Features
Successful reconciliation requires people’s trust and confidence

By Jehan Perera
The Tamil polity has responded with a degree of skepticism to President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s declaration that he will talk to Tamil leaders and find a solution within the course of the next year which is also Sri Lanka’s 75th anniversary of independence. They are aware that the promises made by successive governments since the 1960s were never delivered wholeheartedly if at all. The president’s previous periods of governance were not any different. In the period 2015-19 as prime minister he promised a new constitution in which the concept of power sharing would be entrenched. He was arbitrarily sacked by the then President Maitripala Sirisena in 2018 in the infamous 52 day coup. It was the Tamil leadership in parliament and outside, such as TNA leaders R Sampanthan and M A Sumanthiran, who led the fight for his restoration. When the prime ministership was regained by him, there was still a hope he would deliver on his promise of constitutional reform. But nothing happened. Not even the provincial council elections were held.
Apart from seeking a political solution to the ethnic conflict, President Wickremesinghe is also giving leadership to a new truth and reconciliation process. He has met with South African president Cyril Ramaphosa to discuss getting South African support to a Sri Lankan truth and reconciliation commission. Foreign Minister Ali Sabry recently met with civil society leaders to share with them his concept of a truth and reconciliation commission and ask for their feedback. He expressed confidence that there was strong political will for the success of this commission. He also said that the armed forces were supportive of the concept of a truth commission as they wanted their names cleared. At the current time entire divisions of the Sri Lankan armed forces are blacklisted by international human rights groups and by some foreign governments. The minister was keen on developing a mechanism on which there was consensus before it was operationalized in a manner that was credible and would win public support.
The main challenge for President Wickremesinghe and the government is to convince the general population that he and the government and serious and sincere in what they are doing. There are reports that the government is planning to send a delegation to South Africa to study the South African reconciliation process. Such studies have been undertaken in the past as well. More important than the optics of commitment is the reality. Truth and reconciliation cannot be offered to one section of the population and at one moment in time. Truth and reconciliation cannot be compartmentalized. It cannot be offered to the Tamils and not to Sinhalese and Muslims. Keeping two of the student leaders under prolonged imprisonment without charge is neither truth nor reconciliation. The government’s sense of justice needs to be evenhanded and it needs to demonstrate its commitment to the wellbeing of all.
POSTPONING ELECTIONS
The demand of the protest movement for a system change that would eliminate corruption, misallocation of resources and accountability is not confined to university students. It has a much wider base even though not being overtly manifested in the form of public protests and demonstrations. A moulavi in Batticaloa at a civil society meeting last week said that the reason they were not so active in the protest movement was the fear that they could be arrested and put away for a long time like the two student leaders and many others have been. He said that the demonstrations against the unjust incarceration of the two student leaders were very large, but the government was unyielding. In these circumstances, people who want change but do not want to be arrested can only look forward to elections as the democratic right they have to indicate their wishes and aspirations.
Despite his democratic credentials and desire to solve problems, President Wickremesinghe is demonstrating reluctance to commit himself to elections at this time. There are two sets of elections that need to be held- local government and provincial council. To his credit, whenever he has been in a position of power the president has given emphasis to reviving the economy and to resolving the ethnic conflict. This was the case in the two earlier spells he had as a national leader, as prime minister in 2002–04 and again in 2015–19. Unfortunately, on both occasions he lost power, losing heavily in the elections that followed. At present the government is under the leadership of the president who has retained the finance portfolio and has embarked upon a course of economic reform that is controversial and at the behest of international funding organisations, particularly the IMF. The president is also making pledges to tackle the sensitive issue of national reconciliation, which he once described in 2002 as being akin to sitting on top of a volcano.
This background may explain, though it does not justify, the president’s apparent determination to press ahead with an ill-timed reform of the election law at this very time. Local government elections are due in March having been already postponed by a year. The electoral reform process that the government is launching is likely to extend beyond March. This will be a replay of the government’s strategy in 2017 when it proceeded to reform the electoral law just prior to provincial council elections. The provincial councils, which were set up as a solution to the ethnic conflict, have been dysfunctional for the past four years. Instead of being devolved authorities, with decision making taking place closer to the people, they are all run in a tightly centralised manner by governors appointed by the president. The postponement of provincial council elections in particular has made a mockery of the devolution of power. The governors act as agents of the centre in a manner totally at odds to the wishes of the people of the province.
CHANGING PRIORITIES
The economic crisis requires more than increasing taxes, decreasing government expenditures and getting a loan from the IMF. It requires a system of government in which people feel their participation makes a difference. The purpose of the provincial councils was to create devolved structures elected by the people of the province and responsible to them. If the provincial councils had been permitted to function as they were meant to, with sufficient resources allocated to them, Sri Lanka might have been able to withstand the economic crisis better than it currently is. Instead of sharing the national budget equitably with the provincial councils, the central government took the lion’s share for itself and with it the power to engage in development projects with large scale corruption that exceeds the budget of the provincial councils and which became white elephants. Ensuring devolution of power is part of the system change that is needed to get out of the economic morass the country is currently trapped in.
In this context, Batticaloa civil society leaders who felt that the government was not doing anything for them, spoke in terms of educating people to do more home garden cultivation and engage in self-employment projects to boost their income and consumption. But home garden cultivation can be at best only a poor supplement to the type of employment and earnings that are required for people to take advantage of opportunities in the modern age. In the discussion that took place in Batticaloa, there was criticism of the government’s budget proposals and lack of empathy for the problems of those at the bottom tiers of society. However, there was satisfaction expressed for one of the new policies. Budget proposal No: 13 says: “Although preliminary activities related to the disposal of government lands are carried out by District Secretaries through Divisional Secretaries, at a later stage such duties were also allocated to Sri Lanka Mahaweli Authority and the Land Reform Commission which were established for special requirements. It is reported that there are occurrences of discrimination and malpractice as preliminary activities related to disposal of lands are done in various ways by the respective entities.”
The budget proposal goes on to say “Therefore, as the aforementioned special requirements have already been met, a programme will be prepared during the next year to enable preliminary activities in relation to the disposal of all government lands, including the disposal of lands under the above two institutions, only by the Divisional Secretaries.” Previously when the Mahaweli Authority was in charge, decisions regarding the utilisation of land in most of the country could be made from Colombo. The decentralisation of decisions pertaining to land alienation to the divisional level will give people at the community level the possibility of having a greater say over the utilisation of lands by the new property owners who are more likely to live closer to the area. This is in the spirit of the devolution of power which can lessen corruption and misallocation of resources, improve accountability and give a sense of belonging to all people in the common enterprise of reviving the national economy.
Features
US withdrawal from UNHRC, a boon to political repression and ultra-nationalism

