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The Attempted Coup d’etat of 1962



Excerpted from the memoirs of Rtd. Senior DIG Edward Gunawardena

It was in early 1962 when I was the ASP Gampaha that the historic attempted coup took place. Much has been written about this event and as such I intend recalling from memory only my personal role and other facts within my personal knowledge.

When I received a police telephone message one morning, in February if I remember right, to see DIG Range-I C-C. ‘Jungle’ Dissanayake in his office, I could not guess the reason why I was wanted by the DIG. I tried to contact my SP Jayakody but he had left for Kataragama to attend to some official work assigned to him by the DIG. I had no alternative but to proceed to Police Headquarters.

When I climbed the stairs and approached the office of DIG Range-I there were several colleagues of mine seated on chairs in a row outside the DIG’s cubicle. I distinctly remember S.T. Thurairatnam, V.T. Dickman and P.K. Simon Perera. They were all chatting away happily. I sat on an empty chair with them. Sharp at 10 a.m. ASP Terry Wijesinhe, the DIG’s Personal Assistant came out of the DIG’s room, looked at me with a smile and signaled to follow him.

As soon as I saluted the DIG (Jungle), he smiled broadly and said, “Gunawardena you look very smart” and asked me to sit down. Terry Wijesinhe was standing with a note pad and pen in his hand. “There is going to be a lot of trouble in the country. You will have to be in readiness to make some arrests tonight”.

This did not sound anything strange to me. He suggested that at least one cell in the Gampaha Headquarters station be reserved to lock up those arrested. He also said that some of them will be in the Peliyagoda ASP’s area, but that I will have the power to go anywhere in the Division. “I have sent Jayakody to Kataragama. So you will be the Acting SP,” he said.

He then asked me how the HQI was and whether he will listen to me. I assured him that I had the full co-operation of the HQI and all the OICs. He then asked Terry Wijesinhe to name the people who have to be arrested. When Terry read out the list it really disturbed my conscience. S.D. Bandaranayake, Lakshman Jayakody and R.S. Perera were Members of Parliament. M.P. de Zoysa Snr. was a Senator residing in Gampaha. They were all my friends.

After this list was read out it dawned on me that something sinister was brewing. When I asked Terry Wijesinhe whether they should be kept under house arrest, showing annoyance he arrogantly blurted, “what house arrest? Bring them at gunpoint and lock them up.”

“Gunawardena, be in readiness. Wait for my next message”. With these words the DIG thanked me for coming and requested me to get back to Gampaha and be at the end of a telephone.

All the way back to Gampaha I was thinking as to how I should setabout handling the DIG’s order. With my reading of history and political science I realized that the arrest of MPs was a part of a plan to overthrow the government of Mrs. Bandaranaike. I decided firmly to keep to myself what transpired at Police Headquarters and not to do anything that would look suspicious.

When I dropped in at the Gampaha Station HQI Tharmarajah was keen to find out why the DIG had wanted to see me. I told the HQl that headquarters was expecting some severe unrest in the country and that the police should be in readiness to arrest all likely trouble makers in the area. Tharmarajah assured me that there are not many troublesome types in our area. However I told him not to give days off and leave for a few days and also to reserve one cell in the station. I was hoping however that the occasion will not arise for any MP to be locked up in this cell.

Even if the worst were to happen and I was compelled under some duress to arrest the MPs, I had made plans to tip them off so that they could leave their homes. Even at the Gampaha police station I did not make arrangements for a standby party to spring to action if an eventuality arose. At about 5 p.m. I left for a game of tennis at the Gampaha Club. I met S.D. Bandaranayake’s brothers, Peter and Edwin, and several others. They did not appear to know of any developments in Colombo.

Even by 8 p.m. I had not received any further instructions from the DIG or his Personal Asst. Terry Wijesinhe. I could not gather anything significant from the radio either. There was nothing exciting in the news bulletins of Radio Ceylon. However anxious I was, I couldn’t make up my mind to telephone Police Headquarters and make inquiries. My servant boy Chandradasa had laid the table and dinner was ready.

It was 9.30 when I finished my dinner. As I was about to leave the table the telephone rang. I picked it up with trepidation. I expected the DIG on the line and the order to arrest the persons he had mentioned in the morning. To my surprise the caller was ASP P.K. Simon Perera of the CID office. “Gune, do you know the latest?”, he asked me. “No, Simon”, was my answer. He then asked me whether ‘Jungle’ (DIG C. C. Dissanayake) had given any orders to arrest anybody. My answer was “No Simon”.

