Features
Seeing the world as a parliamentary official and some Premadasa anecdotes
(Excerpted from Memories of 33 year in Parliament by Nihal Seneviratne)
Even though my early ambition was to join the Sri Lanka Foreign Service and travel the world, I did not miss out by joining Parliament as it gave me many opportunities to travel to many countries and meet with important global leaders, interact closely with my contemporaries in other parliamen his clothests and go overseas for numerous conferences and training programs.
As Secretary to over 30 Parliamentary delegations, I was mostly a baggage boy, looking after the members of the delegation. I must add that this was no easy task. I recall one of our members of an Inter-Parliamentary Union delegations in a faraway Scandinavian country coming to see me with what he called “a huge problem.”
He had an hour long telephone call to his spouse in Sri Lanka. He told me she had been in a delicate state of health and he needed to speak to her. He had then been hit with a telephone bill amounting to over 100 Euros. He wanted me to settle this bill.
I then very gently reminded him that at the start of the trip, I had very politely told all delegates that any personal overseas telephone calls would be on their own accounts. He wanted me to speak to our ambassador in that country and ask him to foot the bill which I politely refused to do. He finally had to pay the bill himself.
Another problem arose when just before an official dinner, the delegation was asked to dress up to meet some foreign Members of Parliament for a drink. I had asked the delegates to dress smartly and come to the lobby of the hotel by 8 p.m. One parliamentarian turned up in a pajama coat and sarong and asked me “Am I not properly dressed?” I was totally taken aback and approached my close friend from school days, MP Mangala Moonasinghe, and asked him to tactfully get his colleague to change his clothes.
Another incident, again involving Mangala Moonesinghe was when in the Soviet Union as guest of the USSR Government, both of us were enjoying a coffee in the lounge when two or three Russian ladies joined our table. A few minutes later, four well-suited Russians approached the ladies and whispered something in their ears. The ladies immediately vanished from the table. Later, we were told that they had been shooed off by KGB agents. There ended sadly Mangala’s and my friendly chat with the Russian ladies.
Apart from these, I had the great opportunity to meet well-known world leaders. Among these I recall vividly meeting with Fidel Castro himself in Havana. We were part of a Sri Lanka Parliamentary Delegation attending the Inter-Parliamentary Union Conference hosted by Cuba and were welcomed at the entrance to the meeting place by Castro himself, He gave each of us a bear hug saying “I love your country and your President. He sends me your good tea and I send him our cigars.”
My only regret is I do not have a photograph of being hugged by Castro. A visit to the Copacabana Club which had earlier been a renowned night club was located in a garden with towering trees and what was memorable was the sight of dancers come down from the trees on ropes to entertain the guests.
Another remarkable occasion was in Peking, China, where the Sri Lankan delegation led by Speaker Hugh Fernando were hosted to a 15-course banquet where we were introduced to China’s leader Mao Tse-tung. The other Chinese leaders who greeted us included Prime Minister Zhou En Lai and leading figures in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) including Sun Yat-sen’s widow Madam Soong Ch’ing-ling, Deng Xiaoping and Liu Shaoqi.
At a meeting with Zhou En Lai, where Sri Lankan Ambassador S.F. de Silva was also present, Zhou talked about the Sino-Indian border and the Silk Route used by the Chinese which was a delicate issue between China and India. He explained how the Chinese had a historical right over this route and added “Ask your own Ambassador, he is a good historian, and he knows all about it.” We all felt immensely proud of the compliment paid by the Prime Minister himself to our Ambassador. I had a personal relationship with him as his son Artie was a very close friend of mine at College and he said he was happy to meet one of his son’s friends.
The Chinese Prime Minister had been well aware that Sri Lanka and India had some delicate issues to settle ourselves and took this opportunity to give us the Chinese point of view.
There was another meeting that was truly historic. It was the only time I had set out on a journey without knowing the final destination. It was on a visit to North Korea with a delegation headed by Speaker Stanley Tillakaratne. In Pyongyang one evening, the entire delegation was asked to pack our clothes for two nights, taken out of the hotel and bundled off to a Railway Station with no idea where we were headed.
The North Korean staff accompanying us refused to divulge details of the trip. With their not being fluent in English, we were also unable to ask too many questions. We left around 6.00 p.m. and by 6 a.m. the next morning, we reached the station where we detrained and from there, we were again driven by limousine on a two-hour ride through mountainous areas to finally reach a high-altitude resort.