The US’ reported withdrawal from the UNHRC and some other vital UN agencies could be seen as a fillip to anti-democratic and ultra-nationalistic forces worldwide. Besides, the stark message is being conveyed that the developing regions of the world would from now on suffer further impoverishment and powerlessness.
The UNHRC needs to be more effective and proactive in bringing to book those states that are lagging in upholding and implementing human rights standards. But thus far it has been notable in the main in only ‘naming and shaming’ periodically those countries that stand accused of human rights and associated violations. More states and their rulers who have proved notorious violators of International Law, for instance, need to be brought to justice.
Hopefully, the UNHRC would be more dynamic in carrying out its responsibilities going forward but it needs material, moral and financial sustenance in increasing measure as it goes about trying to implement its brief. By withdrawing its support for the UNHRC at this juncture the US has further weakened the body and thereby provided a stimulant to the forces of repression worldwide.
What ought to be equally disquieting for the ethically-conscious is the withdrawal of US support for the WHO, the UN agency for Palestinian refugees or the UNRWA and the Paris Climate Agreement. With these actions the US under President Donald Trump has forfeited all claims to being the world’s foremost democracy. It could no longer lead from the front, so to speak, in championing human rights and democratic development.
It is no coincidence that almost at the time of these decisions by the US, President Trump is meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. At the time of writing what transpired at these talks is not known to the public but it is plain to see that under the ultra-rightist Israeli Prime Minister, there would be no easy closure to the Middle East conflict and the accompanying blood-letting.
This is in view of the fact that the hawkish Trump administration would be hand-in-glove with the Netanyahu regime right along. There would be no political solution in the foreseeable future nor could it be guaranteed by the main stakeholders to the Middle East question that the current ceasefire would continue.
As mentioned in this column before, Israel would need strong security guarantees from the Palestinian camp and its supporters before it sits earnestly at the negotiating table but a policy of repression by the Israeli state would in no way help in resolving the conflict and in ushering even a measure of peace in the region. With the staunch support of the Trump administration the Netanyahu regime could stave off Palestinian resistance for the time being and save face among its supporters but peace in the Middle East would continue to be a lost cause.
The issues in focus would only be further compounded by the US decision to cease support for the rehabilitation and material sustenance of Palestinian refugees. This policy decision would only result in the further alienation and estrangement of Palestinians from the Western world. Consequently, Intifada-type uprisings should only be expected in the future.
As should be obvious, the US decision to pull out of the WHO would further weaken this vital agency of the UN. A drop in material, medical and financial assistance for the WHO would translate into graver hardships for the suffering civilians in the world’s conflict and war zones. The end result could be the alienation of the communities concerned from the wider international community, resulting in escalating law and order and governance issues worldwide. Among other things, the world would be having on its hands aggravating identity politics consequent to civilian publics being radicalized.
Considering the foregoing, the inference is inescapable that the US is heading in the direction of increasing international isolation and a policy of disengaging from multilateral institutions and arrangements geared to worthy causes that could serve world peace. As matters stand, it would not be wrong to conclude that the Trump administration is quite content with the prevailing ‘international disorder’.
One of the most negative consequences of the US decision to pull out of the UNHRC is the encouragement the forces of repression and ultra-nationalism could gain by it. In almost all the states of South Asia, to consider one region that is notable from this viewpoint, the forces of ultra-nationalism and majoritarian chauvinism could be said to be predominant.
Unfortunately, such forces seem to be on the rise once again in even post-Hasina Bangladesh. In Sri Lanka these forces are somewhat dormant at present but they could erupt to the surface, depending on how diligently the present government guards against their rise.
However, the government of Sri Lanka could not be said to be going the extra mile currently to blunt the appeal of ultra-nationalism, whether it is of the Southern kind or of the Northern kind. Crunch time for the Sri Lankan state would come when it has to seriously cooperate with the UNHRC and help bring those accused of war crimes in Sri Lanka to justice. On whether it could cooperate in this exercise would depend the democratic credentials of the present regime.
The cumulative result of the Trump administration weakening the UN and its agencies would be the relentless rise of anti-democratic, fascistic and repressive regimes the world over. Given this backdrop, one could expect the war in the Ukraine and those wasting civil wars in Africa to rage on. In the case of the Ukraine, the possibility of the US and NATO not being of one mind on ways of ending the war there, could render closure of the conflict any time soon impossible.
However, waiting on the US with the expectation that it would be pulling itself together, so to speak, before long and addressing the issue of international law and order would be tantamount to handing over the world to a most uncertain future. It is highly unlikely that the Trump administration would prove equal to the challenge of bringing even a measure of order out of the current global chaos, given the primacy it would be attaching to what it sees as its national interest.
Rather than wait in suspense, democracy oriented sections the world over would do well to come together in a meeting of minds, with the UN playing a catalytic role in it, to figure out how they could pool all the resources at their command to bring about a world order that would be more respectful of International Law in word and spirit.
Features
‘The Onset: A Short Story’: A philosophical drama attempting to redefine perception and cinema