“This is confidential Gune. Don’t carry out any orders that Jungle gave in the morning. Jungle, Arndt, Johnpillai, Terry Wijesinhe and several others have been arrested.” I thanked Simon Perera. I did not ask him any question because I understood the situation. Simon who had started his career as a constable had a special regard for me because I had hosted him and his superior, A.M. Seneviratne, in my bachelor home when as CID officers they were on a special inquiry in the Weliweriya area.

Simon’s call relieved me of my anxieties. I knew that I had nothing to worry about. However, as soon as I had retired to bed the telephone rang again. The time was just past 10 p.m. It was the telephone operator at the Gampaha police station. He read out this brief message from the IGP:

” To All OICC Divisions and Districts

From the IGP.

Please don’t carry out whatever instructions of a special nature that you have received from your DIG. Be in readiness to carry out orders only from the IGP.”

This message from the IGP and the information that Simon Perera gave me convinced me that the government had discovered the plot and was in the process of smothering it. Fortunately, I had not made any moves. I had not jumped the gun. I slept well that night.

At about 6.30 a.m. the next morning as the newspapers had not been delivered I was seated in the verandah after a shave, bath etc. dressed in sarong and shirt when I saw M.P. de Zoysa Snr. approaching my house. I greeted him and invited him inside. He was on his usual morning walk.

Before I could speak M.P. De Z. in a loud tone asked me, “What is this hullabaloo In Colombo? Do you know what has happened?” I told him from the little I had heard Jungle and several other senior police officers have been arrested. I also told him that according to my understanding they had been planning to arrest some MPs with a view to overthrowing the government. M.P. de Z. told me that his information was that the police and army had plotted to take over the government; the government had received information of this and Felix Dias Bandaranaike has taken charge of the situation.


Chandradasa, my domestic, whispered to me that string hoppers, egg curry and pol sambol had been laid on the table for breakfast. He also told me that there was enough for ‘Zoysa Mahattaya’ too. M.P. de Z. joined me at breakfast. Whilst enjoying the ‘strings’ and sambol I explained to him how democracies have been threatened or even destroyed by unconstitutional or extra-constitutional means.

I told him that the most common of such occurrences were military take-overs of governments. I also told him that it is very unusual for the police to get involved as the police is a civilian organization; and the traditional thinking is that the police have to be conscious and alert about the ambitions of the military. As this useful conversation was about to end the telephone rang.

It was Simon Perera once again. Being an ASP in the CID he was privy to the hottest of news. When I told him that I knew nothing beyond what he told me the night before, he was surprised. He then went on to give me a brief picture of what was happening in Colombo. Felix Dias Bandaranaike had taken full command with ‘Jingle’ Dissanayake (CCD’s brother) DIG CID assisting him.

Apart from senior police officers including retired DIG Sydney de Zoysa, a number of military officers and even civilian types had been taken to the Magazine Prison. I remember him specifically mentioning F.C. de Saram and Douglas Liyanage. Simon Perera also told me that some police officers had acted on the illegal orders secretly issued and gone on to arrest MPs. Simon promised to keep me informed of further developments.

Having thanked Simon, I conveyed all what he had told me to M.P. de Zoysa. He was nonplussed. He began to ask me numerous questions centering on the threats to elected governments. After listening to me on the subject for nearly an hour M.P de Z asked me, “Gune, what would have happened to us if the government was overthrown?” I told him that people hungry for power will not hesitate to kill or imprison their opponents.

The stunned senator feebly responded, “Gune, can it happen in a Buddhist country?”. I told him that even religion is subservient to the overwhelming greed for power. He pondered for a while, thanked me and said, “I am still learning”. M.P. de Z. was a simple honourable gentleman. Although a politician, like most other Sri Lankan politicians of the time had little knowledge of history or political science. But they were certainly less corrupt than their ilk of today.

About two days later my statement was recorded by my SP E.W. Jayakody. In my statement I did not divulge what transpired between me and the DIG. I stuck to the version I had given HQI Tharmarajah – that trouble was expected in the country and the police to be in a state of preparedness to arrest all potential trouble makers. The SP was satisfied. He did not even ask me any question. I had no difficulty in settling down to my normal work.

