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SLFP Mudalalis

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by Sarath Amunugama

While his supporters were fitted into convenient positions on State boards, Minister R S Perera was more interested in his own nascent business interests. He set up a factory in Kelaniya to make rubber slippers. Then he set up a factory to manufacture ‘mantles’ for Kitson lamps. Since we got on well he would invite me to his spacious office to observe his experiments in firing up the gauze mantles which gave a blinding light for the Kitson lamp. He confided in me that he himself had to conduct the experiment because if anybody else discovered the formula he would take it to another investor. A sudden visitor to his office would have found the Minister and his Director of Information huddled behind a table trying to ignite a Kitsons lamp – a task which was not included in the gazette notification which detailed our respective responsibilities. Apart from his pseudo cientific experiments RS soon began to leak Cabinet secrets to SLFP Mudalalis. By this time the SLFP, and particularly Mrs. B, had nurtured a group of native entrepreneurs who using state patronage had built up lucrative businesses. They were personally loyal to the Prime Minister and a few of her like minded ministers including Maitripala Senanayake, Illangaratne and Kalugalle. Those ministers were quite willing to instruct the State Banking system and the State Trading bodies to favour these Mudalalis. ‘These lucky businessmen included J P A Piyadasa, Dasa, McCallum, Ratnapura Gem merchants, Douglas Perera and a host of other smaller fry including R S Perera, who were solidly behind the SLFP. They were now alarmed that NM was dead set on dismantling their privileges. They also succeeded in getting the ear of Felix who was willing to ally himself with anyone in order to establish himself as the intellectual leader of the SLFP government. After every Cabinet meeting on Wednesday morning RS would come back to his office and telephone his Mudalali friends about the latest outrage proposed by the Finance Minister Some of them would then come over to personally inspect RS’s copy of the offending Cabinet paper. Then they would lobby their friends to get the proposals rescinded. NM and Bernard made proposals to clean up the Banking system. Any attempt to change the structure of the People’s Bank was strongly opposed by the Mudalalis. It was the People’s Bank under its General Manager Solomons that had provided easy credit to fuel the acquisitions and investments of the Mudalalis. The LSSP had appointed Hector Abeywardene as the Chairman and he was not hobnobbing with the businessmen as his predecessors had done. In fact NM’s tinkering with the Banks based on an outdated philosophy did more harm than good.

The economy was on a downward spiral and following the shibboleths of the Marxists, NM was replacing entrepreneurship with State enterprises with neither the managerial capacity nor the enterprising spirit to be a success. He was dismantling a system which could deliver the goods and replacing it with the dead hand of the state because of an out of date doctrine. No wonder Felix and the modernists of the SUP were aghast at the blundering attitudes of `golden brains’ NM. They called him a ‘Gadol Modaya’ instead. I can recoil one occasion when we were summoned by NM to discuss publicity for his programmes. I suggested that his numerous corporations be asked to publicise their work with newspaper advertisements. NM was horrified at this idea and said that he did not want the Corporations to spend money oil propaganda. Since he was also not willing, to spend money from the Budget for publicity the case for the Government went by default. He had no time for modern publicity and was content to leave that to his party machine which was nearly extinct. This was a silly attitude when the JVP was throwing the book at the leftist leaders and creating a huge wave of hatred towards them. I had a great friend in Sarath Nawana, a dynamic LSSPer who came back from UK with the 1970 victory. He wanted to modernize the propaganda effort of the party. He became the editor of the ‘Janadina’ the LSSP paper and rival to “Aththa” which itself was becoming more critical of the Government. The leftist ministers of the Government were constantly in fear of being pulled up by the PM at Cabinet meetings for the criticisms levelled in their party newspapers. Nawana was continually warned by NAM who however resisted requests from other leaders to fire him. Sira of “Aththa” was also being warned regularly though Pieter and Sarath Muttetuwegama defended him. I had to constantly interact with these two irascible journalists particularly since my Minister RS was their favourite target. By this time RS and his Mudalali friends had become bitter enemies of NM. They were constantly bad mouthing him and complaining to the PM while at the same time Kumar Rupasinghe was poaching leftist cadres.

