female representation’ on film. There are a few books written by these older cinephiles, which must be collectors’ items by now. There is a small book by Sarath Ranaweera on Master Baig.
The fact that Rukmani Devi returned to the stage to perform in Dhamma Jargoda’s Vesmuhunu (an adaptation of A street car named desire by Tennessee Williams), either in 69 or 70, was mentioned by Ranjith Kumara, along with a significant anecdote. He said that just before she went on stage to perform as an aristocratic lady (originally Blanche du Bois in Williams’ play), she had insisted on showing her respect to Dhamma in the traditional Sinhala manner of bowing to him by going down on her hands and knees at his feet.
Ranjith Kumara mentions this because, as he rightly says, it was an unusual gesture for a Christian such as Rukmani Devi to perform. Certainly, in our catholic villages, stretching from Uswatakeiyawa to Negombo (Rukmani’s home town with Eddy Jayamanne), there was never such a practice and it still remains quite a foreign gesture to me, though I do appreciate the idea of ‘guru bhakti’ which encodes Rukmani Devi’s gesture. Ranjith Kumara elaborates on this, saying that it was Dhamma’s Shilpiya manasa (artistic intelligence) that Rukmani bowed to. One could take up this fascinating anecdote, told with such perspicacity, a little further.
Cultural Capital: Rukmani Devi and Irangani Serasinghe
I happened to have seen some of the rehearsals of Dhamma’s Vesmuhunu, as an inaugural student of the Art Centre Theatre Studio of 1970/71. If I remember right, Dhamma also did a version of it with Irangani Serasinghe simultaneously, alternating between these two brilliant Lankan actors. Some of us saw both rehearsals in Harrold Peiris’s large open garage at Alfred House, where our workshops were held, before the Lionel Wendt complex was refurbished to house the workshop. So, Rukmani’s unusual gesture of gratitude to Dhamma, I imagine, is because someone of his stature in Lankan theatre had finally given her the gift of playing a serious dramatic role in a modern play. The actress who started her career in the popular Tower Hall Nurti plays of the 40s and the Minerva theatre of B.A.W. Jayamanne, was finally given the opportunity to act in a modern western classic. Kumara also mentioned how much Rukmani Devi appreciated being able to act in Lester James Peries’ Ahasin Polowata (From the Sky to the Earth) where the Nimal Mendis song she sang won her a posthumous award.
There are several other famous global super stars who have yearned recognition and respect as ‘serious’ actors. The most famous of course being Marlin Monroe who produced The Prince and the Showgirl just so she could act with the famous British Shakespearean actor, Lawrence Olivier, while she was still married to Arthur Miller the famous American playwright. For unusually gifted super stars such as these, popularity alone is insufficient, knowing full well how ephemeral, limited and confining their popular ‘sexy’ image is for them, they longed for something more durable to work on, something with cultural and intellectual capital, one might now say.
Perhaps reading Rukmani’s autobiography (Mage Jeevitha Vitti), might provide more leads into the intricate intersections between her life and work, which in her case are especially inseparable, unlike that of any other Lankan film star I know of. Her use of the word ‘vitti’ (information), rather than ‘katha’ (story) suggests that she knew how to protect herself, her privacy. Rukmani Devi’s career started with her elopement and marriage, while still a minor, and she never stopped working in the dominant language which was not her mother tongue, having done only a few performances in Tamil. Whereas, many Lankan Sinhala female stars have left their careers at the height of their popularity to get married and have a family. Most memorably Jeevarani Kurukulasuriya (who formed such a popular romantic duo with Gamini Fonseka, our first male action hero), abandoned her career at marriage.