Debut filmmaker, Thevin Gamage, presents a bold challenge to the time-honoured conventions of cinema. Through his daring short film, Thevin invites audiences to reconsider ‘the truth’ of cinematic rules. The 180-degree rule is broken with seamless subtlety, and a fresh perspective is offered on breaking the fourth wall.
This 13+ minute dialogue-driven drama, ‘The Onset: A Short Story’ featuring two actors and created with the collaboration of a debut cinematographer, was shot entirely in his living room—a testament to ingenuity and creative audacity.
The film not only aims to redefine the language of cinema but also thematically contests one of Plato’s most renowned teachings—The Allegory of the Cave. Thevin offers a fresh lens to examine ‘truth’ blending bold cinematic innovation with a philosophical exploration of perception, arrogance, and enlightenment.
At its heart, this story reflects the universal tension between belief and truth, highlighting the cost of breaking free from illusions. His debut is both a defiant act of rebellion and a bold invitation to shape the evolution of future cinema, leaving audiences with as many questions as answers.
Born into a family of artists in Sri Lanka, Thevin, grew up surrounded by a legacy of creativity yet confined by the traditional expectations of society. His parents achieved success as actors and later as entrepreneurs.
For Thevin, questioning the rules was not rebellion for its own sake—it was a search for freedom, truth, and new perspectives. This drive began in childhood, where strict parental expectations collided with his innate creativity. Movies became his escape, a lens through which he experienced life, love, and possibility.
Yet it wasn’t until his late twenties, after years of academic success and professional detours that he finally embraced his calling as a filmmaker. His audacious short film bridges his personal journey with his artistic vision. By breaking the 180-degree rule and redefining the fourth wall, the film demonstrates that cinematic rules can evolve—not as acts of rebellion, but as purposeful explorations of storytelling.
In the spirit of art and its boundless novelty, Thevin Gamage seeks to induct exactly that: originality.
His debut film is a bold exploration of cinematic boundaries and philosophical inquiry, redefining two foundational principles of cinema. This film invites audiences to experience a narrative that subtly bends the historical rules of the 180-degree rule and the fourth wall—often without them even realizing it.
This debut dares you.
It’s a resolute challenge to tradition and a provocative reminder that “rules” are just a few letters that form a word.
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About young filmmaker