However on the following night I received a mild shock. My servant and I had gone to sleep. The time was about 9.30. The lights had been put out. The beam of a light entering my bedroom indicated the arrival of a vehicle up to the gate which was not locked. Heavy footfall was heard outside. Chandradasa switched my light on and said, “Sir, the army has come”.

Just then there was stamping of feet in the verandah followed by a yell, “Open the door and come out. You are under arrest”. Dressed in sarong and shirt I opened the door. Chandradasa had switched on the verandah light and was standing behind me.

Lo and behold! It was the newly married couple Tissa and Kamini Karunanayake who were still on their honeymoon. They both hugged me and kissed me. I had been Tissa’s best-man at the wedding a week earlier. Tissa had been a classmate of mine at St. Joseph’s and coincidentally he was a planter on Rilhena estate in Pelmadulla when I was ASP Ratnapura. Kami was the eldest daughter of DIG C.C. Dissanayake. T.D.S.A. Dissanayake, the well known Royal College athlete who later became a diplomat and author was her brother.

I told Chandradasa to take them to the guest room and help carry the baggage from the car. Chandradasa told me there were eggs, sausages and bacon in the fridge and that he would turn out a quick dinner. Having visited me earlier, Tissa knew Chandradasa. He told him to make a few slices of toast too.

Fortunately I had a bottle of Remy Martin. Even Kami joined in a drink and chat that mainly centred on the recent events. Before coming to my place she and Tissa had visited her father C.C. Dissanayake in the Magazine Prison. He had been his usual cheerful self. They enjoyed Chandradasa’s hurriedly cooked beef sausages, bacon omelette and boiled beans and retired to bed by 11 p.m.

When I got up at 6 a.m. the following morning the couple had left leaving a Thank You’ card on my pillow. Chandradasa had ensured they had their tea before they left. Incidentally Ravi Karunanayake one of Sri Lanka’s notable public figures today is the elder son of Tissa and Kami.

I was the fourth witness at the historic coup trial. When I got into the witness box, arrayed before me in the dock were all the distinguished personalities accused of the heinous crime of treason. Douglas Liyanage, F.C, de Saram and C.C. Dissanayake stood prominently in front. C.C.D. looked at me and smiled.

My evidence was led by a Crown Counsel whose name I forget. The testimony was short. It was from the statement that was recorded by SP Jayakody. There was no cross-examination. The men in the dock were smiling. I looked at (Jungle) CCD before stepping down from the witness stand. Rubbing his huge stomach with his left hand, he smiled broadly and gave the ‘thumbs up’ sign with his right hand.

‘Jungle’ appeared to be his usual self. The ‘guilty’ verdict at the Trial at Bar and its reversal by the Privy Council will remain interesting episodes in Sri Lanka’s contemporary history. Indeed this was the first real threat to democracy in this country.

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Singarasa Case should guide GoSL’s Geneva policy



BY Dharshan Weerasekera

In 2005, the Sri Lankan Supreme Court ruled in the seminal case Singarasa v. Attorney General (SC/SPLA/182/99) that the U.N. Human Rights Commission (the predecessor of today’s U.N. Human Rights Council) did not have jurisdiction, within Sri Lanka, to make recommendations on behalf of the petitioner. In doing so, the court decided that Sri Lanka’s accession to the optional protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) in 1997 had been done in a manner contrary to the Constitution, and hence illegal.

This case has invaluable lessons to teach in regard to the present government’s ‘Geneva Policy.’ By ‘Geneva Policy,’ I mean the government’s stance to the UNHRC’s follow-up resolutions to Sri Lanka’s unilateral withdrawal, in March 2020, from the co-sponsorship of Resolution 30/1 of October 2015. In response, the Council adopted Resolution Resolution than 30/1. Among other things, it establishes an evidence-gathering mechanism to collect evidence of war crimes and other crimes against Sri Lankans.

Meanwhile, in September 2022, the High Commissioner released a report on Sri Lanka’s progress in implementing the recommendations of Resolution 46/1. The government has officially rejected both, Resolution 46/1 and the High Commissioner’s report, on grounds that they were done without Sri Lanka’s consent and, therefore, contrary to the founding principles of the Council. (See A/HRC/51/G/1, paras 1.1, 1.2). However, the Foreign Ministry, in its response, lists various things that the government is doing to comply with Resolution 46/1.

