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President Premadasa’s ascendancy from small beginnings

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Sirisena Cooray and Gamini Fonseka

(Excerpted from volume ii of Sarath Amunugama autobiograph )

By the time we (the Amunugama family) returned to Colombo President Premadasa had, with characteristic impatience, commitment and sincerity, launched his new programmes for the development of the country. Even as Prime Minister he had no hesitation in offering the voters a new people friendly administration. As his closest confidante Sirisena Cooray has written, that the new Presidents constant admonition to him was “do not forget the people”.

Before he came on the scene Colombo Central – the largest electorate in the island with three representatives in Parliament – was the playground of the rich Colombo UNP Muslims who were liberal spenders at the time of elections. They were close personal friends of Dudley Senanayake and J.R. Jayewardene. Colombo Central was the closest to what sociologists like Robert Merton have described as urban voting machines.

Politics was enmeshed with obligations of voters who had benefited from the services of ‘ward bosses’ who were agents of the political leaders who represented the electorate. These ward bosses were friends of the poor and the helpless majority of voters who needed a `powerful friend’ to help them navigate their lives in a social context which necessitated constant interaction with various authorities who wielded power from the municipality upwards.

Tambiah in his groundbreaking sociological study of `Wattas’ [Compounds] in Colombo municipal areas around Maradana has highlighted these intermeshing obligations which tend to transform themselves into votes for their ward bosses ‘patrons’ at election time. The Marxist left too tended to duplicate this pattern of ward representatives who would deliver votes to their party candidate at an election.

These ward bosses, as in the case of Chicago studied by Merton, were selected on particularistic criteria to suit the ethnic composition of the locality they served. Thus even Marxists would ensure that the ward leader of a particular area would emerge from the largest caste concentrated in that locality. Fortunately for the Marxists their top leaders were drawn from all the leading castes in the country and they could, perhaps unwittingly, corral their caste and party comrades.

Premadasa as a son of the urban poor, had an unparalleled knowledge of Colombo’s electoral mathematics. But he, coming from a numerically small caste, could create a support base which included the poor of all large castes who were mesmerized by his superb oratory which attacked all high and mighty oppressors and spoke up for the underprivileged and dispossessed. His speeches had an authenticity which could not be matched by the westernized politicians of every persuasion.

As described in volume one of my autobiography I owed the trajectory of my public service career to Premadasa who plucked me out of a large number of colleagues with the same seniority to head the Department of Information at a comparatively young age in 1967. He was then the Deputy Minister of Information and chafing under the reluctance of Dudley Senanayake to give him a cabinet position though he was the chief speaker for the UNP in the 1965 general election.

It was only in 1968 that he entered the Cabinet on the resignation of his Minister Tiruchelvam. So I was well aware of the heroic struggle he had to engage in to enter the higher rungs of his party. That unfair social prejudice remained even up to the day of his untimely and violent death. I knew that his cry of a few days before when he said, “kill me but do not tarnish my character” was a heartfelt one. Since he was sensitive to social prejudice against him Premadasa created a coterie of loyalists who were both efficient and sympathetic to change. He was a hard taskmaster but he also gave credit to his staff who implemented his orders without question.

His Chief of Staff was Sirisena Cooray whose family had been involved in municipal politics of the UNP for generations and were early supporters of Premadasa. In fact Premadasa was not a born ‘true green’ UNPer. His early political affiliation was with the Labour Party of A.E. Goonesinha who led the Colombo working class before the foreign trained Marxists displaced him. Premadasa’s father Richard came from the same village as Goonesinha in Balapitiya. Inspired and aided by his fellow villager Goonesinha Richard set up a transport business in the vicinity of the Colombo harbour which was the strong hold of the Labour leader.

I was told by Premadasa that his father managed hackeries used to transport people and goods a business that flourished during the growth of Colombo city. He followed his mentor Goonesinha into Labour party politics and contested a seat in the municipality. He was defeated in his first foray and when Goonesinha, increasingly under pressure from the Marxists, allied himself with the UNP young Premadasa, whose political talents were recognized by the local populace, also joined the UNP and was elected to the Council from a UNP ‘pocket borough’.

