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Summary Justice is Indefensible

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Anura Kumara Dissanayake

By Anura Gunasekera

On December 3, 2021, then member of parliament, Anura Kumara Dissanayake, today the President of Sri Lanka, made an impassioned speech in the House, against the killing of suspects in police custody, allegedly on the grounds of self-defence. He compared the spate of such incidents to the repeated enactment of the same brutal theatre (“Natakaya”), the word being used with a grim irony.

The following writing is framed in the above context, and, also, in the expectation of what President AKD will soon be compelled to state, in the context of the first of such deaths under his watch, and in the fervent hope that it will also be the last.

TIMES On Line- Sunday Feb 23, 2025 ” Police shot dead two suspects arrested over a murder in Kotahena when they reportedly tried to grab a weapon of a policeman and escape. One policeman was also injured in the shootout. Police claimed the two suspects had been taken to show the location of a weapon hidden by them”

Remove the identification of the location (“Kotahena”) and the balance narrative will correspond with all previous killings of suspects in police custody, elevated to an art form under the Mahinda-Gotabaya Rajapaksa dispensation. The rationale had become a “cut-and-paste” exercise. Each such incident has been followed by a legal inquiry but the writer is unaware of any action instituted against police officers involved, for either negligence, use of excessive force, irregularities in the modus operandi – which is governed by strict departmental guidelines- or for the inability of the police to establish their bona-fides for their conduct.

The absence of any censure or punitive action suggests that the judiciary itself has confirmed the legality of the killings. In a country where a de-facto moratorium on legally ordered executions has been in force since 1976, executions have been regularly carried out by various arms of the State, as well as by para-military cohorts sponsored by the State.

Custodial deaths have become so common in Sri Lanka that they have become a mere statistic. According to the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka (HRCSL), during the period January 2020 to August 2023, there have been 24 custodial deaths and 13 encounter deaths, all involving the Sri Lanka Police; nothing new, if one reverts to the deaths whilst in police custody, in 1966, of Sgt Thilakawardane and L.V. Podiappuhamy (“Dodampe Mudalali”), eventually ruled at a magistrate’s inquiry as murder. The private plaint against the police was later withdrawn by Attorney General A.C.M. Ameer, then considered a high-profile political appointee.

However, it is not the numbers that count but its corrosive, intimidatory impact on civil society and the message of vulnerability that such killings send to the politically unconnected, as well as their impact on the political discourse and the country’s global image. Custodial murder only weakens existing judicial systems, eroding the credibility and relevance of the systems and of law-enforcement. That extra-judicial executions have zero impact on criminals and criminality, is evident from the continuing flourishing of crime.

There is another critical aspect to custodial deaths, especially of those who are patently guilty or with proven histories of crime. Successful criminals do not operate alone, in a social vacuum. Organized crime, irrespective of the country, exists and flourishes because of the nexus between the criminal, segments of civil society, unscrupulous politicians, clever lawyers and, in particular, corrupt law-officers and crooked businessmen and financiers. Thus, the summary elimination of the suspect eliminates the vital link between the crime, the criminal and its patrons. Unless the investigative arm of the law is able to reach back to its roots, crime will continue to thrive despite the killing of criminals.

The elimination of an alleged criminal before he/she is processed by the justice system, also stops the vehicle of justice in its tracks. Therefore, it is logical to assume that the primary purpose of an extra-judicial killing is to prevent the exposure of the connectivity between the criminal and his/her patrons, rather than the misdirected zeal to circumvent the cumbersome judicial mechanism and instead, deliver instant justice.

SSP Buddhika Manatunge, current police spokesman, appearing before TV, displaying the same bland detachment of his predecessors, in measured tones briefly described the latest event. But what is required is not a soothing commentary but a comprehensive, objective investigation of the incident, followed by an impartial judgment which will ensure that the dead suspects receive the justice denied to them, by the brutal interruption to due process.

