President Dissanayake’s forthcoming visit to India:

by Neville Ladduwahetty

It has been reported that President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is due to visit India during the latter part of December.  He and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi are expected to have talks on grant assistance projects from India, debt restructuring, people centric digitisation (identity cards, for instance), finality of the Economic and Technological Co-operation Agreement (ECTA), housing projects from India, solar electrification of religious places, agricultural development, defence cooperation, infrastructure development in the North and collaboration in human resource development.    President Dissanayake is expected to raise with Premier Modi the issue of Indian fishermen fishing in Sri Lanka’s territorial waters” (Sunday Times, December 1, 2024).

It is clear from the foregoing report that the scale and scope of India’s agenda overwhelmingly outweighs Sri Lanka’s agenda that is limited to a single issue, namely, “Indian fishermen fishing in Sri Lanka’s territorial waters”.    Notwithstanding this serious imbalance, Sri Lanka could gain considerable mileage by expanding the scope of this single issue in its agenda to two issues that would make a significant impact not only to Sri Lanka’s security and its national interests but also to the wellbeing of the Sri Lankan fishing community.

The two issues are as follows:

1   Reparations for the damages inflicted on Sri Lanka’s marine resources by bottom trawling and the loss of revenue and wellbeing to Sri Lanka and its fishing community over decades.

2   The need to revisit existing maritime boundaries agreed to between India and Sri Lanka, which are based on historical practices and instead, establish fresh Maritime Boundaries based on International law recognized by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) relating to International Boundaries.

These two issues are interlinked because it is the determination of the international boundary, based on International Law, that becomes the basis to establish claims for Reparations. Therefore, it is only by establishing the location of the International Boundary, based on a judgment by the ICJ, that lawful assessment of the claim for Reparations could be established.

THE BACKGROUND

One of the issues that was of significant concern to Sri Lanka and India in the early 1970s was the “ownership” of the island of Katchativu since it was pivotal to the establishment of the maritime boundary between the two countries.  This issue was resolved with the signing of the 1974 Agreement by the Prime Ministers of Sri Lanka and India and revised in 1976. However, since these Agreements are based on traditional practices of citizens in both countries and, therefore, had “no legal resolution of ownership” (MDD Peiris, November 24, 2024), at the operational level, adherence to the obligations in the Agreements are fluid. Consequently, the ceding of Katchativu by India to Sri Lanka as per the Agreements is considered by India to be an act of treachery; even Prime Minister Modi is of a similar view.

As long as such perspectives persist at the highest level in India, attempting to resolve these contentious issues through dialogue is a futile exercise even if the highest level is committed to policies such as “Neighbourhood First”. Therefore, the only option for Sri Lanka and India, as members of the UN Charter, is to jointly or separately refer the matter to the ICJ for a legal resolution of all issues involved, if there is to any justice under the policy of “Neighbourhood First”, for it to mean what it states and not India First in the neighbourhood.

REPARATIONS for VIOLATING SOVEREIGN RIGHTS  

According to the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (Article 56) the exploring, exploiting, conserving and managing living and non-living natural resources of a Coastal State within its Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) is a sovereign right.    Despite this, thousands of trawlers from India enter Sri Lanka’s EEZ and not only exploit its resources but also destroy marine resources by resorting to bottom trawling, evidence of which abound.

In a United Nations-Nippon Foundation of Japan Fellowship Programme of 2016, Aruna Maheepala claims: “There are over 5,000 mechanised trawlers in Tamil Nadu and nearly 2,500 of them enter Sri Lankan waters on Mondays, Wednesdays and Saturdays and often coming at 500 m of the shoreline (emphasis added) … More than 50,000 marine fishers live in the Northern fisheries districts (Jaffna, Kiliinochchi, Mannar, Mulative), which is around one fourth of the marine fishers of the country. Before the commencement of the war (1982) around 40% of the fish production of the country came from Northern fishery districts (except Killinochchi). However, the contribution of the fish production in the Northern fishery district drastically dropped to 5% in the peak period of the war (2008) and gradually increased after 2009. Furthermore, livelihoods of Sri Lankan fishers’ have been drastically affected as a result of the Indian poaching”.

News 1st reported on 14 April 2021: “Indian fishing vessels illegally fishing in Sri Lankan waters pillage around Rs, 900 billion worth of valuable marine resources in the Northern seas of Sri Lanka” (Northern Province Fisheries Asso. Chief, M.V. Subramanium).