 

N M Perera

NM had been my ‘Beau Ideal’ when I was in the University. With a double doctorate in Political theory at the LSE under Harold Laski he was a scholar and writer of the first rank. His analysis of the annual budget was the best reasoned speech in Parliament. After speaking in Parliament he would come to Peradeniya to repeat his analysis and we would listen spellbound by the clarity and originality of his exposition. Whenever NM spoke at Peradeniya the Arts theatre was jam packed with both staff and students hanging on to his every word. NM was always elegantly, though simply, dressed in white trousers and bush shirt with a weatherbeaten watch on his right wrist. I noticed that the dial of the wristwatch was turned s and NM would from time to time dramatically look at the time, perhaps a habit picked up in Parliament where time is rationed. He loved fancy shoes and sandals. Later when I would meet him at Colvin’s house, where he would sit patiently to pick up his colleague for a high class social visit, I noticed his brightly polished shoes which would have been the envy of a ballroom dancer. In fact NM was a great ball room dancer and ladies would compete to take a turn with him. All this was of course hidden from his half starved worker supporters who imagined that their leader was living on ,half rations.

As the Secretary of the University Economics society, which was a LSSP front, I would visit NM in his Borella house to fix dates for his and other party bigwigs visits to the Campus for lectures. His front office was full of books and newspapers which could certainly have done with some dusting. There was a large portrait of Trotsky indifferently hung up. In the middle of the room there was a large table with a mountain of files on either side. He guffawed when I told him about our requirements. ‘You people are with us only till you pass the CCS exam’ he said. ‘Only Batty and Shanmugaraja continued with us’. I assured him that this time it would be different. Little did I know at that time that he was prophetic. Any way he consulted his diary and gave me some was prop he tic. Any way he consulted dates and a couple of dog eared books for me to read. Vivienne Goonewardene came from inside the house and seeing that I was famished after the long train journey from Peradeniya, invited me to have breakfast. NM waded into the stringhoppers and I marvelled at his appetite. He had a broad chest which was barely contained by a sleeveless banian. He wore a checked sarong and had a pair of cheap wooden clogs on his feet. His wooden clogs were the stuff of legend. Apparently after their celebrated jail break on the eve of the Japanese air attack on Colombo during the second world war, NM held up the getaway by going back to his cell to retrieve his cheap wooden clogs much to the fury of Robert Gunawardene who had coordinated the operation ‘Yathura’. Significantly the LSSP selected the key as their party symbol for the election. NM was well known for his frugality and thrift. Sarath Nawana told me how he refused to loosen the purse strings for expenses for his party paper. While having breakfast he cut short our discussion about politics and was planning a Buriyani dinner expedition to a Muslim friend’s house. He asked Vivienne, who by this time was living with him, to ring up Leslie and invite him also for Buriyani. Many years later I had to interact with him almost daily during the JVP insurrection which I will describe later. After he was defeated in 1977, and was out of Parliamentary politics which had been his life’s vocation, I visited him in his Cotta road residence which he occupied after selling his Borella property. There were not many visitors then but his faithful Sena Gunasekera and long standing driver looked after him. I remember NM affectionately talking to his dog which curled under his table and was licking his toes. I was the Secretary to the Media ministry when NM died in hospital. My Minister Ananda Tissa de Alwis and I rushed there and coordinated the final ceremonies with JRJ’s concurrence. Though he was out of Power we ensured that NM got what was in effect a state funeral. have a vivid mememory of his old comrades led by Colvin whoa walked all the way behind the cortege and were sprawled on sports ground totally exhausted and oblivious to the official ceremonies that had begun and were being broadcast island wide.

 

Liepzig

With the success of the ULF, embassies of the socialist bloc became more active in Colombo. The PM made several highly successful visits to China ina and the USSR. She was so popular as the first woman PM that the Bandaranaike name became synonymous with Sri Lanka in foreign countries. With her trade mark Kandyan saree, flashing smile and inborn courtesy she made a brilliant ambassador for her country and global leaders vied to be photographed with her. In the Information Department we were inundated with requests for interviews which she handled with great aplomb. It was her and the country’s finest hour. Whenever Somasara and I wanted to meet her we would go early in the morning to Temple Trees and she would greet us graciously and quickly decide on the issues on which we needed guidance. Her officials in the Defence ministry – Ratnavale and Ridgeway Tillekeratne – had been my bosses in Ratnapura and were constantly in attendance at Temple Trees and we could all chat with her easily because of the Ratnapura connection.