Dharmasena Pathiraja’s comments, at the official celebration held by the then president Maithripala Sirisena (along with the former president Chandrika Bandaranayaka), to mark the 50th anniversary of his professional work in the Lankan film industry, are relevant in thinking about Rukmani Devi’s predicament. He undercut the idea that he had worked ‘professionally’ in the ‘Lankan film industry’. He asked, rhetorically but politely:
“What Industry? How can there be an industry without capital, if there is no professional stability and proper infrastructure? When we look at the sad last days of Rukmani Devi, Domi Jayawardhana and Eddie Jayamanne, how can we speak of an industry? I wasn’t a filmmaker professionally, was anyone able to make a living professionally? I made a living by teaching as a lecturer from 1968-2008. (Maha lokuwata, arambaye sita karmanthayak gana katha keruwath, ape athdakeema anuwa wurthiya sthawarathwayk nathnam kohomada karmanthayak thienne!) The people who say there is an industry are the exhibitors and some producers.”
These starkly realist comments may be taken as an important starting point for future research into the economic, cultural and biographical histories of stars of the Lankan cinema, by young scholars. Clearly, Pathiraja knew from within what exactly had happened to these once very popular actors late in their lives. Perhaps it’s not too late yet to do some oral history before those with personal memory and deep knowledge of the vital early decades also pass away.
I remember visiting Master Hugo Fernando (who did comic routines with his little knot of hair tied at the back and large umbrella tucked under his arm), to talk about the ethos of the old days, which he did so graciously. Kumara and de Silva’s research is indispensable in this regard. Irangani Serasinghe would probably welcome a chance to talk about working with both Dhamma and Rukmani on the same play simultaneously, a most unusual experiment only he could have devised. I feel, in doing so, he was paying homage to two of Lanka’s uniquely popular actors from vastly different social worlds and actorly traditions, with very different cultural capital.
There is a strange symmetry in their career trajectories, but going in opposite directions. Irangani became a beloved house hold name only after the advent of the teledramas once Television was introduced in the late 70s. Prior to that, her acting began at the University Dram Soc where she famously played the heroine in the Greek classic Antigone. After her training at Royal Academy of Dramatic Art, she acted in the English language theatre and in the films of Lester beginning with Rekava (1956). Her repertoire included Shakespeare, Chekov, Lorca, Brecht and others. This also led her to play in Sinhala theatre as well.
During this time, she was recognised as one of our finest actors in both languages, but was not a household name as her work was consistently on the English stage. In contrast, Rukmani was a national figure of great adoration as an actress and singer on film and radio starting from the 40s. While Irangani worked in the domain of high-culture, Rukmani Devi created a Lankan popular mass culture (with Master Baig and others), through her films and songs. But with each change of taste, fashion and the fact of ageing, her film appeal diminished. But her resilience at self-reinvention is evident when she joined the group Los Cabelleros, singing Sinhala pop songs to Latin rhythms, with a show in Jaffna where she sang in Tamil.
I wonder if her Sinhala fans were curious enough to ask her to sing in Tamil as well. In her later years she longed to perform in work that was considered intellectually serious, engaged art. And this chance she did get but belatedly with Dhamma, while Irangani, through her later work in tele-dramas and films, has been able to continue her career well into her 90s and also become a cherished ‘national treasure’. Just as some critics dismissed the early Sinhala films dependent on Indian models, there are those who are critical of many teledramas for their low quality and diluting of popular taste and powers of discrimination. Unlike Irangani’s, Rukmani’s career trajectory marks a sad decline, as Pathiraja stated so forcefully. Therefore, all the massive outpouring of love and grief at her death is no compensation for the loss of worthwhile work. After all she died at only 55 with so much untapped creativity still left.
I am not alone in thinking that Lanka failed this rare artist of national and international stature, as it did Master Mohideen Baig (but more of him later). A visiting Indian star on hearing Rukmani Devi sing had said that, had she been born in India she would have been far more famous. Perhaps like the iconic singer Latha Mangeshkar, of whom Kumar Shahani once said: ‘If India has a heart, then that would be Latha Mangeshkar.’ Singing melancholy songs (Shoka Geetha), but with poetic lyrics written especially for her in Tamil and Sinhala, Rukmani Devi might have become, for all of us, (irrespective of our ethnic differences), Lanka’s sole soulful female voice. Baig Master was the only singer who sang with Mangeshkar, who also sang a song in Sinhala.