All this time we were unaware of where we were being taken, our communication with the North Koreans limited due to the language barrier. Finally, we arrived at a palatial building and were all escorted to a waiting room. We sat for over 45 minutes during which time we were served breakfast. All of a sudden, all the doors opened and in walked the North Korean leader Kim Il Sung, surrounded by a tight circle of security guards.
He welcomed all of us, chatted through an interpreted about our two countries. After that meeting, he invited us all to lunch with him at the end of which he presented each of us with an ornamental statue and books on North Korea.
On different Parliamentary visits, I had the honour of being introduced to the Queen Mother who graced the Isle of Man Commonwealth Parliamentary Conference. I also had the opportunity of meeting Mrs. Sonia Gandhi when visiting the with Anura Bandaranaike and was introduced to Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi when New Delhi hosted a Commonwealth Parliamentary Conference.
Other tours included a visit to the Bundestag in Germany with Dr. N.M. Perera, on the invitation extended by the German Parliament. There was also a visit to the Parliament in Canberra, the only Parliament I have seen with a swimming pool for MPs. I also had the privilege of visiting Parliament of Pakistan in Islamabad during which we were taken over the Khyber Pass to Kabul.
Another opportunity was visiting Parliament in Ottawa, Canada where we met Pierre Elliott Trudeau, father of the present Prime Minister Justin Trudeau. During the visit to the Parliament in Zambia, we had the good fortune of being introduced to Kenneth Kaunda, who with a white handkerchief in between his fingers, proudly declared the country’s motto, “One Zambia, One Nation.” Another meeting was with President of the Philippines Ferdinand Marcos.
Some of the other memorable visits to foreign legislatures included visiting the Nepalese Parliament in the capital city Kathmandu; the National Assembly in Paris, France; and the Russian Parliament or the State Duma in Moscow, Russia.
Some Premadasa anecdotes
Ranasinghe Premadasa, from his early days as a MP was a keen learner and was someone who sought advice when he needed it. I recall when he first came to parliament in the early sixties, he walked into my room and told me, “Nihal, I didn’t know anything about parliamentary procedure. Can you tell me?”
Given his quick knack for learning, he grew to be an excellent parliamentarian serving in important parliamentary positions such as Leader of the House and Chief Government Whip. Despite our close personal relationship, I maintained my independence and was firm in my dealings on official matters and avoided over familiarity given that it could prejudice me where my work was concerned. He respected my position and accepted it.
One evening Prime Minister Premadasa summoned me to his Chambers in the Parliament building. He then told me that with immense difficulty he had been able to get a Tamil MP to Colombo at the height of the insurrection and wanted him to take oaths as a Member of Parliament that same day around 2 p.m.
I told him that it was impossible for him to take oaths the same day as Standing Orders had specifically prescribed that the administration of oaths to new MPs must be at the start of the daily sessions. He insisted that this be done as the Member had to go back to Jaffna the next day. I told him that I cannot do it, adding that if I accede to his request, not only will I get into a serious trouble in Parliament when an MP raises a Point of Order, but that he too would have to answer for not following the rules.
I added that if he had told me a day earlier, I would certainly have helped him, but not at that time. Mr. Premadasa raised his voice with me, which I had not experienced before, and said it must be done but I replied with a firm “No”. He finally agreed with my position and withdrew his request and I left his room.
On another occasion, he said he wanted to see me on a holiday in the Parliament building at 11.00 a.m. When I arrived, it was 11.03 a.m. and he remarked, “You are late”. I apologized saying traffic held me up. Thereafter, I learned to be sharp on time always. Yet another occasion he wanted me to see him, I politely told him that I will not be able to see him at the time he requested as I was due to see the doctor in hospital since my young daughter was hospitalized and said I will see him a little later. He agreed.
When I visited Shanika, my daughter at Durdans Hospital, she was in a state of surprise as the Prime Minister had found out where she was and sent her a bouquet of flowers, wishing a speedy recovery. I saw to it that my daughter soon after leaving hospital sent him a thank you note.
Early morning calls from him were usual. On one occasion, he called me around 5.00 a.m. soon after reading that morning’s “Lankadeepa” newspaper which carried a scathing article on the administration of Parliament. He said he wanted to see a reply by 10.00 a.m. the same day. In my sarong, I rushed out of home and walked to the nearby junction to get a copy of that day’s paper. By 8.30 a.m. I was in Parliament and by 9.30 a.m. a typed four-page note was hand delivered to him answering all the queries raised. He later rang and thanked me and said there was no issue.