She followed her husband in only using Temple Trees for official engagements and lived in her own house at Rosmead Place. Her house was well kept but did not have any of the garish furniture that has become so commonplace in politician’s houses today. The telephone was fixed to a bracket on the wall and Mrs. B would take calls in the sitting room for everybody to hear. After her state visits she would be received ceremonially by the cabinet on the airport tarmac. These festivities were orchestrated by T B Illangaratne. I was drafted into this ceremony because I had to bring my younger daughter Varuni and her friend Lekha Ratwatte, daughter of Mackie, to the tarmac to present bouquets of flowers to the returning PM. This was a nerve racing task for me as the two mischievous children would run around and had to be dragged back just in time to greet Mrs. B who unfailingly kissed them after receiving the welcoming flowers.

This is an excerpt from Sarath Amunugama’s three-volume autobiogbraphy, the first of which is now in print.

 



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Is power devolution under JVP-NPP a political daydream?

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Former President Chandrika Kumaratunga

The JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva’s recent remarks at a news conference in Jaffna where he ruled out the possibility of holding provincial council elections this year has been widely reported and widely criticized. About the same time there was another media event in Jaffna that went largely unnoticed and unreported outside Jaffna. What was said at the second media event may carry far more political implications than Tilvin Silva’s election timing talk. A veteran Tamil political participant made the startling yet not implausible statement that the prospect of having political devolution under the JVP-NPP government is becoming “a daydream”. The statement was made by Dr. K. Vigneswaran, who served as Provincial Secretary to the only North-East Provincial Council Government that was elected under the auspices of the Thirteenth Amendment.

Dr. Vigneswaran is a Professional Civil Engineer who studied at Royal College, graduated with First Class Honours in Engineering in 1964, and went on to complete a pioneering PhD at the university of Waterloo, Canada, applying the finite element method (FEM) in the field of Geotechnical Engineering. His engineering career has always been at the Irrigation Department where he rose to a Deputy Director. That was when the department was in its golden years, and Vigneswaran was known for his technical mentorship, meticulous administrative skills, and for knowing the fine print of everything. While at the Irrigation Department, Vigneswaran married Ramya de Silva, a fellow irrigation Engineer. After 1983, Vigneswaran became a fulltime political activist and a powerful resource in Tamil politics, but with unwavering commitment to nonviolence, democracy and federalism. The family moved first to India and then Canada, and Vigneswaran has been shuttling between Canada and Sri Lanka.

Devolution: Tortuous Trajectory

Since 1987, the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement, and the 13th Amendment, Vigneswaran has been a permanent fixture in all the politics and institutional dynamic of implementing 13A and establishing provincial councils. He served as Secretary to the only elected Provincial Government for the Northern and Eastern Provinces. After 1994 and the election of Chandrika Kumaratunga as President, Vigneswaran became a key participant in all the civil society efforts and government initiatives to restore the PCs and implement 13A, both during the Kumaratunga presidency and the succeeding administrations of Mahinda Rajapaksa and the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe duo.

Devolution efforts stalled after the election of Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who in so many words declared that he had no time for 13A or PCs in his presidential agenda, whatever it was. Only that his whole agenda turned out to be a wholesale disaster for the country. Already by then, all the nine Provincial Councils had fallen into abeyance with the cancellation of the 1988 PC elections by the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe duo, with the TNA standing by. The abeyance continues under the JVP-NPP government with no apparent end in sight after Tilvin de Silva’s statement in Jaffna.

I say all this to provide the proper context for Vigneswaran’s statement in Jaffna that the prospects for power devolution under the JVP-NPP government are becoming a political daydream. He said something else as well: that of all the government leaders he has encountered over the years, the only leader who has been genuinely sincere about power devolution is former President Chandrika Kumaratunga, and no one else. I am constrained to add that the insincere category would include Ranil Wickremesinghe, who for all his handsome promises, never matched any of them with experiential sincerity. The present JVP-NPP government still has time to show that they are not an insincere lot.

It is not my purpose to agree with or question Dr. Vigneswaran’s assertions, but to use them as cue and context to comment on the widening mismatch between the JVP-NPP government’s promises and its practices on the matter of power devolution and the restoration of the PC system. With a stalling economy, rising prices and external shocks, it is obvious that the government has all the economic matters to worry about, but that does not mean that it can ignore all the other government responsibilities. No government is put in power to solve a single problem or address a single issue. It is in the nature of governments to deal with multiple problems with varying priorities. Otherwise you could have a single cabinet minister to deal with one problem at a time. That is never going to be the case.

The economy is of course the top of mind priority for the government even as it is a top of mind concern for the people. Even on the economic front, the government is holding steady but is showing little progress. And there are other government initiatives where political accountability will call for answers: to wit, the catchall Clean Sri Lanka programme, ambitious educational reforms, contentious energy sector reforms and, yes, power devolution as well as the overpromised constitutional reforms. Not to mention the sprawling unforced errors over substandard coal imports, foreign exchange fraud, and the chronic neglect of developing the renewable energy sector. Correcting these fields of errors may require a separate ministry for each.