The nexus between organized crime, known criminals, law-enforcement and the political body has always existed but was institutionalized by the JR Jayawardene (JRJ) government (1977- 1994), and openly fostered by every government which followed, with the exception of the current regime. A few of the most notorious merit mention.

Sunil Perera(“Gonawela Sunil”) murderer, thief and convicted rapist, released on a presidential pardon by JRJ, and hugely empowered, thereafter, including an All Island JP-ship (subsequently connected to Ranil Wickremasinghe); Arambewelage Don Upali Ranjith ( “Soththi Upali”) , known mobster and alleged murderer, through patronage from the Ranasinghe Premadasa- Sirisena Cooray duo, appointed a reserve Sub-inspector and UNP committee member; Dhammika Amarasinghe, alleged murderer and bank robber, reportedly associated with a former MP and businessman and ex-MP Lohan Ratwatte; Dhanushka Perera (“Beddegana Sanjiva”), alleged assassin and arsonist, attached to the Presidential Security Unit during Chandrika Kumaratunge’s tenure; K.Saman Kumara( “Wambotta”), known murderer and extortionist, closely associated with the Rajapaksa project for many years; Gamage Amarasiri (“Julampitiye Amare”), a loyal Rajapaksa enforcer till being sentenced to death for multiple murder; Lal Peiris, (“Kudu Lal”), alleged drug dealer of the Kelaniya area and Rajapaksa associate (appointed a JP despite background) was provided safe conduct to the Katunayake airport a decade ago, allegedly by former MP, Mervyn Silva, when it had become too embarrassing to support him.

A feature of the career progression of individual mobsters is the fluctuation of fortunes, depending on the party in power; scum does not always stay settled at the bottom. Empowered by politicians in power, they become wealthy and influential and are assisted to invest illegally acquired wealth in legal businesses. Some, like “Soththi Upali” and “Gonawela Sunil”, were enriched by government contracts. The bond between powerful criminals and ruling politicians has been unbreakable.

Not surprisingly, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, during his long tenure as Defence Secretary -with the Tri-Forces at his beck and call- did not need the assistance of underworld thugs for any of his projects.

Relevant to this writing is the murder, on February 19, in the Hulftsdorp Magistrate court No 5, of Sanjeewa Kumara Samararatne (“Ganemulla Sanjeewa”), suspect in a series of crimes, including drug-trafficking, extortion, illegal arms trafficking and murder; this is not the first instance of its kind but does not in any way mitigate the unforgivable security breach, which permitted the assassination. Some analysts, describing certain features of the incident and the fact that there had been prior intelligence on the possibility of such an attempt, are suggesting complicity of the security forces. In any event, two police officers have been arrested in connection with the murder.

Similarly, two police officers have been arrested in connection with the murder- along with two of his children- in Middeniya, on February 18, of ” Kajja” (Aruna Vidanagamage), a known criminal and a self-confessed Rajapaksa enforcer. It will be recalled that interviewed by TV journalist Chamuditha Samarawickrema, on Nov. 28, 2023 and February 11, 2024 respectively, “Kajja” made some startling revelations and allegations against the Rajapaksa political clan, suggesting that in view of his intimate knowledge of family’s alleged illegal activities, his silence would be worth much to the peace of mind of that family.

Ex- Senior DIG Lalith Jayasinghe has been sentenced to four years RI, for facilitating the escape of the chief suspect in the gang rape and murder of 18- year old schoolgirl, Sivalokanathan Vidhya , in Punkuduthivu, Jaffna, in 2015. That was the second instance in which Jayasinghe was found guilty of aiding and abetting a known criminal. Sub-inspector Sri Gajan was sentenced along with Jayasinghe.

Late Anura Senanayke, DIG, was closely implicated in the cover-up operation of the May 17, 2012, Wasim Thajudeen murder, yet unsolved. DIG Vass Gunawardena and his son Shiyam were sentenced to death, for the murder of businessman Shiyam Mohammed ( May 2013), for a Rs 10 million fee.

The above examples represent just the tip of the iceberg, that is the body of evil constituting the law, politics and administration in this country, that has been growing exponentially since 1977.