From then on despite many obstacles Premadasa never looked back. Many of the old stagers of the UNP led by V.A. Sugathadasa opposed him but he prevailed. This was due to two factors; his superb speaking skills and organizing ability. Premadasa was easily one of the best speakers on the UNP platform. He was a brilliant, attacking speaker and the UNP pitted him against Bandaranaike who too was a brilliant orator but without the Sinhala language skills of the young ‘nationalist’ challenger from San Sabastian Hill.

Premadasa’s organizational skills were legendary. He undertook responsibilities that other party members shirked. For instance he contested the Ruwanwella seat which was held by N.M. Perera at the request of the party. He told me that he went to Ruwanwella for the first time to hand over his nomination papers. Nevertheless his electoral organization was so efficient that he gave a good fight to the LSSP leader. After the election NM, in his usual generous manner, had complimented Premadasa for a splendid effort.

He had great respect for the LSSP leaders especially NM and Colvin and did not attack them with the venom he reserved for Bandaranaike. Later when he was my ‘boss’ as deputy Minister of Information I found that Premadasa never forgot his supporters from Ruwanwella. He helped them even though he had by then established himself in Colombo Central and had no intention of going back to the “Four Korales”.

Sirisena Cooray, whose brother Nandisena was a senior UNP municipal councillor and early mentor of Premadasa, was the `Alter Ego’ of the young politician and the two of them became a formidable force in municipal and later, national politics. It was not easy to deny Premadasa his wishes when he set his mind to it. When I was Secretary to the Ministry of Tourism I refused to grant a gaming license to a Chinese businessman who had become a friend of Premadasa as instructed by JRJ who was afraid of starting another confrontation with the Buddhist monks who were advocates of Temperence.

Premadasa ignored JRJs instructions and got Cooray who was the Mayor of Colombo to issue the businessmen a gaming license under Municipal Council bye-laws. JRJ turned a blind eye to this insult but soon Premadasa himself fell out with the Chinese businessman and had him bundled out of the country within 48 hours and JRJ and my Minister Anandatissa de Alwis had the last laugh.

Sweeping Changes

The new President made sweeping changes. On the Economic Front he introduced the garment industry. This drew in foreign investment throughout the country in addition to providing employment to thousands of rural women. It also had a spin off effect on other services for the nascent industry. In his own colorful phraseology he had enabled the poor rural girl to earn an income and buy her own gold necklace. This was an opportune time because other manufacturers had exhausted their preferential quotas and were willing to transfer some of their production centres to Sri Lanka.

He encouraged the migration of workers to the Middle East, thereby opening up a new source of foreign exchange and employment which even today is an important prop of our economy. On the welfare front he launched the Jana Saviya programme which created a safety net for those below the poverty line. His trademark housing programme caught the imagination of the poor and the homeless.

Perhaps remembering our national exhibitions of Dudley Senanayake’s time when he was my deputy minister at the time I was Director of Information’ he began district level exhibitions which also catered to fun and frolic called `Gam Udawa’. Keeping to his election pledge he managed to get the Government of V.P. Singh to withdraw the IPKF in short order. He failed in his overtures to the JVP and the LTTE even though he was willing to compromise in order to open a new path to peace and reconciliation.

But he failed due to the intransigence of both terror groups. Rukman Senanayake became his trusted intermediary to the JVP in discussions held in ‘Woodlands’. But the JVP was too fragmented for quick decision making as they were on the run from the armed services which were wresting the initiative from them. Moreover, secret communications of the JVP were distrusted by the armed services which were better organized now under the management of Ranjan Wijeratne and were confident of victory.

When talks failed Ranjan launched an all-out offensive which saw brutal killings by both sides. Finally, the JVP leadership were all eliminated, and the uprising came to an end. Among those killed was Richard de Zoysa who is alleged to have supported the JVP. I remembered the time when Richard and I had office rooms in the same compound at Kinross Avenue, as I have mentioned before. He was the local correspondent of IPS and I was the Additional Secretary General of WIF.

We were all shocked by his murder and I recall the small knot of people at Kanatte cemetery on a gloomy evening when we said farewell to him. Close friends published a paid supplement in the newspapers in his memory and I had no hesitation in writing about him and our friendship, though several of his close friends were afraid to contribute because they knew that the Premadasa regime had killed him. The tragedy was that Richard had been warned of impending danger and was to leave Colombo for IPS headquarters in Rome in a few days en route for an European assignment.