“Assessing reparation of environmental damage by the ICJ”, (Questions on International Law, QIL) cites the case of compensation for environmental damage in Nicaragua/Costa Rica, the ICJ’s Judgment was:

“To shed light on the case, the Court sought support in international law and decisions of arbitral tribunals. In 1927, the ICJ already underlined in its judgment related to the Factory of Chorzów that a breach involves an obligation to make a reparation ‘in an adequate form’. The Court recalled that it had in a previous judgment, in 2015, assigned sovereignty over the area to Costa Rica, and Nicaragua’s activities were, therefore, in breach of that sovereignty. As such, the obligation for Nicaragua to make reparation was no longer to be disputed. Reparation in the form of compensation, as applied in the present case, was determined by the judgment in 2015.

Before addressing the issue of compensation in itself, the Court deemed it appropriate to follow a two-fold approach. The Court first determined the existence and extent of the damage to environmental goods and services caused by Nicaragua’s wrongful activities, and then went on to assess the existence of a direct and certain causal link between such damage and Nicaragua’s activities. This section will successively examine the Court’s analysis of the points of contention, its choice of method, and the assessment of the damage as established by the Court”.

BASIS for MARITIME BOUNDARIES in INTERNATIONAL LAW

A meeting was held in 1921, between the Colonial Governments of India and Ceylon “in order to avoid over-exploitation of maritime resources and the possibility of competition between the fishermen of India and Sri Lanka in the same waters for their catch, the colonial Governments of Madras and Colombo agreed to delimit the waters in the Gulf of Mannar and the Palk Bay. The two parties met in Colombo on October 24, 1921. The Indian team was led by Mr. C. W. E. Cotton and the team representing the government of Ceylon was headed by Hon. B. Horsburg”.

“Both parties accepted the principle of equidistant and the median line could be the guiding factor”.  However, since at Kachchathivu the principle of equidistant “would considerably narrow the area of operations for the Indian fishermen”, the Ceylon delegation proposed a line that was three miles west of the island “so that there would be an equitable apportionment in the fisheries domain for both Sri Lanka and India”. The proposal by the Ceylon delegation was based on the fact that “Sri Lanka’s sovereignty over Kachchathivu was never in question, was beyond any doubt and was not a matter for negotiation.  He (Hon. B. Horsburg) quoted from the correspondence that the Survey Department and the Department of Public Works in Colombo had exchanged with the counterparts in India, in which the sovereignty of Sri Lanka over Kachchativu had been taken for granted by the Indian authorities… After discussion the delimitation line was fixed three miles west of Kachchativu” (Jayasinghe, p. 14,15).

Agreement between the two parties is reflected in the letter from the head of the Indian delegation, C. W. E. Cotton, in which he states: ” … we unanimously decided that the delimitation of the new jurisdiction for fishing purposes could be decided independently of the question of territoriality.  The delimitation line was accordingly fixed, with our concurrence three miles west of Kachchativu and the Ceylon representatives thereupon agreed to a more orderly alignment south of the island than they had originally proposed…” (Ibid, p. 130).

What is relevant from all of the above is that regardless of the basis for establishing a boundary under colonial rule, such boundaries morph into territorial boundaries of independent states under the “Doctrine of UTI POSSIDETIS”.

DOCTRINE of UTI POSSIDETIS

Black’s Law Dictionary has defined the legal Doctrine of “Uti possidetis juris” as “the doctrine that old administrative boundaries will become international boundaries when a political subdivision achieves independence (Hansal & Allison, “The Colonial Legacy and Border Stability”, p. 2; quoting Garner 1999). 

The principle behind this doctrine dates back to Roman times. The principle first emerged in the modern sense with the decolonization of Latin America when each former Spanish colony agreed to accept territories that were “presumed to be possessed by its colonial predecessors” (Ibid). The same doctrine was accepted by former colonies in the African continent.  The International Court of Justice (ICJ) has “argued for its relevance across the world” (Ibid).

“This principle was stated most directly in the ICJ’s 1986 decision in the Frontier Dispute/Burkina Faso Republic of Mali case.  The ICJ had been asked to settle the location of a disputed segment of the border between Mali and Burkina Faso, both of which had been part of French West Africa before independence.  In their judgment over the merits of this Frontier Dispute case the ICJ emphasized the legal principle of uti possidetis juris”:

“The ICJ judgment in the Mali-Burkina Faso Dispute case also argued that the principle of uti possidetis should apply in any decolonization situation regardless of the legal or political status of the entities on each side of the border”:

“The territorial boundaries which have to be respected may also derive from international frontiers which previously divided a colony of one State from a colony of another, or indeed a colonial territory from the territory of another independent State…There is no doubt that the obligation to respect pre-existing international frontiers in the event of State succession derives from a general rule of international law, whether or not the rule is expressed in the formula of uti possidetis” (ICJ 1986, Ibid).