On another occasion, there were very heavy torrential showers and the driveway leading to the Parliament building was completely covered by water and to my horror I found that the rains had inundated the building and even flooded the ground floor. The House was due to sit the next day on some urgent business.
Mr. Premadasa rang me and said it was imperative that the MPs attend the next day’s sittings and that I had to ensure that they all could attend. He then offered me help with the Navy, Police and Disaster Management Centre and said whatever else I needed, I should ask him, and it will be made available.
My staff of 800, headed by the Sergeant-at-Arms and Director Administration rallied round me and worked tirelessly throughout the night with the Armed Forces flushing the water out and by 10.00 a.m. next morning, Members attended, and the House sat as usual for its business.
I had known Mr. Premadasa’s passion and dedication for his projects like the village reawakening program or Gam Udawa. Each time such an event was held usually coincided with his birthdays and I used to have at least five or six messages and invitations to attend these events with the prime minister asking me to see the model Parliament building he had got constructed at each Gam Udawa site.
Since these events tend to have a political flavour, I was reluctant to attend. But after those many calls, I approached the Deputy Speaker Norman Waidyaratne, (MP for Balapitiya) and inquired if he was attending. I had become quite close to him and his family and we often chatted about the country and ourselves and he promptly answered, “Nihal, we can go together, and we can share a room at the Rest House.”
I agreed and felt accompanying the Deputy Speaker would ‘sanitize’ my visit. We were received by Mr. Premadasa who, proudly showed us the miniature model Parliament he had got constructed, never failing to add, “Nihal, this building will serve a better purpose for the village people than your building”. Mr. Waidyaratna and I returned to the rest house for a chat before returning in his car to Colombo – an outing which we both enjoyed very much.
Another small incident I recall relating to Mr. Premadasa. He used to park his Morris Minor car (I distinctly remember its EN 1925 registration number) under the steps of the old Parliament and I had to request him to move his car out as we had reserved that place for the Speaker’s car. He was very obliging and did so with no fuss.
A brief word about Mrs. Hema Premadasa. When I was in office one day, I received a call from Mrs. Premadasa inquiring about some item of parliamentary business to which I gave a ready reply. She immediately realized that I was having a very bad sore throat and cough while talking with her. She inquired what was wrong and I told her I wsn’t feeling well.
She then said “I will send you something that will be good for you. The very next morning, one of her security personnel came into my room, saluted, and handed me a parcel of ambul (sour) oranges and a cough syrup she had wanted handed over to me with instructions to take it twice a day without fail. I was quite touched by her concern and immediately phoned to thank her.
Features
Peace march and promise of reconciliation
The ongoing peace march by a group of international Buddhist monks has captured the sentiment of Sri Lankans in a manner that few public events have done in recent times. It is led by the Vietnamese monk Venerable Thich Pannakara who is associated with a mindfulness movement that has roots in Vietnamese Buddhist practice and actively promoted among diaspora communities in the United States. The peace march by the monks, accompanied by their mascot, the dog Aloka, has generated affection and goodwill within the Buddhist and larger community. It follows earlier peace walks in the United States where monks carried a similar message of mindfulness and compassion across communities but without any government or even media patronage as in Sri Lanka.
This initiative has the potential to unfold into an effort to nurture a culture of peace in Sri Lanka. Such a culture is necessary if the country as the country prepares to move beyond its history of conflict towards a more longlasting reconciliation and a political solution to its ethnic and religious divisions. The government’s support for the peace march can be seen as part of a broader attempt to shape such a culture. The Clean Sri Lanka programme, promoted by the government as a civic responsibility campaign focused on environmental cleanliness, ethical conduct and social discipline, provides a useful framework within which such initiatives can be situated. Its emphasis on collective responsibility and shared public space makes it sit well with the values that peacebuilding requires.
government’s previous plan to promote a culture of peace was on the occasion of “Sri Lanka Day” celebrations which were scheduled to take place on December 12-14 last year but was disrupted by Cyclone Ditwah. The Sri Lanka Day celebrations were to include those talented individuals from each and every community at the district level who had excelled in some field or the other, such as science, business or arts and culture and selected by the District Secretariats in each of the 25 districts. They were to gather in Colombo to engage in cultural performances and community-focused exhibitions. The government’s intention was to build up a discourse around the ideas of unity in diversity as a precursor to addressing the more contentious topics of human rights violations during the war period, and issues of accountability and reparations for wrongs suffered during that dark period.