I argue that the government, continuing to comply with the Resolution while, at the same time, rejecting it in principle, without first obtaining a definitive interpretation of the relevant legal position, from an international forum, or even the Sri Lankan Supreme Court, creates a dangerous precedent. Given the fact that state practice is one of the sources of customary international law, the government’s conduct has the potential to do irreparable harm to the long-term interests of the country.

Unfortunately, there is little, or no, discussion of these issues in local newspapers, and academic journals, and it is in the public interest to start one. In this article, I shall discuss: i) the facts and reasoning of the Singarasa judgment, ii) the High Commissioner’s report and the government’s reply, iii) assess of the government’s position, and draw the relevant conclusions.

The Singarasa case

In 1991, the High Court of Colombo convicted Singarasa of five charges, under the Prevention of Terrorism Act. The charges dealt with alleged attempts by Singarasa, and others, to attack the Army camps,in Jaffna and its suburbs. Singarasa appealed against the conviction to the Court of Appeal and then the Supreme Court. He also complained to the U.N. Human Rights Commission. The HRC could entertain petitions under the Optional Protocol to ICCPR. Sri Lanka had ratified the ICCPR, in 1980, and acceded to the protocol, in 1997. The HRC said that, Sri Lanka was under obligation to release Singarasa.

The main issue, in this case, is whether Sri Lanka’s accession to the ICCPR, and the related protocol, gives a right to an international body to intervene in the domestic sphere to determine Singarasa’s fate. The court answers ‘no,’ because of the following reasons. The court starts with the premise that the authority for the President to enter into international agreements comes from Article 33(f) of the Constitution. Article 33(f) states: “To do all such acts as, not being inconsistent with the provisions of the Constitution…he is required or authorized to do.” It follows that the President cannot agree to anything inconsistent with the Constitution.

The court then assesses the signing of the ICCPR, in 1980, and the subsequent accession to the optional protocol, in 1997, separately. The court points out that the ICCPR requires that the respective signatories adopt domestic legislation to implement the provisions of the covenant. This does not conflict with our Constitution and hence is lawful.

However, when acceding to the optional protocol, the government had issued a declaration that envisioned that the rights of Sri Lankan citizens could be adjudicated in tribunals, and forums, outside this country. The court points out that the institutions, through which Sri Lankans can vindicate their rights, within this country, are exhaustively set out in Article 105 of the Constitution, and the HRC is not one of them. Therefore, the court deems the accession to the optional protocol illegal. The court states:

“Where the President enters into a treaty or accedes to a covenant the content of which is inconsistent with the provisions of the Constitution or written law it would be a transgression of the limitation in Article 33 (f) and ultra vires—such acts of the President would not bind the Republic qua State.” (p. 11)

The High Commissioner’s report and the Government’s reply

The most disturbing aspect of the High Commissioner’s report is its description of the progress made by the impugned evidence-gathering mechanism. It states: “OHCHR continues to develop the information and evidence repository using an e-discovery platform….OHCHR commenced identifying material held by other actors and engaging with information providers. To date, the databases of two organisations have been migrated into the repository, and negotiations with other information providers are ongoing.” ((A/HRC/51/5, 4th October 2022, para 54.)

The report also details what the OHCHR plans to do with this information. It says: “To develop possible strategies for future accountability processes, the project team started mapping potential accountability process at international level, including through consultations with relevant stakeholders, in particular national authorities, victims and civil society organisations.” (para 56.)

In sum, it is clear that a vast operation is underway, not just to collect evidence against Sri Lanka but to set the groundwork to help prosecute Sri Lankans before various national and international forums. To the best of my knowledge, the founding statutes of the UNHRC, as well as the OHCHR, do not give enforcement capabilities to these institutions to prosecute or assist in the prosecution of people for violations of human rights and other offences.

Their respective mandates to protect and promote human rights are to be carried out with the consent of all nations concerned and in a spirit of “cooperation and constructive international dialogue.” Therefore, through the impugned mechanism the OHCHR has now arguably expanded its mandate to include an enforcement component, seemingly without any debate or discussion of the matter before the Council.