Gamini Fonseka

With the ascent of Premadasa to the Presidential ‘gadi’ two of my close friends Gamini Fonseka and Indra de Silva became part of his inner circle. Indra worked in the information section of the USIS when Premadasa was a junior minister of information in the Dudley Senanayake government. He helped to bring the ambitious neophyte deputy into the ‘patrons list’ of the embassy and arrange to send him on a trip t the US under an exchange programme. Indra had taken early retirement and as customary been granted a pension and US citizenship. He settled down in Washington and was much sought after by the State Department particularly to escort visiting Sri Lankan dignitaries. He also kept in touch with many of the US foreign service officers who had served in Colombo.

President…

The new President immediately appointed Indra to our mission in Washington and made him his “eyes and ears” there, much to the embarrassment of our Foreign Service officials serving in Washington who had been up to then a law unto themselves. He also moved house from his earlier dingy quarters to the famous, or notorious, Watergate apartments located in a posh area in Washington which was in close proximity to the Potomac river and the Kennedy Centre.

Later he relocated to Colombo at the Presidents request but was left stranded after his assassination. Indra died not long after. My other friend was Gamini Fonseka who was a buddy of Premadasa during good times and bad. When in the opposition he set up his “Citizens Front” [Purawesi Peramuna] Gamini was a prominent speaker on its platform together with other favourites like Tilak Ratnakara. However with the death of Dudley, Premadasa teamed up with JRJ and disbanded his `Peramuna’.

As President he quickly brought Gamini to Parliament from Matara electorate, which was a Durawe stronghold, and made him the Deputy Speaker. He was eminently qualified for this position as he was a fluent trilingual speaker. He also won the confidence of the Tamil MPs who knew that Gamini had risked much in denouncing Sinhala communalism of that time. The tradition then was to appoint a trilingual MP as Speaker and his Deputy. Unfortunately that salutary tradition, like many others, has now been breached and party loyalty rather than competence seems to have won the day.

I suspected that Gamini would have preferred to be a Minister. Relations had cooled between the two when the President was assassinated. After that my friend retired from politics and concentrated on his film career thereby delivering some superb screen performances. He was a chain smoker and in characteristic braggadacio ignored all medical advice. He was asked to undergo heart surgery by his doctors but he ignored their advice and died in his sleep. By this time Premadasa was long gone and I am glad to record their friendship which was a part of our history associated with the rise and sudden fall of an unforgettable character who dominated politics in his time just as Gamini dominated the Sinhala screen for those several decades.



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Eastern University and the making of a culture of peace

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by Jehan Perera

There is an important change in the way peace is being understood in Sri Lanka. The notion that peacebuilding is not simply the responsibility of governments, politicians and peace organisations, but is also a responsibility of educational institutions, appears to be permeating the consciousness of at least a section of the academic community. This was visible on International Peace Day at an event held at Eastern University by the Faculty of Health-Care Sciences. The event was unusual not least because the medical and nursing faculty of the university had decided that peacebuilding was relevant to its academic and professional responsibilities.

Peacebuilding has too often been treated as something undertaken after conflict, when the fighting has stopped and the immediate task is to rebuild relationships between communities. But peace cannot be sustained by governments and peace organisations alone. If it is to become long lasting, the values and practices of peace have to become part of the institutions through which a society educates its younger generations. Universities and other educational institutions are therefore important to peacebuilding. They are among the places where the foundations of a culture of peace can either be built or neglected.

The experience of the Faculty of Health-Care Sciences at Eastern University provides a practical example of what this can mean. Led by its Dean, Prof Thillainathan Sathaananthan, the faculty organised an event which went beyond the ordinary academic scope of a medical faculty. University academics are experts in writing project proposals and applying for research grants. On this occasion, the members of the Faculty of Health-Care Sciences used those skills to apply for a UNESCO grant that they won to conduct an International Peace Day event. The significance lies less in the Rs 200,000 grant than in the decision to use the university’s institutional capacity and resources to invest in peacebuilding. The event at Eastern University needs to be understood as more than a successful university programme. It represents a possible paradigm shift in peace thinking.