President AKD has vowed to cleanse the country of crime and corruption. Unlike many of his predecessors, who made similar promises to the nation but, once in power, proceeded to harness those very forces for their purposes, there is absolutely no doubt about his sincerity. But the nexus between criminal enterprises, the police and politicians-past and present- (the NPP exempted), runs deep and wide. The systemic corruption, which involves every segment of the public service, is equally ramified.

The powerful NPP government cannot be dismantled by the Opposition within the House. Its Achilles heel is the entrenched, all-encompassing venality, and the resistance of all those who have profited during those decades of corruption, to any attempt to cleanse it. Unless AKD is able to systematically, but very quickly, excise the evil elements, he will not be able to deliver on many of his promises to the nation. And we say yet again, the patience of the majority is running out and recent happenings have provided grist for the opposition mill, who have no viable alternative to offer the nation, except the NPP regime’s failure to deliver on promises.

Given the known connections between crime and some opposition politicians – in Parliament and outside- it is certain that they will actively contribute to, or catalyze events designed to discredit the government. The present regime needs to be mindful, at all times, that its unscrupulous, corrupt predecessors, especially those facing the possibility of long jail-time at the conclusion of ongoing investigations, will use every possible strategy to derail and destabilize the government.

The Rajapaksa-led, SLPP vanguard with prince Namal as its standard bearer, who desperately needs real political power if he is to retain civic liberty, is already the focal point of this movement, assisted by racists like Udaya Gammanpila, Wimal Weerawansa and Sarath Weerasekera. The JVP-NPP rose from 3.48% to 61.56% in four years. Given a stagnant economy, shortages of essentials, and successful hate-mongering against an ethnic or religious minority- the Rajapaksa political weapon of choice- a revival of the SLPP from its present 3.14%, cannot be discounted.



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Features

Peace march and promise of reconciliation

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Peace walk in progress

The ongoing peace march by a group of international Buddhist monks has captured the sentiment of Sri Lankans in a manner that few public events have done in recent times. It is led by the Vietnamese monk Venerable Thich Pannakara who is associated with a mindfulness movement that has roots in Vietnamese Buddhist practice and actively promoted among diaspora communities in the United States. The peace march by the monks, accompanied by their mascot, the dog Aloka, has generated affection and goodwill within the Buddhist and larger community. It follows earlier peace walks in the United States where monks carried a similar message of mindfulness and compassion across communities but without any government or even media patronage as in Sri Lanka.

This initiative has the potential to unfold into an effort to nurture a culture of peace in Sri Lanka. Such a culture is necessary if the country as the country prepares to move beyond its history of conflict towards a more longlasting reconciliation and a political solution to its ethnic and religious divisions. The government’s support for the peace march can be seen as part of a broader attempt to shape such a culture. The Clean Sri Lanka programme, promoted by the government as a civic responsibility campaign focused on environmental cleanliness, ethical conduct and social discipline, provides a useful framework within which such initiatives can be situated. Its emphasis on collective responsibility and shared public space makes it sit well with the values that peacebuilding requires.

government’s previous plan to promote a culture of peace was on the occasion of “Sri Lanka Day” celebrations which were scheduled to take place on December 12-14 last year but was disrupted by Cyclone Ditwah. The Sri Lanka Day celebrations were to include those talented individuals from each and every community at the district level who had excelled in some field or the other, such as science, business or arts and culture and selected by the District Secretariats in each of the 25 districts. They were to gather in Colombo to engage in cultural performances and community-focused exhibitions. The government’s intention was to build up a discourse around the ideas of unity in diversity as a precursor to addressing the more contentious topics of human rights violations during the war period, and issues of accountability and reparations for wrongs suffered during that dark period.