Devolution: Daydream or Deliverable

On the PC system and constitutional reform, there has been scant progress in spite of handsome promises. On both, the government is inadvertently deepening the holes that it had dug itself into through indifference, inaction or procrastination, or all of them and more. In the matter of devolution and provincial councils, the government can simply defuse the situation by directing the Election Commission to conduct elections at the earliest opportunity that is logistically possible. Making his statement in Jaffna, Mr. Tilvin Silva alluded to funding shortfall and legal complications as reasons for the necessity to postpone PC elections until next year. Neither reason holds water.

The funding question would seem to have been put to rest by the statement of Health Minister and Cabinet Spokesman Nalinda Jayatissa, presumably reflecting cabinet consensus, that there are no funding issues and if needed additional funds could be arranged through supplementary allocations. It is also disingenuous to cite legal complications as a reason. The so called legal complications arose because of the collective stupidity of the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe parliament that included the then miniscule NPP and the politically-lost TNA. The JVP-NPP has now ballooned from a handful MPs to a two-thirds majority and it can expedite any legislation that it wants to enable the PC elections to be held without delays.

Alternatively, the elections can be held under the old arrangement of proportional representation with assurance by political parties to honour their commitment to fielding more female candidates. Already at a gathering of all political parties, including the NPP (but not the JVP), and civil society groups, convened by People’s Action For Free & Fair Elections (PAFFREL), the political parties jointly committed to a 25% quota for women and youth under the old electoral system. The ongoing parliamentary committee exercise studying the legal matter, headed by the overstretched Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath, is also an unnecessary red herring. The Election Commission is ready to go under whatever law or electoral system that is before it. So, there is no reason to hide behind legal complications to further delay the PC elections.

Somewhat amusingly, Public and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Ananda Wijepala has trotted out the argument that the NPP government has already conducted two nationwide elections during the one and a half years it has been in office, and that unlike the Ranil Wickremesinghe government the JVP-NPP is not in the business “to delay elections for our personal benefit” – whatever that means. Unfortunately, the good minister is missing the point. The question is not how many elections can the JVP-NPP hold in how many years, but how many years do people in the provinces have to wait before they vote in another provincial election? How many more years? That really is the question.

We know the current situation in the provinces. There are provincial governments but no elected provincial councils. The government administration in every province is being run by the President of the Republic through his handpicked governors and unelected government officials. This is a travesty of democracy and the euthanizing of the PC system. Already under 13A, the office of the provincial governors has been constitutionally and legally compared to the office of the Governors of old Ceylon who represented the monarch in what was then a crown colony. The irony is that a JVP-NPP President may have inadvertently positioned himself as the monarch of all he provincially surveys, courtesy of the Thirteenth Amendment!

The JVP was in the forefront of the litigation that caused the demerger of the Northern and Eastern Provinces. If Dr. Vigneswaran’s assertion were to prove correct, a potential dissolution of the provincial system under the JVP-NPP government would be the consummation of the JVP’s original opposition to the introduction of the provincial council system itself. The whole system may not be eradicated, but it could be devoured of its democratic essence while preserving the administrative shell as the medium for the country’s president to overreach into the provinces. That would be worse than a daydream, a real nightmare.

by Rajan Philips ✍️

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Rewiring Brain: Meditation to Break the Cycle of Craving

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“Craving begets sorrow, craving begets fear. For him who is free from craving there is no sorrow; how can there be fear for him,” Dhammapada verse 216 states. The mental factor craving, Tanha in Pali, is central to Buddhist Teaching, as its ultimate goal is the cessation or extinction of it—tanhakkhaya. Even though Tanha is translated as craving here, it can sometimes mislead modern readers into thinking tanha only refers to extreme or physical addictions. Just as with any Pali term, it has broad meanings. Venerable Walpola Rahula describes it as “thirst” or unceasing wanting, one of the deep-rooted proclivities or latent tendencies (anusaya) of life (Rahula 1959), without which life as we know would not exist.

Even though the Buddha recognized this natural phenomenon two and a half millennia ago, it was only in the late 20th century that science took note of it and gave it a captivating term—the Hedonic Treadmill. The advantage of this empirical investigation to us Buddhists is that it provides a way to gain penetrative, experiential comprehension (anubodha) of this concept using the vernacular of this technology-savvy age—an alternative to struggling with the language of a bygone era.