Rukmani Devi’s unerring ear meant that she could ‘pass’ as Sinhala, without a trace of her Tamil mother tongue inflecting her enunciation of the words. This ability was not a matter of aesthetics alone within the history of race relations in modern Sri Lanka, then Ceylon. In fact, the ability to pronounce ‘correctly’ the Sinhala word for bucket as ‘baldi’, became a sign of one’s ethnic identity during anti-Tamil riots in July 83. Saying ‘valdi’ instead of ‘baldi’ resulted even in death.
Mohideen Baig, a Muslim, who sang duets with Rukmani Devi, did so with a slight Urdu inflected accent and yet he was an essential part of Sinhala cinema and radio with mass appeal for much of the early period. Together, they evoked a haunting feeling of pathos tinged with a melancholy mood (viraha), in many of their songs, most especially in Jeevana me gamana sansare (samsare of this life’s journey).
Muttusamy and Rocksamy were the leading composers of music for the songs in Sinhala, though there were many other Tamil and Muslim musicians working in the industry as well. Even after better educated writers of lyrics entered the industry these highly skilled musicians continued to compose for them. For example, while Karunaratna Abeysekara wrote the lyrics for Kurul Badda the music was by Muttusamy. Rocksamy composed the music for Dharmasena Pathiraja’s great Tamil language film Ponmani, a truly innovative score in that the main song in the Karnataka idiom is repeated as a refrain, creating an emotional commentary on the main violent action. He also played the saxophone which was banned by the Sinhala nationalists at Radio Ceylon as being a brass Western instrument!
To be continued…
High-tech exports serve as a critical driver of economic growth and global competitiveness for nations. In an era marked by rapid technological advancements and globalization, the ability of a country to expand its high-tech exports hinges significantly on its investment in research and development (R&D). By fostering innovation, enhancing product quality, and improving production efficiency, R&D plays a pivotal role in determining a country’s success in the high-tech export sector. This essay explores the significance of R&D in driving high-tech exports, highlighting its impact on product innovation, international competitiveness, and economic sustainability. Figure 1 compares High-Tech Exports among India, Malaysia and Sri Lanka. (See Graph 01)
The Link Between R&D and High-Tech Exports
R&D is the backbone of high-tech industries, enabling firms to develop cutting-edge products and services that cater to evolving global market demands. Technological innovations, resulting from R&D investments, enhance the quality, efficiency, and uniqueness of products, making them more attractive to international buyers. Countries with robust R&D ecosystems, such as the United States, Germany, and South Korea, have consistently led the world in high-tech exports. Their ability to create and commercialize innovative technologies underscores the direct correlation between R&D spending and export growth in the high-tech sector. Figure 2 compares High-Tech Exports and Research and Development expenses among India, Malaysia and Sri Lanka. (See Graph 2)
Figure 3 shows a comparison of High-Tech Exports and Research and Development expenses of Sri Lanka with Germany, Malaysia and the US. (See Graph 03)
Other Factors Influencing High-Tech Exports
While R&D is the primary driver of high-tech exports, several other factors also influence a country’s ability to compete in global technology markets. These include:
* Infrastructure and Logistics:
Efficient infrastructure, including transportation networks, digital connectivity, and advanced manufacturing facilities, is crucial for exporting high-tech products. However, without strong R&D, infrastructure alone cannot drive technological advancements.
* Trade Policies and Regulations:
Favourable trade policies, such as low tariffs, export incentives, and intellectual property protections, facilitate high-tech exports. Yet, without continuous innovation from R&D, trade policies alone cannot sustain competitiveness.