Positive Response

The invitation to the international monks appears to have emerged from within Buddhist religious networks in Sri Lanka that have long maintained links with the larger international Buddhist community. The strong support extended by leading temples and clergy within the country, including the Buddhists Mahanayakes indicates that this was not an isolated effort but one that resonated with the mainstream Buddhist establishment. Indeed, the involvement of senior Buddhist leaders has been particularly noteworthy. A Joint Declaration for Peace in the world, drawing on Sri Lanka’s own experience, and by the Mahanayakes of all Buddhist Chapters took place in the context of the ongoing peace march at the Gangaramaya Temple in Colombo, with participation from the diplomatic community. The declaration, calling for compassion, dialogue and sustainable peace, reflects an effort by religious leadership to assert a moral voice in favour of coexistence.

The popular response to the peace march has also been striking. Large numbers of people have been gathering along the route, offering flowers, water and support to the monks. Schoolchildren have been lining the roads, and communities from different religious backgrounds extend hospitality. On the way, the monks were hosted by both a Hindu temple and a mosque, where food and refreshments were provided. These acts, though simple, carry a message about the possibility of harmony among Sri Lanka’s diverse communities. It helps to counter the perception that the Buddhist community in Sri Lanka is inherently nationalist and resistant to minority concerns that was shaped during the decades of war and reinforced by political mobilisation that too often exploited ethnic identity.

By way of contrast, the peace march offers a different image. It shows a readiness among ordinary people to embrace values of compassion and coexistence that are deeply embedded in Buddhist teaching. The Metta Sutta, one of the most well-known discourses in Buddhism, calls for boundless goodwill towards all beings. It states that one should cultivate a mind that is “boundless towards all beings, free from hatred and ill will.” This emphasis on universal compassion provides a moral foundation for peace that extends beyond national or ethnic boundaries. The monks themselves emphasised this point repeatedly during the walk. Venerable Thich Pannakara reminded those who gathered that while acts of generosity are commendable, mindfulness in everyday life is even more important. He warned that as people become unmindful, they are more prone to react with anger and hatred, thereby contributing to conflict.

More Initiatives

The presence of political leaders at key moments of the march has emphasised the significance that the government attaches to the event. Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya paid her respects to the peace march monks in Kandy, while President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is expected to do so at the conclusion of the march in Colombo. Such gestures signal an alignment between political authority and moral aspiration, even if the translation of that aspiration into policy remains a work in progress. At the same time, the peace march has not been without its shortcomings. The walk did not engage with the Northern and Eastern parts of the country, regions that were most affected by the war and where the need for reconciliation is most acute. A more inclusive geographic reach would have strengthened the symbolic impact of the initiative.

In addition, the positive impact of the peace march could have been increased if more effort had been taken to coordinate better with other civic and religious groups and include them in the event. Many civil society and religious harmony groups who would have liked to participate in the peace march found themselves unable to do so. There was no place in the programme for them to join. Even government institutions tasked with promoting social cohesion and reconciliation found themselves outside the loop. The Clean Sri Lanka Task Force that organised the peace march may have felt that involving other groups would have made it more complicated to organise the events which have proceeded without problems.

The hope is that the positive energy and goodwill generated by this peace march will not dissipate but will instead inspire further initiatives with the requisite coordination and leadership. The march has generated public discussion, drawn attention to the values of mindfulness and compassion, and created a space in which people can imagine a different future. It has been a special initiative among the many that are needed to build a culture of peace. A culture of peace cannot be imposed from above nor can it emerge overnight. It needs to be nurtured through multiple efforts across society, including education, religious engagement, civic initiatives and political reform. It is within such a culture that the more difficult questions of power sharing, justice and reconciliation can be addressed in a constructive manner.

by Jehan Perera

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Regional Universities

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Development initiatives: Faculty of Technology, University of Jaffna and NCDB

The countryside and peripheral regions have been neglected in the national imagination for many decades. This has also been the case with regional universities which were seen as mere appendages to the university system, and sometimes created to appease political constituencies in the regions. The exclusion of the rural world and the institutions in those regions was not accidental nor inevitable, but the consequence of conscious policies promoted under an extractive and exploitative global order. Neoliberalism globalisation, initiated in the late 1970s with far-reaching policies of free trade and free flow of capital, or the “open economy,” as we call it in Sri Lanka, is now dying. The United States and the Western countries that promoted neoliberalism, as a class project of finance capital to address the falling profits during the long economic downturn in the 1970s, are themselves reversing their policies and are at loggerheads with each other. However, those economic processes will continue to have national consequences into the future.