Positive Response
The invitation to the international monks appears to have emerged from within Buddhist religious networks in Sri Lanka that have long maintained links with the larger international Buddhist community. The strong support extended by leading temples and clergy within the country, including the Buddhists Mahanayakes indicates that this was not an isolated effort but one that resonated with the mainstream Buddhist establishment. Indeed, the involvement of senior Buddhist leaders has been particularly noteworthy. A Joint Declaration for Peace in the world, drawing on Sri Lanka’s own experience, and by the Mahanayakes of all Buddhist Chapters took place in the context of the ongoing peace march at the Gangaramaya Temple in Colombo, with participation from the diplomatic community. The declaration, calling for compassion, dialogue and sustainable peace, reflects an effort by religious leadership to assert a moral voice in favour of coexistence.
The popular response to the peace march has also been striking. Large numbers of people have been gathering along the route, offering flowers, water and support to the monks. Schoolchildren have been lining the roads, and communities from different religious backgrounds extend hospitality. On the way, the monks were hosted by both a Hindu temple and a mosque, where food and refreshments were provided. These acts, though simple, carry a message about the possibility of harmony among Sri Lanka’s diverse communities. It helps to counter the perception that the Buddhist community in Sri Lanka is inherently nationalist and resistant to minority concerns that was shaped during the decades of war and reinforced by political mobilisation that too often exploited ethnic identity.
By way of contrast, the peace march offers a different image. It shows a readiness among ordinary people to embrace values of compassion and coexistence that are deeply embedded in Buddhist teaching. The Metta Sutta, one of the most well-known discourses in Buddhism, calls for boundless goodwill towards all beings. It states that one should cultivate a mind that is “boundless towards all beings, free from hatred and ill will.” This emphasis on universal compassion provides a moral foundation for peace that extends beyond national or ethnic boundaries. The monks themselves emphasised this point repeatedly during the walk. Venerable Thich Pannakara reminded those who gathered that while acts of generosity are commendable, mindfulness in everyday life is even more important. He warned that as people become unmindful, they are more prone to react with anger and hatred, thereby contributing to conflict.
More Initiatives
The presence of political leaders at key moments of the march has emphasised the significance that the government attaches to the event. Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya paid her respects to the peace march monks in Kandy, while President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is expected to do so at the conclusion of the march in Colombo. Such gestures signal an alignment between political authority and moral aspiration, even if the translation of that aspiration into policy remains a work in progress. At the same time, the peace march has not been without its shortcomings. The walk did not engage with the Northern and Eastern parts of the country, regions that were most affected by the war and where the need for reconciliation is most acute. A more inclusive geographic reach would have strengthened the symbolic impact of the initiative.
In addition, the positive impact of the peace march could have been increased if more effort had been taken to coordinate better with other civic and religious groups and include them in the event. Many civil society and religious harmony groups who would have liked to participate in the peace march found themselves unable to do so. There was no place in the programme for them to join. Even government institutions tasked with promoting social cohesion and reconciliation found themselves outside the loop. The Clean Sri Lanka Task Force that organised the peace march may have felt that involving other groups would have made it more complicated to organise the events which have proceeded without problems.
The hope is that the positive energy and goodwill generated by this peace march will not dissipate but will instead inspire further initiatives with the requisite coordination and leadership. The march has generated public discussion, drawn attention to the values of mindfulness and compassion, and created a space in which people can imagine a different future. It has been a special initiative among the many that are needed to build a culture of peace. A culture of peace cannot be imposed from above nor can it emerge overnight. It needs to be nurtured through multiple efforts across society, including education, religious engagement, civic initiatives and political reform. It is within such a culture that the more difficult questions of power sharing, justice and reconciliation can be addressed in a constructive manner.
by Jehan Perera
Features
Regional Universities
The countryside and peripheral regions have been neglected in the national imagination for many decades. This has also been the case with regional universities which were seen as mere appendages to the university system, and sometimes created to appease political constituencies in the regions. The exclusion of the rural world and the institutions in those regions was not accidental nor inevitable, but the consequence of conscious policies promoted under an extractive and exploitative global order. Neoliberalism globalisation, initiated in the late 1970s with far-reaching policies of free trade and free flow of capital, or the “open economy,” as we call it in Sri Lanka, is now dying. The United States and the Western countries that promoted neoliberalism, as a class project of finance capital to address the falling profits during the long economic downturn in the 1970s, are themselves reversing their policies and are at loggerheads with each other. However, those economic processes will continue to have national consequences into the future.