* Human Capital and Skilled Workforce:
A highly educated and technically skilled workforce is essential for high-tech industries. While talent is important, it must be complemented by R&D investments to create and commercialize innovations.
* Foreign Direct Investment (FDI):
FDI brings capital, expertise, and market access, enhancing a country’s ability to export high-tech products. However, nations that do not invest in R&D risk becoming mere assembly hubs rather than innovation leaders.
* Access to Capital and Financial Support:
Access to venture capital, government funding, and financial incentives supports high-tech industries. Yet, financial resources alone do not guarantee technological progress without active R&D efforts.
Why R&D is the Most Powerful Factor
Despite the influence of these factors, R&D remains the most powerful driver of high-tech exports because it is the source of continuous innovation and competitive advantage. Infrastructure, policies, human capital, and financial support can facilitate high-tech exports, but without groundbreaking research and new technological developments, a country risks stagnation in global markets. Nations that lead in high-tech exports—such as the US, Japan, and China—have consistently prioritized R&D, enabling them to pioneer new technologies and set industry standards.
Enhancing International Competitiveness
A strong R&D culture equips businesses with the ability to maintain a competitive edge in global markets. By developing proprietary technologies and advanced manufacturing processes, firms can reduce production costs, improve product functionality, and increase overall efficiency. This, in turn, enhances their competitive standing in international markets, allowing them to secure long-term trade relationships. Additionally, R&D-driven innovation fosters brand reputation and consumer trust, leading to increased demand for high-tech exports.
Economic Sustainability and Knowledge-Based Growth
Investing in R&D facilitates long-term economic sustainability by transitioning economies from resource-based models to knowledge-driven ones. High-tech exports contribute significantly to GDP growth, employment generation, and foreign exchange earnings. Countries that prioritize R&D in their high-tech sectors experience increased productivity, reduced dependency on traditional industries, and higher value-added output. Moreover, R&D fosters entrepreneurship and the development of start-ups, further strengthening the high-tech export ecosystem.
The Role of Government Policies and Industry Collaboration
Governments play a crucial role in fostering R&D through policy frameworks, financial incentives, and strategic collaborations. Public-private partnerships, tax incentives, and funding for research institutions are essential mechanisms that stimulate innovation. Additionally, collaboration between universities and industries facilitates technology transfer and the commercialization of research outcomes, leading to the development of exportable high-tech products.
The most appropriate and suitable types of R&D for driving high-tech exports include:
1. Applied Research
Applied research is crucial for fostering high-tech exports as it focuses on developing new technologies with immediate commercial applications. Unlike basic research, which is theoretical in nature, applied research is directed toward practical outcomes that enhance global competitiveness. For example, advancements in nanotechnology and artificial intelligence (AI) have significantly contributed to the global expansion of semiconductor and automation industries. Furthermore, applied research helps in bridging the gap between scientific discovery and market implementation, ensuring that new technologies can be effectively utilized in high-tech exports.
2. Product Development R&D
Product development R&D plays a key role in creating innovative products with unique features, enabling firms to differentiate themselves in international markets. It involves activities, such as prototype testing, performance enhancement, and feature innovation, which contribute to the competitive advantage of high-tech firms. For instance, the global smartphone industry continuously invests in R&D to develop new functionalities, improve user experience, and introduce cutting-edge designs, thereby sustaining consumer demand in highly competitive markets. The strategic focus on product innovation allows firms to maintain premium pricing and brand loyalty in high-tech sectors.
3. Process Innovation R&D
Process innovation R&D enhances production efficiency and cost-effectiveness, making high-tech exports more competitive in price-sensitive markets. This type of R&D focuses on improving manufacturing techniques, reducing waste, and integrating automation to optimize resource utilization. For example, the use of additive manufacturing (3D printing) in aerospace and biomedical industries has resulted in cost reductions and faster production cycles, leading to improved market penetration of high-tech exports. Companies that invest in process innovation are able to achieve economies of scale and maintain long-term cost advantages in global markets.