At the heart of such policies is the neoliberal city, which has become the centre of the economy with expanding financial businesses and a real estate boom. Such financialised cities also had their impact on universities, in lower income countries, where commercialised education with high fees, rising student debt, research for businesses and transnational educational linkages with branch campuses of Western universities, have become a reality.

In the case of Sri Lanka, while neoliberal policies began with the IMF and World Bank Structural Adjustment Programmes, in the late 1970s, the long civil war forestalled the accelerated growth of the neoliberal city. I have argued, over the last decade and a half, that it is with the end of the civil war, in 2009, coinciding with the global financial crisis, that a second wave of neoliberalism in Sri Lanka led to global finance capital being absorbed in infrastructure and real estate in Colombo. The transformation of Colombo into a neoliberal city was overseen by Gotabaya Rajapaksa as Defence Secretary with even the Urban Development Authority brought under the security establishment. While Colombo was drastically changing with a skyline of new buildings and shiny luxury vehicles drawing on massive external debt, there were also moves to promote private higher education institutions. The Board of Investment (BOI) registered many hundred so-called higher education institutions; these were not regulated and many mushroomed like supermarkets and disappeared in no time when they incurred losses.

In contrast to these so-called private higher education institutions that proliferated in and around Colombo, Sri Lanka, drawing on its free education system, has, over the last many decades, also created a number of state universities in peripheral regions. However, these regional universities lack adequate funding and a clear vision and purpose. The current conjuncture with the neoliberal global order unravelling, and the immediate global crisis in energy and transport are grim reminders of the importance of local economies and self-sufficiency. In this column I consider the role of our regional universities and their relationship to the communities within which they are embedded.

Regional context

The necessity and the advantage of robust public services is their reach into peripheral regions and marginalised communities. This is true of public transport, as it is with public hospitals. Private buses will always avoid isolated rural routes as their margins only increase on the busy routes between cities and towns. And private hospitals and clinics flock to the cities to extract from desperate patients, including by unscrupulous doctors who divert patients in public hospitals to be served in the private health facilities they moonlight. Similarly, it is affluent cities and towns that are the attraction for private educational institutions.

Public institutions, including universities, can only ensure their public role if they are adequately funded. Over the last decade and a half, with falling allocations for education, our state universities have been pushed into initiating fee levying courses, both at the post-graduate level and also for undergraduate international students. These programmes are seen as avenues to decrease the dependence of universities on budgetary support. However, the reality is that it is only universities in Colombo that can draw in students capable of paying such high fees. Furthermore, such fee levying courses end up pushing academics into overwork including by offering additional income.

Therefore, allocations for underfunded regional universities need to be steadily increased. Housing facilities and other services for academics working in rural districts would ensure their continued presence and greater engagement with the local communities. Increased time away from teaching and research funding earmarked for community engagement will provide clear direction for academics. Indeed, such funding with a clear vision and role for regional universities can provide considerable social returns. In a time when repeated crises are affecting our society, agricultural production to bolster our food system as well as rural income streams and employment are major issues. Here, regional universities have an important role today in developing social and economic alternatives.

Reimagining development

In recent months, there have been interesting initiatives in the Northern Province, where the Universities of Jaffna and Vavuniya have been engaging state institutions on issues of development. In an initiative to bring different actors together, high level meetings have been convened between the staff of the Agriculture Faculty and officials of the Provincial Agriculture Ministry to figure out solutions for long pending agricultural problems. Similar meetings have also been organised between provincial authorities and the Faculties of Technology and Engineering in Kilinochchi. These initiatives have led to academics engaging communities and co-operatives on their development needs, particularly in formulating new development initiatives and activating idle projects and assets in the region. Such engagement provides opportunities for academics to share their knowledge and skills while learn from communities about challenges that lead to new problems for research.