At the heart of such policies is the neoliberal city, which has become the centre of the economy with expanding financial businesses and a real estate boom. Such financialised cities also had their impact on universities, in lower income countries, where commercialised education with high fees, rising student debt, research for businesses and transnational educational linkages with branch campuses of Western universities, have become a reality.
In the case of Sri Lanka, while neoliberal policies began with the IMF and World Bank Structural Adjustment Programmes, in the late 1970s, the long civil war forestalled the accelerated growth of the neoliberal city. I have argued, over the last decade and a half, that it is with the end of the civil war, in 2009, coinciding with the global financial crisis, that a second wave of neoliberalism in Sri Lanka led to global finance capital being absorbed in infrastructure and real estate in Colombo. The transformation of Colombo into a neoliberal city was overseen by Gotabaya Rajapaksa as Defence Secretary with even the Urban Development Authority brought under the security establishment. While Colombo was drastically changing with a skyline of new buildings and shiny luxury vehicles drawing on massive external debt, there were also moves to promote private higher education institutions. The Board of Investment (BOI) registered many hundred so-called higher education institutions; these were not regulated and many mushroomed like supermarkets and disappeared in no time when they incurred losses.
In contrast to these so-called private higher education institutions that proliferated in and around Colombo, Sri Lanka, drawing on its free education system, has, over the last many decades, also created a number of state universities in peripheral regions. However, these regional universities lack adequate funding and a clear vision and purpose. The current conjuncture with the neoliberal global order unravelling, and the immediate global crisis in energy and transport are grim reminders of the importance of local economies and self-sufficiency. In this column I consider the role of our regional universities and their relationship to the communities within which they are embedded.
Regional context
The necessity and the advantage of robust public services is their reach into peripheral regions and marginalised communities. This is true of public transport, as it is with public hospitals. Private buses will always avoid isolated rural routes as their margins only increase on the busy routes between cities and towns. And private hospitals and clinics flock to the cities to extract from desperate patients, including by unscrupulous doctors who divert patients in public hospitals to be served in the private health facilities they moonlight. Similarly, it is affluent cities and towns that are the attraction for private educational institutions.
Public institutions, including universities, can only ensure their public role if they are adequately funded. Over the last decade and a half, with falling allocations for education, our state universities have been pushed into initiating fee levying courses, both at the post-graduate level and also for undergraduate international students. These programmes are seen as avenues to decrease the dependence of universities on budgetary support. However, the reality is that it is only universities in Colombo that can draw in students capable of paying such high fees. Furthermore, such fee levying courses end up pushing academics into overwork including by offering additional income.
Therefore, allocations for underfunded regional universities need to be steadily increased. Housing facilities and other services for academics working in rural districts would ensure their continued presence and greater engagement with the local communities. Increased time away from teaching and research funding earmarked for community engagement will provide clear direction for academics. Indeed, such funding with a clear vision and role for regional universities can provide considerable social returns. In a time when repeated crises are affecting our society, agricultural production to bolster our food system as well as rural income streams and employment are major issues. Here, regional universities have an important role today in developing social and economic alternatives.
Reimagining development
In recent months, there have been interesting initiatives in the Northern Province, where the Universities of Jaffna and Vavuniya have been engaging state institutions on issues of development. In an initiative to bring different actors together, high level meetings have been convened between the staff of the Agriculture Faculty and officials of the Provincial Agriculture Ministry to figure out solutions for long pending agricultural problems. Similar meetings have also been organised between provincial authorities and the Faculties of Technology and Engineering in Kilinochchi. These initiatives have led to academics engaging communities and co-operatives on their development needs, particularly in formulating new development initiatives and activating idle projects and assets in the region. Such engagement provides opportunities for academics to share their knowledge and skills while learn from communities about challenges that lead to new problems for research.
One of the most rewarding engagements I have been part of is an internship programme for the Technology Faculty of the University of Jaffna, where four batches of final year students, from food technology, green farming and automobile specialities, have been placed for six months within the co-operative movement through the Northern Co-operative Development Bank. This initiative has created a strong relationship between the Technology Faculty and the co-operative movement, with a number of former students now working fulltime in co-operative ventures. They are at the centre of developing solutions for rural co-operatives, including activating idle factories and ensuring quality and standards for their products.