4. Collaborative R&D
Collaborative R&D, involving partnerships between academia, industry, and government, accelerates the commercialization of new technologies. Public-private partnerships (PPPs) facilitate knowledge exchange, reduce R&D costs, and increase the likelihood of successful innovation. A notable example is the European Union’s Horizon 2020 programme, which funds cross-border collaborative research to enhance industrial competitiveness and technological leadership. Additionally, collaboration between multinational corporations and research institutions has led to breakthrough innovations in biotechnology, renewable energy, and telecommunications. By leveraging diverse expertise and shared resources, collaborative R&D enhances the scalability and global reach of high-tech exports.
5. Market-Driven R&D
Market-driven R&D aligns research efforts with global consumer trends and regulatory requirements to maximize export potential. Unlike traditional R&D approaches that focus solely on technological advancements, market-driven R&D emphasizes consumer needs, sustainability, and compliance with international standards. For example, the increasing demand for environmentally friendly products has prompted R&D investments in electric vehicles (EVs) and sustainable packaging solutions, ensuring market acceptance and regulatory approval in various regions. Companies that integrate market intelligence into their R&D strategies are better positioned to develop products that meet international demand, enhance brand reputation, and drive high-tech export growth.
Conclusion
R&D stands as a cornerstone in driving high-tech exports, shaping a nation’s ability to compete in the global economy. While factors such as infrastructure, trade policies, human capital, FDI, and financial support play a role in high-tech exports, they are secondary to the fundamental necessity of continuous innovation. By fostering technological advancements, enhancing competitiveness, and promoting economic sustainability, R&D investments serve as the ultimate catalyst for high-tech export growth. Countries aiming to strengthen their high-tech export sectors must prioritize R&D policies and create an ecosystem that supports innovation, ensuring long-term prosperity in an increasingly technology-driven world.
Investing in different types of R&D is essential for fostering high-tech exports. Applied research drives technological advancements, product development R&D ensures market differentiation, and process innovation R&D enhances cost efficiency. Additionally, collaborative R&D accelerates innovation through strategic partnerships, while market-driven R&D ensures alignment with global consumer trends and regulatory standards. A comprehensive approach that incorporates all these R&D types will enable firms to sustain their competitive advantage and expand their presence in the global high-tech market.
(The writer, a senior Chartered Accountant and professional banker, is Professor at SLIIT University, Malabe. He is also the author of the “Doing Social Research and Publishing Results”, a Springer publication (Singapore), and “Samaja Gaveshakaya (in Sinhala). The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the institution he works for. He can be contacted at saliya.a@slit.lk and www.researcher.com)
By Sunil Abhayawardhana
Though Sri Lanka has a new government, its first budget for 2025 remains within the conditions and targets of the ongoing IMF programme (which will continue until the end of 2027).
A major shortfall in the budget is the lack of a ‘developmental thrust,’ which is essential for the country to grow out of the current crisis. Rather than discussing the minutiae of the budget, it is worth looking at how Sri Lanka got into this situation by making the same mistakes over and over again.
Though these mistakes can be pointed out, mainstream economists prefer to stick to the outdated textbook economics taught at university even when proven wrong. Therefore, the best way to bring up Sri Lanka’s mistakes is through a comparative approach with the High Performing Asian Economies (HPAEs).
Missed Opportunities
At independence in 1948, Sri Lanka (then Ceylon) was expected to develop rapidly due to advantages such as its strategic location, which was expected to be a multiplier by itself. This ‘strategic location’ has not fully been made use of to this day.
The oil tank farm in Trincomalee was a big storage facility in 1948. If the government had negotiated to buy the facility from the British (which was finally done in 1965 for 250,000 sterling pounds) and set up a refinery, Trincomalee could have become the oil hub of Asia, long before Singapore. This could have saved the country from the perennial forex crisis that it had to deal with due to the diminishing returns from the plantation economy.