These investigations have revealed that there are no hard-to-comprehend metaphysical or mysterious elements involved with this phenomenon; it is a biochemical process fundamental to sustaining life. What is more, an effort to grasp this concept would be well within the goals of Vipassana meditation described in the Sutta Pitaka, incorporating the four elements of investigation: body (kayanupassana), sensations (vedananupassana), mind (chittanupassana), and natural laws (dhammanupassana).

Vipassana and modern science

Vipassana meditation is an in-depth exploration of how humans perceive the world, gain knowledge, and interact with themselves and the environment. Knowing this with wisdom allows one to lead a harmonious way of life (samadhi), a condition conducive to curbing the “thirst” and achieving the Buddhist ideal. The goal of modern science is also to investigate life, but humanity has often used that knowledge to increase material wealth and comfort, providing only lip service to spirituality on the fringe.

An attitude that tends to ignore the consequences of wanting more and more – thirst, potentially endangering the planet. However, that does not prevent us from using scientific information as and aid or a tool to grasp Buddhist concepts. The scientific method bears parallels to the Buddhist approach: it is based on causality (paticcasamuppada), empirical verification (ehipassiko), systematic observation (meditation), and rejecting dogma and beliefs. The primary difference is simply the vocabulary used.

The process of perception: five aggregates

Our five external sense organs receive data (vedana) containing information on the environment: Eyes: receive light, Ears: receive sound, Skin: senses physical contact and temperature, Nose & Tongue: sense chemical properties of substances. The data received by the sense organs is transmitted to the brain, where it is registered as neural networks (sanna). Neural networks, which are interconnected groups of nerve cells (neurons) can be viewed as mind-readable QR codes.

The activity of the brain, or mind (mano), processes this data and converts them into actionable information (sankhara). Modern neuroscience and psychology have made great advances in understanding these processes at the molecular level. This process allows the individual to become aware of their environment, build an autobiographical memory or the notion of a self (atta), and take actions to protect and perpetuate life.

The Pali term vinnana refers to the collection of information committed to memory. Translating vinnana as “consciousness” can be confusing, as the latter often refers to all brain activities. All physical phenomena that sense organs encounter and the mental constructs (sankhara) are referred to as Rupa. This activity of mind forms the basis of all knowledge, representing the entire world as perceived by the individual. This process is what the Teaching refers to as the Five Aggregates (pancakkhanda). The critical takeaway is that the world we perceive is merely a mental construct. While an objective world exists, our sense organs have limitations in seeing it—a fact easily realized through the hundreds of illusions used for entertainment.

Evolution and emotion

The evolutionary purpose of this data processing mechanism is to enable living beings to respond to environmental factors for survival. The psychological and physiological state that arises prior to acting is called emotion. Primarily, emotions can be of three kinds: desire (loba) – seeing a new phone causes an urge to buy it, even though the current one works fine; aversion (dosha) – encountering a vicious dog triggers a “fight or flight” response; delusion (moha) or illusion – an unanswered message to a loved one triggers worry or speculation. Thus, tanha or thirst represents how we connect to the world in its entirety; it can be desire, aversion, and delusion, not merely simple greed. Consequently, these are natural phenomena beyond our immediate control, which are intended to sustain life. In other words, emotions are the forerunner to volitions or intentions, which the Teaching defines as kamma.

The biochemistry of craving

Emotions result from the interaction between the nervous system and biochemicals known as neurotransmitters and neuromodulators (e.g., dopamine, serotonin, epinephrine, GABA, glutamate, acetylcholine, and endorphins). Just as the Buddha’s simile of two bundles of bamboo supporting each other describes, these two processes are interdependent and co-arising. Every thought or emotional state corresponds to patterns of neural firing. When neurons fire, they release these chemicals into synapses, influencing how one feels and acts. This release perturbs the body’s normal balance, or homeostasis. Once an action is complete, these chemicals are reabsorbed, and the body returns to its baseline.

Return to baseline is essential for survival. For example, if we stay satisfied with just one meal forever, we could not sustain life. Nature has developed another mechanism to prevent us from being satisfied – we also habituate. In the case of dopamine, the brain adapts by reducing the response to the same stimulus. To get the same level of satisfaction with repeated experiences, the amounts of neurotransmitters needed keeps increasing. This leads to the cycle of craving and dissatisfaction—the Hedonic Treadmill. You “run” toward happiness on the treadmill, but it does not take you anywhere, leaving you in the same emotionally unsatisfactory state, wanting more and more.