Based on the ICJ Judgment, the Maritime Boundary between India and Sri Lanka should be what existed during Colonial times and continue as the International Maritime Boundary when India and Sri Lanka gained independence. The fact that Sri Lanka failed to use the provision of Uti Possidetis has cost Sri Lanka’s economy dearly and continues to do so in terms of treasure and human suffering.

CONCLUSION  

The issue of Indian fishermen fishing in Sri Lanka’s territorial waters was resolved in 1921, when the Colonial Government of India and then Ceylon unanimously agreed on what the Maritime Boundary was to be. Accordingly, the island of Kachchativu was to be part of Sri Lanka’s sovereign territory as it had been before Ceylon was colonized.    Following independence of both countries, the boundaries that were recognized while under colonial rule should have been recognised as the boundaries of independent India and Sri Lanka in keeping with the internationally recognized doctrine of UTI POSSIDETIS cited above.

Instead of staking Sri Lanka’s claim on the principle that colonial boundaries transform into international boundaries upon gaining independence, Sri Lanka opted to base their claim on traditional and historical practices and agreements were signed by the Prime Ministers of India and Sri Lanka.in 1974 and revised in 1976. The opportunity to stake Sri Lanka’s claim on the basis of international law was lost, perhaps due to unfamiliarity with related legal provisions.

While sovereign countries are free to forge agreements between themselves, their durability is dependent on varying personal political agendas of political actors in each country. Consequently, what is acceptable today may be unacceptable tomorrow.  Since these agreements are not based on international law, Indian political leaders, such as Prime Minister Modi, refuse to accept them. These perspectives have emboldened Indian fishermen to violate Maritime Boundaries and destroy marine resources by resorting to bottom trawling.  Furthermore, the numerous discussions between the two governments have failed to resolve substantive issues and have resulted ONLY in the India government’s focus being on the release of arrested Indian fishermen and their vessels.

Therefore, since the issue of maritime boundaries has a direct bearing on illegal entry into Sri Lanka’s sovereign territory and destruction of marine resources, the ONLY durable way to resolve this contentious issue is to seek the assistance of the ICJ to rule on a legal determination as to the location of maritime boundaries based on the principle of UTI POSSIDETIS, on which depends claims for reparations for damages to maritime resources inflicted over decades. In this regard, Sri Lanka should be encouraged by the ICJ determination in the case of Nicaragua and Costa Rica in 2015 cited above.

The opportunity presented by the forthcoming visit of President Dissanayake to India should NOT be missed by the new government because all previous governments and their advisors have failed to address this all-important issue, either because of their timidity or ignorance of relevant International Laws. If Dissanayake fails to inform India that Sri Lanka has no option but to seek the assistance of the ICJ to resolve the issue of maritime boundaries, Sri Lanka will have to accept the bitter prospect of the plunder of its resources and the sovereign rights of the People and the Nation forever.

The Sri Lanka Navy, renowned for its storied history as the nation’s maritime defence force, is celebrating its 74th Anniversary today, 09th December 2024. Under the able leadership of Commander of the Navy, Vice Admiral Priyantha Perera, a series of programmes are being conducted across all Naval Commands, highlighting the Navy’s enduring traditions and religious practices as part of the anniversary festivities.

In celebration of the Navy’s Anniversary, 2138 senior and junior sailors have been advanced to higher rates as of 09th December, following the recommendation of the Commander of the Navy, Vice Admiral Priyantha Perera. The advancements include 158 to Ordinary Seaman, 279 to Able Seaman, 406 to Leading Seaman, 391 to Petty Officer, 539 to Chief Petty Officer, 354 to Fleet Chief Petty Officer, and 11 to Master Chief Petty Officer.

Celebrating its 74th Anniversary today, the Sri Lanka Navy honours a rich and storied legacy. The journey began in Ceylon with the Naval Volunteer Force Ordinance No. 01 of 1937, leading to the establishment of the Ceylon Volunteer Naval Force in 1939. In the 1950s, the Navy embarked on a new chapter by establishing a Regular Naval Force, culminating in the formation of the Royal Ceylon Navy through the Navy Act No. 34 of 1950, effective from 09th December 1950. With the country’s transition to a republic in 1972, the Royal Ceylon Navy became the Sri Lanka Navy, continuously expanding its capabilities and securing the nation’s maritime boundaries.