The plantation economy had reached its peak over two decades before Independence and was not able to sustain a growing population. Yet, the immediate post-Independence governments did nothing about this. Though funds were available, there was a deficit in the thinking and a lack of vision for the future. The lack of immediate effort to diversify and industrialise the economy was the first act of economic suicide.
At around the same time, HPAEs such as Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan (China) embarked on their development programmes, which have brought results far exceeding their own expectations. What was it that the HPAEs got so right, and what did Sri Lanka get so wrong?
A comparison between Sri Lanka and the HPAEs brings up many differences. The four major points of interest that stand out were as follows:
1) No plan
2) Bad theory
3) Bad advice
4) Not understanding development
No Plan
A sovereign country should know where it wants to go and how it hopes to reach its objectives. This is normally expressed in a development plan that provides the public with a clear roadmap. A plan becomes more necessary when countries start out from a very low level of development. An initial burst of energy is required before markets can take over.
A fair amount of strategic thinking goes into the formulation of such a plan. It should take into account the natural and human resources available and the strategic sectors that need development. The plan should aim to keep the cost of development as low as possible.
In a country with different communities, the plan should also unite people to work towards a common objective. A development plan looks not only at growth but also at the pattern of growth. When growth becomes more widespread, it opens up more opportunities for the public.
All HPAEs began their journeys with development plans covering many decades. Some countries, like China and Vietnam, still adhere to five-year plans. Sri Lanka is the one country that tried to develop without a plan. The World Bank mission of 1952 recommended a planning process for Sri Lanka, though it was hardly implemented. The first Ten-Year Plan of 1959 (which took three years to formulate) was never implemented. The Five-Year Plan of 1972 was derailed by the 1973 oil shock.
While Sri Lanka struggled to plan, the HPAEs were already implementing their plans and seeing results. Sri Lanka drifted to depending on ad-hoc methods without long-term objectives. Even after 77 years of Independence, the country is still unable to identify the sectors for industrial development.
Bad Theory
At independence, the country did not have much know-how in economics. The few who had been educated in economics at the UK universities were taught neoclassical economics with a Keynesian tinge. The Quantity Theory of Money (QTM) was the guiding orthodoxy of the time. What the QTM says is that if the quantity of money is increased, there would be a corresponding increase in prices and therefore inflation.
However, the HPAEs realised that if new money was directed towards investment in productive industry, the result would be an expansion of the economy rather than inflation. The bulk of their funds for development came from monetary financing from the Central Bank. They would have taken inspiration from examples such as Canada in the 1940s and Japan in the 1930s, both of which used monetary financing for specific purposes.
Another point to note is the fact that all the HPAEs had multiple development banks, which helped in the development drive. In contrast, Sri Lanka got rid of its two development banks on advice from the West, thereby reducing the availability of long-term credit for the development process.
Due to Sri Lanka’s adherence to the QTM, we have had to rely on other methods of finance, which has created a dependency on foreign aid and a huge foreign currency debt. Though there is so much evidence that monetary financing used wisely can bring great results, many in Sri Lanka still adhere to the QTM. While most universities still teach the old concepts, it is sad that students at the master’s level and beyond do not think for themselves.
Bad Advice
When a country lacks knowledge and experience, it becomes necessary to seek advice from others. The World Bank and the IMF did perform this function in the early days. However, since the neoliberal onslaught, the purpose of these institutions has taken a more politicised turn.
The advice given by the IMF and other international advice has to be analysed, as it often turns out to be more damaging. For example, austerity has been proven to be counterproductive and causes more damage to the economy and social life. The present advice the government is receiving from the IMF, the CBSL, and the Ministry of Finance is no different.
When South Korean President Park Chung-Hee was offered Western economic advisors, he knew exactly what their advice would be. So, he declined the offer and obtained economic advisors from Japan instead.