Breaking the cycle

This explains why achievements and possessions do not bring permanent happiness, and lead to a cycle of struggle, addiction, crime, and other ills of society. For Buddhists, it also explains why we cling to meaningless rituals. The Dhamma captured this complex phenomenon in the Four Noble Truths: pleasant experiences are impermanent (anicca), leading to grasping (tanha) and unsatisfactoriness (dukkha). The remedy is the Eightfold Path that involves wisdom (panna), conduct (sila), and harmony (samadhi).

Neuroplasticity and the point of liberation

While we cannot stop the sense organs from receiving stimulation (vedana) and sending them to brain, the mind can be developed to prevent vedana from leading to tanha. This is the “point of liberation,” the seventh link in the paticcasamuppada formula. We may not have free will, but we have ‘Free Won’t’ or the ability to say no to the natural tendency to act upon stimuli. We can rewire our neural connections to do so. This ability can be cultivated by practice and repetition, and neuroscience refers to it as neuroplasticity—the brain’s ability to change with experience.

The natural tendency of the brain is to strengthen frequently used neural networks while weakening and eliminating lesser used networks and building new ones as needed. This is known as neural plasticity or rewiring the brain. As described in the Eight-fold Path, the way to weaken and eliminate dopamine-driven neural networks includes three aspects. First, the process leading to thirst must be understood. One must engage in sila – activities and thoughts that cultivate Metta: loving-kindness and goodwill, Karuna: compassion, Mudita: appreciative joy, and Upekkha: equanimity, emotional stability, calmness, and evenness of mind in the face of gain and loss, praise and blame, fame and disrepute, pleasure, and pain. That must be done with wisdom, ritualistic behavior does not strengthen the correct neural networks. These activities promote a “cocktail” of oxytocin, serotonin, and GABA, subduing the role of dopamine and helping us step off the Hedonic Treadmill. This leads to a tranquil state of mind and a harmonious existence – samadhi. Again, it is an interdependent, co-arising process that improves upon repetition. Using mind altering substances hijacks this process, thus the need for adhering to the Fifth Precept.

The goal of Vipassana is to understand this process and train the mind to say “no” to tanha. It is not just about sitting on a mat; it requires developing a lifestyle that maintains homeostasis or harmony, samadhi, at every moment. Pali term bhavana means the development of wisdom and insight. In modern vernacular – rewiring brain. This model must be assessed for its efficacy by the individual and realize the benefits by themselves –ehipassiko; knowledge without practice does not work. According to what the Buddha taught, that is the path to cessation or extinction of craving – tanhakkhaya, the supreme goal.

by Geewananda Gunawardana, Ph.D. ✍️

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‘Spectrum’ Art Exhibition Showcases Emerging Talent at Lionel Wendt

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A new art exhibition, titled Spectrum ,will be held at the Lionel Wendt Art Centre on the 20th and 21st of June 2026, bringing together a collection of works by ten emerging artists.

Athsara Wijegunawardena

Neha Thirumavalavan

Dillai Joseph

Wasantha Siriwardena

Champika Dias

Nipun Dias

Dr. Prasanna Siriwardena

Kalhari Perera

Siromi Samarasinghe

Chandana Illankone

All ten artists have trained under the guidance of renowned Sri Lankan artist Royden Gibbs, and this exhibition marks an important point in their individual journeys.

Dr. Prasanna Siriwardena

Spectrum brings together a mix of styles, subjects and approaches, giving visitors a chance to experience a wide range of work in one place. The exhibition will include pieces in watercolors, soft pastels, oils and charcoal, reflecting both the discipline and personal direction of each artist. The work ranges from scenery and portraits to still life and studies of the human form, offering different ways of seeing and interpreting familiar subjects.

Dillai Joseph

Although they share the same mentor, each artist presents a distinct point of view. The result is a show that feels varied yet connected, with each piece carrying its own character and intent. It is this balance that gives Spectrum its identity.

The exhibition aims to support and highlight emerging talent within Sri Lanka’s art scene, while also creating a space where artists and audiences can connect. Visitors will find work that shifts between quiet observation and more expressive pieces, making it an engaging experience for both seasoned collectors and those simply interested in art.

Spectrum is expected to draw art lovers, collectors, students and members of the wider creative community. It also offers an opportunity to discover and support new artists at an early stage in their careers.

Open to the public over two days, Spectrum invites visitors to experience a range of work in a venue that has long been part of Colombo’s cultural landscape.

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