To turn to the government’s response, in the introductory paragraphs of the said document, the government rejects both resolution 46/1 as well as the High Commissioner’s report on grounds that they violate the UN’s founding principles. However, for much of the remainder of the report (which runs to 16 pages) the government enumerates the various things it has been doing to implement various provisions of the resolutions. For instance, the government discusses the work being done under the Office on Missing Persons, Office for Reparations, and so on.

On the OMP, the report states inter alia: “The OMP conducted panels of inquiries as part of the verification process. More than 89% of persons (1207 of 1370 applicants invited for inquiries) met with members of the panel and their testimonials were recorded.” (A/HRC/51/G/1, 9th September 2022, para 46)

Meanwhile, on the Office for Reparations, the report says, “The office processed 5964 claims for payment, by the end of 2021, and paid a sum of Rs. 399.8 million in settlement, out of the allocated sum of Rs. 800 million….Upto the end of 2022, the OR received Rs. 226 million to pay compensation and 2097 claims were settled utilizing Rs. 153 million.” (para 56)

In sum, even though the government has nominally rejected resolution 46/1 and by extension resolution 30/1 as well, the government is expending great energy, including enormous sums of money, to comply with various provisions of those resolutions.

Assessment of the policy

The Singarasa case establishes that the President, when conducting foreign policy, is exercising the power conferred under Article 33 (f) of the Constitution. One cannot suppose that it is consistent with the Constitution to comply with the provisions of a resolution that the Government itself considers to be in violation of the founding principles of the UNHRC.

Admittedly, a resolution of the UNHRC does not rise to the level of a treaty or covenant. However, there should now be a serious debate in this country about whether the reasoning above should apply to such resolutions which continue to target Sri Lanka on the world stage.

Furthermore, if, as I have suggested, the OHCHR has expanded its mandate by exploiting the provisions of Resolution 46/1 to acquire capabilities that were never envisioned in the relevant founding statutes, permitting such conduct to continue has the potential to set precedents in customary international law, with grave consequences for Sri Lanka, as well as other nations.

Therefore, Sri Lankan citizens are entitled to know the legal basis for the government’s continued compliance with provisions of Resolution 46/1, while nominally rejecting the Resolution. The only institution that can provide a legal opinion binding on the government is the Supreme Court. The President has the capacity, under Article 129 of the Constitution, to request an advisory opinion of the Supreme Court on any matter of public importance.

In these circumstances, it is incumbent on the government to seek an advisory opinion as to whether it is lawful for the government to continue complying with provisions of Resolution 46/1 unless and until the UNHRC clarifies its position in regard to the impugned mechanism.


It is in the interest of all Sri Lankans to keep a close eye on what the government is presently doing in Geneva. There is a famous legal maxim that says, “The laws assist the vigilant, not the sleepy.” Ultimately, it is the Sri Lankan people who will pay the price for any mistakes or missteps that successive governments make in regard to their “Geneva Policy.’

(The writer is an Attorney-at-Law)

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Human Papillomavirus vaccine: one that can prevent a cancer



This article has been written as a fervent plea to the parents of little girls of the eligible age group. Please make sure that your precious daughters get this vaccine. It will be an investment for their happiness in the future.

By Dr B. J. C. Perera

All vaccines by definition are substances that are used to stimulate immunity against a particular infectious disease or a specific causative organism. Such vaccines are used to prevent the occurrence of the said diseases in humans and animals. Several vaccines have been introduced to combat such infectious diseases over the last few decades. In some countries, the use of some of these vaccines has led to the elimination of dreaded diseases like Diphtheria, Tetanus, Whooping Cough or Pertussis, Polio, Measles, German Measles or Rubella, just to name a few.

Sri Lanka has a very efficient and inherently equitable system that looks after the Expanded Programme of Immunisation (EPI) for children and young people. In general, we have been extremely successful in this programme and can boast of over 90 per cent coverage for the vaccination of all children. We have successfully eliminated polio, the last case being confirmed as far back as 1993, and we are free of diphtheria, tetanus, measles and German measles or rubella. The success of the EPI is due to many factors that include government commitment, the unstinted dedication of parents, the promotion of the programme through all media channels and the dedicated work of all grades of healthcare personnel. The very high literacy rate of the populace of our country enables all information regarding vaccination to be most conveniently conveyed to the population. Sri Lanka has been hailed as a country that has achieved so much in this field, but with so few resources. It has been cited as a model to the entire Asian region as well as even the world.