Sri Lanka, on the other hand, accepted whatever came from the West. Our leaders accepted the ‘Washington Consensus,’ which we follow to this day, even though the author of the document, John Williamson, has himself declared it a dead document.
Economists advise governments towards suicidal actions without observing what has been done around the world before. There are political aspects to this bad advice. As there is an overproduction of global money, such bad advice is actually beneficial to the Western financial sector and its political interests.
Not Understanding Development
Sri Lanka has still not understood what development means. This can be seen from the fact that despite having a potential 30,000 MW of wind power generation, the government wants to give this opportunity to foreign companies and buy back the power with foreign exchange. Even the export potential is given to foreign companies, while local companies lose that opportunity.
If such a situation had been in any of the HPAEs, they would have first developed a local windmill manufacturing industry to meet their needs. That is what development is – developing productive capabilities and creating a productive ecosystem. There are many opportunities that Sri Lanka has missed because the concept of development has not been understood.
Had local inventors been encouraged and supported, a true industrial base would have been flourishing today. One example is Ray Wijewardene’s hand tractor, to which one Sri Lankan asked, “Why do we need hand tractors when there are so many buffaloes around?”. Imagine what the HPAEs would have done with a brilliant, innovative mind like Ray Wijewardene’s.
Even the few sectors of industry built up to world-class levels have been destroyed by bad government policy. One such industry was the heavy construction industry, which is vital for infrastructure development. A local company had built up its capacity to do international projects funded by the World Bank and had performed many projects in the country, but the change of policy after 1977 destroyed the company and opened the doors to foreign companies at inflated prices, for which the country struggles to pay off its loans.
The local highway construction projects are an example, where Sri Lanka’s highways are considered the most expensive in the world, which opened opportunities for corruption. The very first industry developed in the HPAEs was the heavy construction industry in order to keep the cost of development low. Sri Lanka did the opposite.
Conclusion
It is quite clear that Sri Lanka’s present position is of its own making, following quite the opposite of what the HPAEs did. However, though many learn from mistakes, Sri Lanka does not seem to have learnt any lessons. Our advisors keep telling us to repeat our mistakes, and we keep listening to them.
It was expected that the NPP government would make a radical change in thinking, but it has not expressed any meaningful change of thinking with regard to major issues. Without such a change, Sri Lanka will continue on its suicidal path.
(Sunil Abhayawardhana was CEO of Sri Lanka’s largest heavy construction company. He has a master’s degree from the University of Wales and is working on a PhD in economics. He is a member of the Asia Progress Forum, which is a collective of like-minded intellectuals, professionals, and activists dedicated to building dialogue that promotes Sri Lanka’s sovereignty, development, and leadership in the Global South. APF can be contacted at asiaprogressforum@gmail.com).
by Jehan Perera
The Batalanda Commission report which goes into details of what happened during the JVP insurrection of 1987-89 has become the centre of public attention. The controversy has long been a point of contention and a reminder of the country’s troubled past and entrenched divisions that still exist. The events that occurred at Batalanda during the violent suppression of the JVP-led insurgency, remain a raw wound, as seen in the sudden resurfacing of the issue. The scars of violence and war still run deep. At a time when the country is grappling with pressing challenges ranging from economic recovery to social stability, there is a need to keep in focus the broader goal of unity for long-term peace and prosperity. But the ghosts of the past need also to be put to rest without continuing to haunt the present and future.
Grisly accounts of what transpired at Batalanda now fill the social media even in the Tamil media, though Tamils were not specifically targeted at that time. There was then a ceasefire between the government and LTTE. The Indo-Lanka Accord had just been signed and the LTTE were fighting the Indian peacekeeping army. The videos that are now circulating on social media would show the Tamil people that they were not the only ones at the receiving end of counter-terrorist measures. The Sinhalese were in danger then, as it was a rebellion of Sinhalese against the state. Sinhalese youth had to be especially careful.