Thevin Gamage
Thevin Gamage is a South Asian filmmaker whose journey reflects both a profound reverence for tradition and an unrelenting desire to transcend it.
Born into a family of artists in Sri Lanka, Thevin was shaped by a legacy of creativity and resilience. His grandfather, Sri Lanka’s first film makeup artist, pioneered his craft with remarkable dedication, laying the foundation for a family deeply rooted in the arts. Though Thevin never met him, his grandfather Regie de Silva’strailblazing work ethic and passion for storytelling helped shape the family ethos, inspiring Thevin’s mother and, in turn, Thevin himself. Reggie was the first Sri Lankan makeup artist. He went to India for his studies in makeup artistry and was active during the era when B.A.W. Jayamanne and Rukmani Devi pioneered the Sri Lankan film industry.
Thevin’s mother, Kumudumali De Silva, a celebrated Best Supporting Actress winner two decades ago and recent Lifetime Achievement Award honoree for her contributions to the wedding industry, met his father, Nihal Gamage, while on set. Together, they transitioned from the entertainment industry to entrepreneurial success, founding a wedding photography and bridal dressing business. Their ventures flourished, even leading to the publication of their own wedding magazine, providing a middle-class life of success and recognition.
Despite these creative roots, societal expectations in Sri Lanka compelled Thevin to pursue academics. After excelling at the University of Toronto with a degree in Political Science, Economics, and Psychology, Thevin still yearned for storytelling. In his late twenties, after years of professional detours, he enrolled in film school and committed fully to his craft.
Operating outside the framework of traditional film production companies, Thevin embraced the challenges of independence. From conceptualization to execution, his debut film is a testament to his determination, ingenuity, and unwavering commitment to his vision. His journey as an independent filmmaker exemplifies the power of creative freedom to challenge norms and shape unique perspectives.
Thevin’s work invites audiences to question, reimagine, and ultimately transform their understanding of storytelling. His journey is not just one of artistic pursuit but an act of defiance—an effort to inspire others to embrace the power of the arts and forge paths beyond traditional norms.
Features
Top three at 40th Mrs World pageant

While South African model Tshego Gaelae becomes the first Black woman to win the Mrs. World title in its 40-year history, we, too, were in the spotlight, at the finals.
Ishadi Amanda took the No. 02 slot, being the first runner-up at the prestigious pageant, held in Las Vegas, USA, from 29-30 January, 2025.
Thailand’s Ploy Panperm was placed third, as the second runner-up.
Sri Lanka’s Ishadi had support from the audience when her name was announced as one of the three finalists.
The Mrs World pageant winner, from South Africa, expressed her thanks on Instagram, saying, “To God be the glory. Thank you so much for the love and support, I am beyond grateful and elated! My beautiful South Africa, the crown is coming home,” she shared with her followers, encapsulating her elation and gratitude.
The Mrs World pageant, established in 1984, stands as the first international beauty contest solely for married women, providing a platform for married contestants to showcase not just their beauty, but also their intellect and community outreach efforts.
Before being picked as the winner, Mrs South Africa was asked: “What is the biggest challenge you have faced and achieved?” And her answer was brilliant:

Rosy Senanayake: Mrs World 1984
“I was so stressed on social media. Social media people should use it to share knowledge and good things. But it’s used to stress people out. But I stood up for myself without that social media pressure. I used the same social media that stressed me out to share good thoughts and hope to get to the victorious place I am today.”
Gaelae’s success is a testament to the ideals celebrated by the pageant, where diversity and empowerment take centre stage.
Gaelae balances her roles as a devoted mother, wife, labour relations manager, and model.
Being the first black woman to clinch the title at the Mrs World pageant has ignited a sense of pride and celebration among South Africans.
The Mrs South Africa Organisation, which played a crucial role in supporting Gaelae’s remarkable journey, also expressed their pride through a statement: “From Soweto to Vegas and now the World, @mrsworldpageant The Crown is Coming Home! Thank you to everyone who supported our queen on her incredible Journey.”
Gaelae returned home to a triumphant celebration fit for a queen.
At the airport to welcome her were her family, friends, church community, the Mrs South African team board and alumni, and the Executive Mayor of Johannesburg.

The crowning of the 40th Mrs World winner
And, guess what? Gaelae is now in touch with me!
Second Runner-up Mrs Thailand Ploy Panperm is quoted as having said: “I believe that modern married women have the potential to excel in multiple roles – as wives, mothers and even as beauty queens – embodying intelligence, talent and beauty.”
For the record, it was our very own Rosy Senanayake who brought Sri Lanka fame at this pageant … being crowned Mrs World at the very first Mrs World pageant, in 1984.
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