In addition to their undoubted effectiveness in protecting against infective microorganisms, some of these vaccines have other bonus effects. At least two of the vaccines in use today have telling effects in preventing certain cancers. One is the Hepatitis B vaccine. It provides protection against liver cancer. The other is the more recent Human Papillomavirus vaccine (HPV vaccine) which protects females against cancer of the neck of the womb, which is also referred to as the cervix of the womb. That disease is generally referred to as Cervical Cancer.

The Human Papillomavirus (HPV) is sexually transmitted and most people become infected sometime during their lifetime. In the majority, it is soon after becoming sexually active. Most infections are asymptomatic and usually clear up spontaneously, accounting for remission in 90% within two years. Only 10% of persistent HPV infections with certain genotypes of HPV can persist and progress to changes in the cervix. If infection from cancer-causing HPV types persists over 10-15 years, women can go on to develop precancerous lesions that, if left untreated, develop into cervical cancer. This process takes an average of 20-30 years from infection to the development of cervical cancer.

In 1995, Dr Anne Szarewski, a renowned researcher from the United Kingdom, led a team who outlined the role of human papillomavirus in uterine cervical cancer detection and screening. Then the researchers began work on an HPV vaccine. Szarewski was also a chief investigator, principal investigator and author of key HPV vaccine trials and publications, who helped to develop the bivalent HPV vaccine. The word bivalent is used to indicate that it contains two strains of HPV. HPV infections are very common, often with minimal symptoms, but high-risk HPV strains can go on to cause other medical conditions, particularly cervical cancer.

In 2006, the first vaccine for Human Papillomavirus (HPV) to be used globally was approved. HPV vaccination has now gone on to become a key part of the effort to eliminate cervical cancer. According to the available research results, HPV vaccination could reduce the lifetime risk of cervical cancer by 35–80%; the rather wide range being due to several studies with different methods. The vaccine was initially promptly snapped up in the West, especially in the Scandinavian countries. In Sweden, the coverage of the vaccine is over 80 per cent. However, according to the data put out by the World Health Organization (WHO) in November 2022, the human papillomavirus vaccine against cervical cancer has been introduced in just 41 per cent of low-income countries, even though they represent much of the disease burden, compared to 83% of high-income countries. We have a set of 10-year data on the benefits of the vaccine and in certain Western countries, a significant drop in the morbidity and mortality rates of cervical cancer is already evident.

In Sri Lanka, the National Vaccine Summit in January 2015 recommended the usage of the HPV vaccine and the government introduced it in 2017 for girls within the age range of 10 to 13 years. That age group was decided on the premise that to get the best results, we need to introduce the vaccine before sexual activity starts. The vaccine was to be administered to the selected age groups in the schools free of charge and in the fee-levying private sector. To date, the vaccine is not available through the Immunisation Clinics of the Provinces and the MOH Clinics.

NOW HERE IS THE REAL CRUX OF THE MATTER. For a variety of reasons, the coverage of the HPV vaccine in the entire cohort of eligible girls in Sri Lanka is somewhere between 30 and 40 per cent. This is woefully inadequate coverage to get the best possible results, especially when looked upon in the light of over 90 per cent coverage of the other vaccines in the National Expanded Programme of Immunisation. Cervical cancer ranks among the five commonest cancers in women in Sri Lanka. HPV vaccine is just one of two vaccines that can prevent cancers. All children have had the Hepatitis B vaccine which protects against liver cancer, as it is given through the National Programme of Immunisation. But, and this is a BIG BUT, the only other vaccine, the HPV vaccine that can prevent cervical cancer, shows a rather low uptake.

We do need to escalate the uptake rate of the HPV vaccine to at least around 80 per cent to get reasonable benefits in the reduction of the morbidity and mortality that is currently seen in cervical cancer. I think we have to admit that due to very many reasons, the message has not gone through to the general population in the country. When inquiries are made from the mothers of eligible girls, the vast majority of them are not even aware of the existence of this vaccine and more importantly, the future beneficial potential of this endeavour. The age group selected is a rather tricky cohort. They get upset at the drop of a hat. The last thing they want is an injection. They will run away, as fast as possible, to avoid it. Some are so frightened that it is not uncommon to see them faint even at the sight of the syringe and the needle. One way of getting the cooperation of these little girls is to allow either the mother or the father to be present to hold her hand most reassuringly when the vaccine is administered. An additional initiative would be to make it widely available through the Immunisation Clinics for it to be administered to all those who have missed it when it was given in the school. This is particularly important as the vaccine is quite expensive when administered in the private sector.