It appears that former president Ranil Wickremesinghe was caught unprepared by the questions from a team from Al Jazeera television. The answers he gave, in which he downplayed the significance of the Batalanda Commission report have been viewed differently, depending on the perspective of the observer. He has also made a statement in which he has rejected the report. The report, which demands introspection, referred to events that had taken place 37 years earlier. But the ghosts of the past have returned. After the issue has come to the fore, there are many relatives and acquaintances of the victims from different backgrounds who are demanding justice and offering to come forward to give evidence of what they had witnessed. They need closure after so many years.
MORE POLARISATION
The public reaction to the airing of the Al Jazeera television programme is a reminder that atrocities that have taken place cannot be easily buried. The government has tabled the Batalanda Commission report in parliament and hold a two-day debate on it. The two days were to be consecutive but now the government has decided to space them out over two months. There is reason to be concerned about what transpires in the debate. The atrocities that took place during the JVP insurrection involved multiple parties. Batalanda was not the only interrogation site or the only torture chamber. There were many others. Former president Ranil Wickremesinghe was not the only prominent protagonist in the events that transpired at that time.
The atrocities of the late 1980s were not confined to one location, nor were they the responsibility of a single individual or group. The JVP engaged in many atrocities and human rights violations. In addition to members of the former government and military who engaged in counter-terrorism operations there were also other groups that engaged both in self-defence and mayhem. These included members of left political parties who were targeted by the JVP and who formed their own para-military groups. Some of the leaders went on to become ministers in succeeding governments and even represented Sri Lanka at international human rights forums. Even members of the present government will not be able to escape the fallout of the debate over the Batalanda Commission report.
If the debate becomes a battleground for assigning blame rather than seeking solutions, it could have far-reaching consequences for Sri Lanka’s social and political stability. Economic recovery, governance reform, and development require stability and cooperation. The present storm caused by the Batalanda Commission report, and the prospects for increased polarisation and hatred do not bode well for the country. Rather than engaging in potentially divisive debates that could lead to further entrenchment of opposing narratives, Sri Lanka would be better served by a structured and impartial approach to truth-seeking and reconciliation.
NATIONAL HEALING
Earlier this month at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva, the government rejected the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights assertion that the external evidence gathering unit would continue to collect evidence on human rights violations in Sri Lanka. This evidence gathering unit has a mandate to collect information on a wide range of human rights violations including intimidation and killings of journalists but with a focus on the human rights violations and war crimes during the course of the LTTE war and especially at its end. The government’s position has been that it is determined to deal with human rights challenges including reconciliation through domestic processes.
Addressing the High-Level Segment of the 58th Regular Session of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in Geneva in February this year, Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath said: “The contours of a truth and reconciliation framework, will be further discussed with the broadest possible cross section of stakeholders, before operationalisation to ensure a process that has the trust of all Sri Lankans. Our aim is to make the domestic mechanisms credible and sound within the constitutional framework. This will include strengthening the work towards a truth and reconciliation commission empowered to investigate acts of violence caused by racism and religious extremism that give rise to tensions within Sri Lankan society.”
The concept of a truth and reconciliation commission was first broached in 2015 by then prime minister Ranil Wickremesinghe’s government. In 2019 after winning the presidential elections, former president Gotabaya Rajapaksa too saw merit in the idea, but neither of these two leaders had the commitment to ensure that the process was completed. Promoting reconciliation in Sri Lanka among divergent political actors with violent political pasts requires a multi-faceted approach that blends political, social, and psychological strategies.
Given the country’s complex history of armed conflict, ethnic tensions, and political polarisation, the process must be carefully designed to build trust, address grievances, and create a shared vision for the future. A truth and reconciliation process as outlined in Geneva by the government, which has teeth in it for both punishment and amnesty, can give the country the time and space in which to uncover the painful truths and the path to national healing.
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