Institutional Commitment

The Peace Day event obtained the support of the university administration, including Vice Chancellor Prof P Peratheepan, and reached out to secondary schools in the vicinity to mobilise their attendance. The event itself was meticulously organised. There were cultural items including traditional and modern dance and song in the three languages, performed by combinations of solo, duet and multiple singers, dancers and actors drawn in part from nearby secondary schools. There was a panel discussion by senior academics on the general theme of peacebuilding and how to prepare for it. A discussion among the students followed, where each student spoke on behalf of a religion that was not theirs. This is significant because peacebuilding cannot remain an idea discussed by specialists at conferences. It has to become part of the way institutions educate and prepare people for life in a plural society.

The Faculty of Health-Care Sciences at Eastern University has provided a model through its Peace Medicine course modules that were introduced to the curricular as a compulsory core course over 10 years ago. Two senior academics, Dr Kuveriel Eliyas Karunakaran and Dr Thillainathan Sathaananthan, have written a book on “Peace Medicine- A Health Care Concern” that was published five years ago. Its Peace Medicine Module integrates principles of medical ethics, compassion, equity, social justice and community engagement into health education and practice. In his introduction, former Vice Chancellor of Eastern University, Prof T Jayasingam noted “This book is an introduction to a theme which had already been operating in the Faculty of Health Care Sciences as a course.”

Doctors, nurses and health workers know better than anyone the harm that war and violence does. They are the people who treat the wounds and trauma that violence leaves behind. In a hospital, a patient is not asked what their religion or ethnicity is before they are treated. Health care is one of the places where peace is practised every day. The Faculty has therefore found a way of connecting its professional responsibilities with the wider social responsibility of peacebuilding. The question is whether this experience can be replicated throughout the country, at universities and at other educational institutions, so that peacebuilding becomes part of the consciousness of education itself. If that happens on a sufficient scale, it can begin to generate a culture of peace that becomes increasingly difficult to reverse.

Local Action

The Eastern University event corresponded closely to the United Nations theme for this year’s International Day of Peace, “Invest in Peace – For Everyone, Everywhere, Every Day”, which honours the “everyday architects of peace”, people driving local action, laying the groundwork for stability and building lasting peace from the ground up. The emphasis on investment is important. An investment means that something is put in: time, courage and resources. There is no more violent conflict in Sri Lanka today. But the absence of war does not automatically produce a culture of peace. The factors that fed the country’s conflict have not disappeared from the world. Racism, corruption and the violation of laws and human rights are the raw materials of conflict. So too are unresolved grievances, discrimination and the failure to recognise the suffering of others.

A country that does not deal with its past does not escape it. The past can return in the next generation. This is why the experience of Eastern University needs to be replicated countrywide, both at universities and at other educational institutions. The objective should not be to turn every academic discipline into peace studies. Rather, peacebuilding needs to become part of the consciousness of education itself. Eastern University shows that a medical faculty can develop Peace Medicine. A law faculty can examine the relationship between justice, rights and peace. Faculties of education can prepare teachers to work in diverse communities, while the humanities and social sciences can examine the different narratives through which communities understand their histories. Every institution can find its own way of making peacebuilding relevant to what it teaches.

Sri Lanka has had many declarations, pledges and programmes in the past. What matters is whether these produce changes in behaviour and institutional practice. Peacebuilding requires confronting difficult issues rather than avoiding them. It requires respect for different identities, but also engagement across those identities. It requires dealing with grievances in the present while also addressing unresolved issues from the past. It requires truth, accountability, reparations and guarantees of non-recurrence. It requires people to learn that the rights of another community do not diminish their own rights. The International Peace Day event at Eastern University was evidence of a change in the way at least some academics in a part of the country deeply affected by war are thinking about their responsibilities. Peace needs to be invested in and the most important investment will be in the minds of those who will inherit the future.

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Quality assured education commodities

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by Ahilan Kadirgamar

I have always noticed the little paper tags that are inside the packaging of some products that say quality assured or quality control. I often wonder who might have checked the product and stamped that tag, but I also forget the tag soon enough. Decades later, when I entered academia, I was taken aback by the emphasis placed on quality assurance in our universities. It is not something that could be forgotten and done away with; the entire university system is obsessed with quality assurance.