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Latest position on debt restructuring process



By Jayampathy Molligoda

According to the announcement made by the Managing Director of the IMF Kristalina Georgieva, the IMF Executive board meeting will be held on 20 March to consider and hopefully approve the EFF arrangement for Sri Lanka. In the meantime, the Ministry of Finance and the Central Bank in consultation with IMF have finalised the latest position of Sri Lanka’s Public Debt as at end 2022 just prior to commencement of debt restructuring negotiations with creditors. Having perused the document uploaded to the Ministry of Finance (MOF website) recently, which is a comprehensive summary of debt stock as at end 2022, I have tabulated the summary of the main facts and figures (See Table). As can be seen, the total public debt stock has skyrocketed to US $ 83.6 billion, which includes total foreign debt of US$ 45.6 billion and the local debt of 38 billion in US $ equivalent. The total debt as a % of GDP as stated in the above MOF doc is 128%. The public debt is expected be reduced to 100% of GDP in order to ensure debt sustainability in line with IMF supported program parameters coupled with ‘comparability of treatment principle’ whilst ensuring equitable burden sharing for all restructured debt.

However, I have my doubts about GDP computation here. As per the MOF doc page 1, the Nominal GDP was stated as Rs. 23.7 trillion for the year 2022. The $ exchange rate used for conversion as Rs.363.10 clearly indicating that it is the year end figure, they have taken the year end Exchange rate of Rs 363.10 per US$. It is pertinent to ask the question as to why ‘year- end exchange rate’ figure to convert our annual GDP in rupee to US dollars? It should have been the ‘average exchange rate’ as in the past so many years computed by CBSL. As a result, the GDP (in US$ terms) works out to US$ 65.2 billion only. That’s why the total public debt stock of US$ 83.6 billion works out to 128% of GDP – my initial query is; why did they take year-end figure of Rs363.10 instead of taking the average exchange rate?

Besides, the real critical issue is how to reduce the debt stock to a level of 100% of GDP in the context of declining GDP (- 7.8% in 2022) and on the other hand, our debt stock is on the rise. More importantly, if we take the total ‘multilateral debt’ out, then the foreign debt is US $ 34 billion only, which includes ISBs and bilateral loans. Assuming a higher ‘haircut’ of 33% for foreign debt is agreed upon, it works out to 11 billion thus reducing the total public debt to 73 billion only.

In this regard, The President in his latest open letter dated 14 March ‘23 to Sri Lanka’s official Bilateral creditors has clearly indicated that there will be equitable treatment of burden sharing in respect of all creditors (except IMF/WB/ADB) Quote; ” ..we reiterate our commitment to a comparable treatment of all our external creditors with a view to ensuring all round equitable burden sharing for all restructured debt. To that end, we will not conclude debt treatment agreements with any official bilateral creditor or any commercial creditors or any group of such creditors on terms more favourable than those agreed. …To this end we also confirm that we have not and we will not make any side agreements with any creditor aimed at reducing the debt treatment impact on that creditor.”

In the circumstances, my own view is we are reluctantly compelled to restructure local debt i.e.; TBs and, it is inevitable that the local debt of USD equivalent of 38 billion would also need to be taken into consideration for debt restructuring – otherwise there is no way of reducing the total public debt stock to the level that is required as per IMF conditions. This would create a serious issue for our ‘finance system stability’ and all our commercial banks will be in trouble. Further the deposit holders including pension funds are badly affected. The temperature of social unrest is brought closer to the boiling point.

As stated in the global research article by Jonathan Manz recently, former Chief Economist and Senior Vice President of the World Bank, and Nobel Prize winner, Joseph Stiglitz, has slammed the IMF for unleashing riots on nations the IMF is dealing with; he has pointed out that the riots are written into the IMF plan to force nations to agree with the average 111 conditions laid down by the IMF and they destroy a country’s democracy and independence. He has been a critique of IMF causing great damage to countries through the economic policies it has prescribed countries to follow in order to qualify for IMF loans. However, neither Stiglitz nor any other eminent economist has yet to come out with a practical and alternative policy framework to overcome the most serious economic and financial crisis faced in the 75 years of Sri Lanka’s independence.

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