In the early 1980s, as terrorist activities began to emerge, the Sri Lanka Navy transitioned from a ceremonial role to a key military force. Over the years, the Navy has significantly bolstered its personnel and naval capabilities, affirming its dedication to eliminating terrorism within the country. During the pivotal humanitarian operation that concluded nearly three decades of terrorism, the Sri Lanka Navy played a commendable role as the First Line of Defence. Currently, as the nation’s sole sea-going force, the Navy is committed to ensuring a stable ocean region by combating drug trafficking, addressing non traditional maritime challenges, and curbing various illegal activities originating from sea routes. In partnership with the Combined Maritime Forces (CMF), the world’s largest maritime coalition, the Navy helps uphold the International Rules-Based Order (IRBO) on the high seas, ensuring freedom of navigation.

In a notable development, the Sri Lanka Navy is set to take command of the Combined Task Force (CTF) 154, a unit within the CMF, for a six-month period starting January 2025. This achievement has significantly elevated the reputation of the Sri Lanka Navy and the nation on the international stage, garnering widespread acclaim.

Vice Admiral Priyantha Perera at SLN flag blessing ceremony

The Navy has rolled out its ‘Maritime Strategy 2030 and beyond’, meticulously crafted using scientific methods to guide the gradual evolution of the Navy and the Coast Guard. This plan focuses on enhancing capabilities, integrating advanced technology, and developing professional manpower. Consequently, the Navy is steadfast in its commitment to fulfilling the nation’s maritime ambitions by optimally utilising its resources and personnel.

The religious programmes organised in view of the 74th Anniversary of the Navy also took a center stage. During these multi-religious spiritual events, merits were transferred on fallen naval war veterans and blessings were invoked on Commander of the Navy, naval personnel both serving and retired, their family members, on the occasion of the anniversary. Accordingly, the symbolic Kanchuka Pooja and Flag Blessing ceremonies were held at the Ruwanwelisaya and Jaya Sri Maha Bodhi in Anuradhapura. Similarly, the Joint Christian Commemoration and Thanksgiving Service was held at Cathedral of St. Lucia, Kotahena. The special Pooja of Hindu tradition was held at Sri Ponnambalawaneswarar Kovil, Colombo and the special Islamic prayer session was held at the Jummah Mosque, Chatham Street. In addition, an All-night Pirith Chanting and Alms-Giving for 74 members of the Maha Sangha were held at the Welisara Naval Complex.

Meanwhile, a Gilanpasa was offered at the Temple of the Sacred Tooth Relic in Kandy. Moreover, a Buddha Pooja to the Sacred Tooth Relic and alms to the members of Maha Sangha were arranged at the Temple of the Sacred Tooth Relic. Further, an Aloka Pooja at Sandahiru Seya and a special Pooja at Dhathu Mandiraya of Kelaniya Temple have been arranged as part of the religious ceremonies of the anniversary celebrations.

In conjunction with the anniversary celebrations, the Navy has organised blood donation campaigns across the Eastern, and Northwestern Naval Commands. A significant number of naval personnel have generously participated, contributing to the noble cause of saving lives through blood donation.

In celebration of the Navy’s anniversary, the Navy Welfare Directorate, under the guidance of the Commander of the Navy, is rolling out a heartwarming initiative. They are reaching out to the families of naval heroes who gave their lives for the nation or are missing in action, to check on their well-being and offer support. This touching gesture exemplifies the Navy’s commitment to honouring its brave personnel and their loved ones. This gesture serves as a heartfelt tribute from the Navy to the close relatives and dear family members of the heroic warriors. These families provided unwavering support and strength to their beloved sons, husbands, and fathers, enabling them to perform such noble duties.

Under the esteemed leadership of the Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces and President, Anura Kumara Dissanayake, and the Ministry of Defence, the Sri Lanka Navy, led by Vice Admiral Priyantha Perera, remains ever vigilant and fully prepared to tackle any maritime challenge. To this end, the Navy is steadfast in fulfilling its military, diplomatic, and constabulary roles always prioritising the nation’s best interests, nurturing a stable ocean region.(SLN)

By Dr Upul Wijayawardhana

Biden seems to be synonymous with blundering when it comes to politicos, though he is not in isolation. There does not seem to be a dearth of blundering politicos around the world! The latest to join that lot is the president of South Korea Yoon Suk Yeol. His declaration of martial law on 03 December took not only the South Koreans but also the entire world by surprise. Though South Korea has a troubled past, being ruled by dictators for nearly four decades under martial law on countless occasions, transitioning to a democracy only in 1988, the world has come to regard it as a prosperous democracy. Giants of consumer electronics like Samsung and LG as well as car manufacturers like Hyundai and KIA raised the profile of South Korea which was recently enhanced by the worldwide popularity of K-Pop. In this scenario, President Yoon’s sudden declaration of martial law, on the false premise that the opposition is Communist, has tarnished the reputation of the country. Though the members of parliament circumvented many difficulties to assemble and unanimously oppose his declaration, when it came to his impeachment, members of his party walked out. Politicians are the same, wherever in the world, putting self-interest over that of the country!