Beginning with the staff induction programme, quality assurance is drilled into the newly recruited lecturers. It is the norm, not seen as doing any harm and only trying to improve quality. It is accepted as given, and not questioned. Quality Assurance Cells and Committees are omnipresent and hover above the Departments and, at times, even the Faculty Boards. Quality Assurance reviews are feared by the Deans and Vice Chancellors. University life itself seems secondary to the rule of quality assurance. What do we make of this system of quality assurance and what are its implications for our university system?

Corporate speak

Universities globally have been going through major changes with neoliberal education policies. In many countries, universities increasingly became corporatised to be run like businesses in the 1980s. As state support for universities declined, cost cutting became the norm. They started hiring adjunct or part-time staff. Many public non-fee levying universities around the world began to charge fees. Decade by decade, tuition fees became more and more exorbitant, forcing students to take student loans. The total student debt in the United States now stands at close to US$ 2 trillion; which is about 20 times the GDP of Sri Lanka. As the higher education landscape transformed in the West, university administrations began to recruit Presidents, Vice Chancellors and administrative officials with corporate backgrounds and experience.

Such corporatisation of universities in the West has since been imported into countries like Sri Lanka, introducing a new corporate vocabulary, including quality assurance, graduate competencies, programme outcomes, intended learning outcomes, etc. University teaching has become secondary to documenting so-called outcomes. The teacher-student relationship, the environment of the lecture hall and even administering the university have been over-determined by the processes of ensuring quality. How did such major changes come about in such a short time? Indeed, academics of just two generation ago, would never have heard of these terms and processes in the Sri Lankan university system.

World Bank Trojan horse

Since the early 2000s there have been a number of World Bank projects that have drastically changed the character of Sri Lankan universities. Quality assurance as a central agenda within universities, and many other changes to the working of our universities, came through these World Bank initiatives. The Improving Relevance and Quality of Undergraduate Education (IRQUE) project and Higher Education for the 21st Century (HETC) project were two such earlier projects that set up the Quality Assurance and Accreditation Unit (QAAU) under the University Grants Commission (UGC) and established systematic quality assurance reviews for state universities. The public often thinks these are grants from the World Bank to modernise our universities. However, they are not grants but loans.

The most recent such project, Accelerating Higher Education Expansion and Development (AHEAD) is a US$ 100 million loan from the World Bank implemented from 2018 to 2023, which consolidated the quality assurance structures from the earlier projects. Furthermore, these projects are implemented with tremendous arrogance, prioritising their implementation over all other concerns in the universities, when the project over six years for example accounts for just one fourth of our budget allocation for universities this year.

The AHEAD project drastically changed course curricula, sought to increase student enrolment in science, technology, engineering, mathematics (STEM) disciplines, commercialise the university research agenda and create university-business linkages. All of this was pushed to supposedly help us face development challenges. We have heard the ideological attack on our universities and even students claiming they are “unemployable graduates”. These changes to our higher education system were supposedly going to create jobs and increase employment.

The irony of the AHEAD project is that just as it was ending in 2023, apparently after having reached its targets, the Sri Lankan economy was collapsing. The World Bank often gets the direction of causality wrong. It is the economy that creates jobs for graduates, and not the training or kind of graduates that create jobs. It is decades of World Bank policies, and those of its ideological twin the IMF, that have led to such high youth unemployment, not only in Sri Lanka but also in many other countries in the global South.

Sri Lanka entered an IMF agreement in March 2023 and started a new Country Partnership Framework with the World Bank in June 2023. These programmes have little to say about, and actively discourage, government initiatives that aim to create an industrial policy or an employment creation policy. Instead, they push for austerity measures, which not only restrict the allocation for education among other sectors, but also end up contracting the economy to the detriment of increasing employment. Their goal is the commercialisation of higher education, to make universities into businesses and run them like factories.

In this context, the ideology of quality assurance is powerful. The International Organisation for Standardisation (ISO), whose different standards are necessary for marketing, is the institution that came up with the concept of “quality assurance”. It promoted quality assurance as a process of identifying defected products. Therefore, when the World Bank promotes this conceptual framing, our students are, in fact, seen as products on the assembly line, with quality assurance processes aiming to prevent the release of defected products from the university system. For the US$ 100 million we borrowed for the AHEAD project and the many more million dollars in similar World Bank projects, there is no evidence of increased employment of graduates.