I refer to these concrete initiatives because universities’ role in research and development in Sri Lanka, as in most other countries, are often narrowly conceived to be engagement with private businesses. However, for rural regions, the challenge, even with technological development, is the generation of appropriate technologies that can serve communities.
In Sri Lanka, we have for long emulated the major Western universities and in the process lost sight of the needs of our own youth and communities. Rethinking the development of our universities may have to begin with an understanding of the real challenges and context of our people. Our universities and their academics, if provided with a progressive vision and adequate resources and time to engage their communities, have the potential to address the many economic and social challenges that the next decade of global turmoil is bound to create.
Ahilan Kadirgamar is a political economist and Senior Lecturer, University of Jaffna.
(Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies)
by Ahilan Kadirgamar
Features
‘Disco Lady’ hitmaker now doing it for Climate Change
The name Alston Koch is generally associated with the hit song ‘Disco Lady.’ Yes, he has had several other top-notch songs to his credit but how many music lovers are aware that Alston is one of the few Asian-born entertainers using music for climate advocacy, since 2008.
He is back in the ‘climate change’ scene, with SUNx Malta, to celebrate Earth Day 2026, with the release of ‘A Symphony for Change’ – a vibrant Dodo4Kids video by Alston.
The inspiring musical video highlights ocean conservation and empowers children as future climate champions, honouring Maurice Strong’s legacy through education, creativity, and global collaboration for a sustainable planet.
The four-minute animated musical, composed and performed by platinum award-winning artiste Alston Koch, brings to life a resurrected Dodo, guiding children on a mission to clean up marine environments.
With a catchy melody and an uplifting message, the video blends entertainment with education—making climate awareness accessible and engaging for the next generation.
SUNx Malta is a Climate Friendly Travel system, focused on transforming the global tourism sector that is low-carbon, SDG-linked, and nature-positive.
Professor Geoffrey Lipman, President of SUNx Malta, described the project as a joyful collaboration with purpose:
“It’s always a pleasure to produce music with Alston for the good of our planet. And this time, to incorporate our Dodo4Kids in the video urging the next generation of young climate champions to help save our seas.”
For Alston, now based in Australia, the collaboration continues a long-standing journey of climate-focused creativity:
Says Alston: “I have been working on climate songs since the first release, in 2009, of the video ‘Act Now.’ Since then, I’ve performed at major global events—from Bali to Glasgow. I wrote this song because the climate horizon is darkening, and our kids and grandkids are our best hope for a brighter future.”
Alston’s very first climate song is ‘Can We Take This Climate Change,’ released in 2008.
It was written by Alston for the World Trade Organisation presentation, in London, and presented at ‘Live the Deal Climate Change’ conference in Copenhagen.
The Sri Lankan-born singer was goodwill ambassador for the campaign, and the then UK Minister Barbara Follett called it a “gift in song to the world suffering due to climate change.”
Alston said he wrote it after noticing butterflies, birds, and fruit trees disappearing from his childhood days.
In 2017, his creation ‘Make a Change’ was released in connection with World Tourism Day 2017.
Alston Koch’s work on climate advocacy is pretty inspiring, especially as climate change is now creating horrifying problems worldwide, and in Sri Lanka, too.
Alston also indicated to us that he has plans to visit Sri Lanka, sometime this year, and, maybe, even plan out a date for an Alston Koch special … a concert, no doubt.
Can’t wait for it!
-
News6 days agoLanka faces crisis of conscience over fate of animals: Call for compassion, law reform, and ethical responsibility
-
News5 days agoWhistleblowers ask Treasury Chief to resign over theft of USD 2.5 mn
-
News5 days agoNo cyber hack: Fintech expert exposes shocking legacy flaws that led to $2.5 million theft
-
News2 days agoBIA drug bust: 25 monks including three masterminds arrested
-
Business3 days agoNestlé Lanka Announces Change in Leadership
-
News2 days agoBanks alert customers to phishing attacks
-
News3 days agoHackers steal $3.2 Mn from Finance Ministry
-
News6 days agoUSD 2 mn bribe: CID ordered to arrest Shasheendra R, warrant issued against ex-SriLankan CEO’s wife