One of the most rewarding engagements I have been part of is an internship programme for the Technology Faculty of the University of Jaffna, where four batches of final year students, from food technology, green farming and automobile specialities, have been placed for six months within the co-operative movement through the Northern Co-operative Development Bank. This initiative has created a strong relationship between the Technology Faculty and the co-operative movement, with a number of former students now working fulltime in co-operative ventures. They are at the centre of developing solutions for rural co-operatives, including activating idle factories and ensuring quality and standards for their products.

I refer to these concrete initiatives because universities’ role in research and development in Sri Lanka, as in most other countries, are often narrowly conceived to be engagement with private businesses. However, for rural regions, the challenge, even with technological development, is the generation of appropriate technologies that can serve communities.

In Sri Lanka, we have for long emulated the major Western universities and in the process lost sight of the needs of our own youth and communities. Rethinking the development of our universities may have to begin with an understanding of the real challenges and context of our people. Our universities and their academics, if provided with a progressive vision and adequate resources and time to engage their communities, have the potential to address the many economic and social challenges that the next decade of global turmoil is bound to create.

Ahilan Kadirgamar is a political economist and Senior Lecturer, University of Jaffna.

(Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies)

by Ahilan Kadirgamar

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‘Disco Lady’ hitmaker now doing it for Climate Change

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The name Alston Koch is generally associated with the hit song ‘Disco Lady.’ Yes, he has had several other top-notch songs to his credit but how many music lovers are aware that Alston is one of the few Asian-born entertainers using music for climate advocacy, since 2008.

He is back in the ‘climate change’ scene, with SUNx Malta, to celebrate Earth Day 2026, with the release of ‘A Symphony for Change’ – a vibrant Dodo4Kids video by Alston.

The inspiring musical video highlights ocean conservation and empowers children as future climate champions, honouring Maurice Strong’s legacy through education, creativity, and global collaboration for a sustainable planet.

The four-minute animated musical, composed and performed by platinum award-winning artiste Alston Koch, brings to life a resurrected Dodo, guiding children on a mission to clean up marine environments.

With a catchy melody and an uplifting message, the video blends entertainment with education—making climate awareness accessible and engaging for the next generation.

SUNx Malta is a Climate Friendly Travel system, focused on transforming the global tourism sector that is low-carbon, SDG-linked, and nature-positive.

Professor Geoffrey Lipman, President of SUNx Malta, described the project as a joyful collaboration with purpose:

“It’s always a pleasure to produce music with Alston for the good of our planet. And this time, to incorporate our Dodo4Kids in the video urging the next generation of young climate champions to help save our seas.”

For Alston, now based in Australia, the collaboration continues a long-standing journey of climate-focused creativity:

Says Alston: “I have been working on climate songs since the first release, in 2009, of the video ‘Act Now.’ Since then, I’ve performed at major global events—from Bali to Glasgow. I wrote this song because the climate horizon is darkening, and our kids and grandkids are our best hope for a brighter future.”

Alston’s very first climate song is ‘Can We Take This Climate Change,’ released in 2008.

It was written by Alston for the World Trade Organisation presentation, in London, and presented at ‘Live the Deal Climate Change’ conference in Copenhagen.

The Sri Lankan-born singer was goodwill ambassador for the campaign, and the then UK Minister Barbara Follett called it a “gift in song to the world suffering due to climate change.”

Alston said he wrote it after noticing butterflies, birds, and fruit trees disappearing from his childhood days.

In 2017, his creation ‘Make a Change’ was released in connection with World Tourism Day 2017.

Alston Koch’s work on climate advocacy is pretty inspiring, especially as climate change is now creating horrifying problems worldwide, and in Sri Lanka, too.

Alston also indicated to us that he has plans to visit Sri Lanka, sometime this year, and, maybe, even plan out a date for an Alston Koch special … a concert, no doubt.

Can’t wait for it!

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