Commodity fetishism

Over a century and a half ago, Karl Marx critiqued the economic analysis prevalent at that time that associated some inherent or monetary value for commodities without considering the social relations that underlie the production of those commodities. Marx called this commodity fetishism. Furthermore, he theorised that such commodity fetishism was also a reason for the alienation of human beings from the world. If our labour and what we produce is seen devoid of the social relations that underlie them, we lose our connection with the people and the world. In this process we become alienated from what we produce and the world.

We are now in a world where our students themselves are fetishised as commodities for the market. Universities are no longer communities concerned about knowledge and human growth, but mere factories producing commodities, which have to be produced without defects to be marketed. In this way, quality assurance has become the cause for the alienation of students, academics and our universities themselves, from the larger relationship with our economy and society.

Our university system does need reform. It is grossly underfunded and not providing the financial support and facilities for our students. Universities have become hierarchical spaces without the academic freedom and democratic ethos necessary for producing knowledge. Academics and students need to engage more with their communities to make their learning and research meaningful, not to mention their contribution to and integration with society. However, when it comes to even questions of governance and regulation of the universities, such concerns are merely reduced to improving quality. In our contemporary times, this singular focus on quality assurance, as opposed to addressing the larger structural issues, is crippling our universities. There may be no way out, but to put back quality assurance where it started, those little tags on goods, to perhaps be noticed but quickly forgotten.

Ahilan Kadirgamar is a political economist and Senior Lecturer, University of Jaffna.

(Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies)

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Thailand’s biggest new global star …

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The entertainment scene, globally, is agog with excitement, and, why not!

Yes, a new global star has emerged … from Thailand, and she hit the headlines by winning America’s Got Talent.

Rattikarn Amloy, known to millions by her stage name Nene Royal, was crowned the winner of America’s Got Talent (AGT) Season 21 at the live finale at Pasadena Civic Auditorium, California, taking home the USD 1 million grand prize.

The 16-year-old rocker, from the holiday island of Phuket (I’ve been to Phuket, courtesy Tourism Authority of Thailand), has struck a power chord around the world, and is the first Thai national ever to win the hit NBC show.

She beat nine other finalists, including runner-up magician Geno Ploeger, after a blistering final performance.

Nene’s story is pure rock and roll fairy-tale. She says she picked up a guitar at age seven, fell in love at the first chord, and taught herself mostly by watching videos online. That dedication earned her a music scholarship to Kajonkiet International School Phuket.

Her audition at America’s Got Talent — a swaggering, shredding rendition of The Cranberries’ classic ‘Zombie’ — exploded online, amassing over 200 million views across AGT’s platforms, more than any act this season.

She kept wowing: ‘Hysteria’ by Muse, then ‘Black Hole Sun’ by Soundgarden which earned her Spice Girl Mel B’s Golden Buzzer, sending her straight to the live shows.

For the final, she unleashed ‘Seven Nation Army’ by The White Stripes. Judge Howie Mandel shouted: “You should win. Give her the million, America.” Mel B praised her “mysterious, mystical stage presence”.

And for the grand finale, she lived every teen rocker’s dream — performing on stage, alongside US rock giants Linkin Park.

When host Terry Crews announced her as winner, the teenager collapsed to the stage floor in tears. “I’m very happy and you know I’m emotional right now,” she said.

And Thailand erupted. Her school held watch parties, posting: “You did it, congratulations, champion. We are so proud of you.”

Even Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul sent a personal congratulation. He had earlier hosted Nene at Government House in July, where she played guitar while he sang a Thai rock song. His office said her talent “brought pride to Thai people.”

Corporate Thailand also rallied behind her — Charoen Pokphand Foods, owned by billionaire Dhanin Chearavanont, even rented a giant billboard in Times Square, New York, to cheer her on.

With her blistering guitar solos, rock-ballad shrieks and fearless spirit, little Nene Royal has just become Thailand’s biggest new global star.

What’s more, this amazing teenager will be bringing her powerful vocals, guitar skills and signature rock-metal style to the stage, as opening act, before one of the world’s biggest rock bands, America’s Avenged Sevenfold, in Singapore, on 13 October.

Unfortunately, we are still to see a local artiste, grab the spotlight, on a global scale … like Thailand’s Nene.

Yes, they do shine, but mostly on social media, and that, too, with the aid of AI (Artificial Intellegence).

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