Europe seems to be in turmoil. The highest court in Romania has annulled the presidential election result. Germany was plunged into a political crisis in November, after the Chancellor Olaf Scholtz fired his finance minister, who was from a different party of his coalition, accusing him of putting party before the country. Scholtz has caused the government to face a vote of confidence on 16 December, which he is predicted to lose resulting in a fresh election in February. The other driving force in EU, France is in no better shape. President Emanuel Macron’s gamble of a snap election, shortly before the Paris Olympics, did not pay off and his party is now running a minority government. Michel Barnier, whom he appointed as PM in September, attempted to push through his radical budget utilising a legal loophole, resulting in a no-confidence vote. For the first time in over 60 years the French parliament voted down a government! Barnier lasted a little longer than UK’s Liz Truss and will remain as caretaker PM till Macron finds a replacement; no one knows when!

Considering all this turmoil, one would have expected the UK to be stable as the Labour party swept the boards in the July election. However, the reality is just the opposite. A disastrous budget has thrown into question economic prosperity, private sector shying away from investment not only due to adverse budgetary proposals but also because of strengthening of trade union rights with no reciprocations from the unions. On 29 November, Louise Haigh, the Secretary of State for Transport, resigned when it was reported in the press that she had pleaded guilty to fraud by false representation relating to misleading the police in 2014. In 2013, she had reported to the police that on a night out, she was mugged and lost the mobile phone provided by her then employer, insurance giant Aviva. Aviva provided her with a better phone. She found the old phone and started using it without informing the police. It is alleged that the mugging incident was a ruse to get a better mobile! When police interviewed her, she opted for “no comment” on legal advice and when she was charged, she pleaded guilty, also on legal advice! She resigned from Aviva and entered parliament in 2015 and held many shadow ministerial posts before taking the transport portfolio of the Labour government. Though she maintains that the PM was aware of her spent conviction, at the time she was appointed to the Cabinet, PM’s office has stated that she had not made a full disclosure. There are rumours that she was ‘eased-off’ as she belongs to the Left of the party, having previously been a staunch supporter of Jeremy Corbyn!

Probably, sensing the lack of success of his government, on 05 December, Keir Starmer had a relaunch in Pinewood studios, famous for filming Carry-On films and some Bond movies, where he presented seven pillars, six milestones, five missions and three foundations on which he wanted the voters to judge him at the end of term. His joke that he may be a James Bond fell flat and some journalists have branded this as a ‘parade of buzzwords’!

Returning to Biden, his dementia seems to be getting worse as he seems to have forgotten what he said just two months ago, that he would not barter his principles even if it means that his son would end up in jail! His reversal is all the more surprising because his pardon extends much further than granting clemency to Hunter Biden’s federal tax and gun convictions, being a blanket grant of immunity for any federal offences he may have committed between 01 January 2014 to 01 December 2024. It is interesting that this period covers the period when Biden Hunter was a director of the Ukrainian gas company Burisma and had deals with China, which Trump wanted probed.

The new dawn in Sri Lanka also seems to be getting further away as the new government seems to be increasingly realising that it is easier to be in opposition! It is interesting that there is no uproar though the price of a coconut is now based on half a coconut! Like previous governments, accusations are made of rice mafias but, in spite of the massive mandate, no action seems to be taken except an NPP MP alleging that one of them is in the national list of an opposition party! The government is just following the predecessors by deciding to import rice. President, it is reported, has fixed the price of various varieties of rice and it would be interesting to see what happens.

The vociferous former election chief has challenged the Speaker of the Parliament to produce proof of his doctorate. Do hope he will do so, in the spirit of the promised transparency!

PTA, which was much maligned by the NPP whilst in opposition, is being used to control social media posts! judges declare the police is shooting the messengers instead of prosecuting those who glorify terrorists. I do not have to go to details as the editorial, ‘From ‘traitors’ to ‘racists’ (The Island, 7 December) bares it all and do hope the new government takes the editor’s warning seriously!