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Editorial

Regime changes and scandals

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Thursday 30th January, 2025

It has almost become a pattern in Sri Lanka that regime changes are followed by scandals, which undermine public trust in the new governments. The UNP-led Yahapalana administration, which came to power in January 2015, promising good governance, facilitated a Treasury bond scam within a few weeks of its formation and benefited therefrom. The UNP, which had been struggling to pay water and electricity bills at its headquarters, Sirikotha, while it was out of power, came into a fortune and outspent its rivals in the run-up to the parliamentary polls that followed! No sooner had the SLPP formed a government in 2020 than it committed a sugar tax fraud, which enabled some of its financiers, especially the main sponsor of Viyathmaga (an association of self-proclaimed intellectuals backing the SLPP) to make huge profits to the tune of billions of rupees by importing sugar with a nominal special commodity levy thereon. They and their political bosses laughed all the way to the bank.

People voted overwhelmingly for a system change last year only to be disappointed. The JVP-NPP government stands accused of having secured the release of as many as 323 red-flagged freight containers without Customs inspection from the Colombo Port. The Customs Trade Union Alliance has expressed shock at the green-channelling of those containers that required mandatory Customs inspection.

The Opposition says those containers, released allegedly at the behest of an influential minister, were imported by an NPP financier. The government has said it takes full responsibility for the release of the containers. First of all, it must disclose what those boxes contained. Did they carry weapons, narcotics, clinical waste or automobiles? How would the self-righteous JVP leaders have reacted if so many containers had been released via the green channel while they were in the opposition? They would have taken to the streets, demanding the resignation of the Minister of Ports and Shipping or the entire government.

The Colombo Port has become a major entry point for narcotics, and therefore the government must reveal who ordered the release of the aforesaid containers without inspection, as we argued in a previous editorial comment. In 2013, more than 131 kilos of heroin were found in a shipping container which a coordinating secretary to the then Prime Minister D. M. Jayaratne sought to have cleared on a priority basis by sending a letter to the Customs to that effect. In July 2017, a consignment of cocaine weighing 218 kilos was detected in a container carrying sugar, at the Ratmalana Economic Centre. There have been many other instances where Customs checks yielded huge amounts of dangerous drugs concealed in freight containers. Besides, a private company had to ship back 263 containers filled with hospital waste listed as used mattresses, carpets and rugs; they had been imported from the UK in 2017 and 2019. During the UNP-led UNF government (2001-2004), some LTTE leaders were allowed to go abroad via the BIA without any checks for ‘peace talks’, and they were also allowed to bring in huge bags full of undeclared goods sans Customs inspection when they returned. It is believed that they brought warlike equipment. The UNP and SJB politicians who are now crying blue murder about the release of the aforesaid red-flagged containers were in the UNF government, which advanced its political agenda at the expense of national security in the early 2000s. However, that does not mean they should not crank up pressure on the NPP government to disclose who ordered the release of the containers at issue and what they carried. In fact, that is all the more reason why they must amp up their efforts to get to the bottom of the container controversy; they ought to atone for their past sins.

The need for a high-level probe into the green-channelling of the red-flagged containers cannot be overemphasised. It is hoped that the Opposition, civil society organisations, trade unions and the media will join forces to frustrate the government’s efforts to sweep the issue under the rug.

It is being argued in some quarters that there are sufficient grounds for a no-faith motion against the minister who ordered the release of the containers in question. The NPP has a two-thirds parliamentary majority and can easily torpedo a no-confidence motion, but one may recall that the SLPP government also abused its parliamentary majority to defeat a no-confidence motion against the then Minister Keheliya Rambukwella over the procurement of fake immunoglobulin, but it could not save him; it only dug its own political grave.



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Editorial

Buses as Chariots of Death

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Wednesday 12th February, 2025

The tragic collision between two private buses in Kurunegala on Monday snuffed out four lives and left 25 others injured; five of them are battling death, according to media reports. The police say the bus that caused the mishap was plying at 90 km/h, which is close to the maximum speed limit on local expressways.

Speeding is the order of the day on roads in Sri Lanka, where deaths caused by accidents average seven or eight a day, but nothing much has apparently been done all these years to ensure road safety. It is said that in the days of yore, people would write their last wills before embarking on pilgrimages to faraway places such as Kataragama, given the perils of their arduous journeys. The modern-day Sri Lankans are not entirely free from such trepidation; they cannot so much as cross the road without fear of being run over by speeding vehicles.

It was reported last month that 30 advanced speed guns worth Rs. 91 million had been imported for the traffic police. Didn’t any of the police stations in the areas through which the aforesaid ill-fated buses plied have a speed gun?

Sri Lankan bus drivers are a dangerous lot, as is public knowledge. They are capable of making even atheists pray. Their vehicles are veritable mobile shrines, but the various religious icons displayed therein are redundant, for their spine-tingling driving alone is sufficient to keep their passengers reminded of deities and the Buddha.

Expressways are equipped with speed cameras, which have had a deterrent effect on drivers with lead feet, and help cash-strapped governments rake in a lot of money by way of traffic fines. Given Sri Lankans’ propensity for speeding and committing other traffic offences, installing speed cameras along the roads where accidents frequently occur will not only help save lives but also prove a boon for the incumbent government, which is under pressure to increase its revenue substantially to qualify for the next tranche of the IMF loan.

Police Spokesman, SSP Buddhika Manatunga yesterday urged the public to speak up if the vehicles they travelled in were driven in a reckless manner because it was their precious lives that were in danger. One cannot but agree with him. Passengers usually do not voice their concerns, much less fight for their rights. Curiously, those who ousted an Executive President by taking to the streets suffer in silence in private buses whose drivers ride roughshod over them besides exposing them to danger. Their submissiveness only fosters indiscipline among bus crews. Hence the need for passengers to pluck up the courage to challenge issues such as dangerous driving.

The Police Spokesman also requested the public to inform the police of instances of reckless driving, etc. They should do so for their own sake, but what guarantee is there that the police will respond swiftly to such complaints. Most of all, how can passengers convey such information to the police? Are there special telephone numbers and dedicated personnel to entertain passengers’ complaints?

True, the police alone cannot tackle the menace of reckless driving, and they need public cooperation. But they themselves must take stern action against wild drivers. A few weeks ago, the police used plainclothesmen to travel in private buses and record offenses committed by their drivers, who were made to face legal action subsequently. That method yielded the desired results, but the bus workers and owners started protesting. They have apparently had the last laugh thanks to their political connections. The government stands accused of giving kid-glove treatment to powerful rice millers who exploit the public, and the private bus mudalalis who not only thrive at the expense of commuters but also endanger the latter’s lives with impunity.

Let the government and the police be urged to resume their road discipline campaign.

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Editorial

Needed: ‘Ministry of Excuses’

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Tuesday 11th February, 2025

Most detractors of the NPP claimed, before last year’s elections, that Sri Lanka would find itself in the same predicament as Oceania in Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four, if the JVP-led alliance was voted into power, but thankfully their prognostication has not come true although the NPP parliamentary group is said to be under the spell of a kind of Big Brother, as evident from their regimented conduct. However, it looks as if the current dispensation needed a Ministry of Excuses, as it were, a la the Ministry of Truth, the Ministry of Peace, the Ministry of Love and the Ministry of Plenty in Oceania, given the sheer number of excuses the NPP leaders trot out on a daily basis albeit ineffectively.

Sri Lanka has suffered what may be described as the biggest shock at the hands of a monkey since Hanuman’s arson attack mentioned in Ramayana, if a statement made by the Minister in charge of the power sector, Kumara Jayakody, about Sunday’s countrywide power outage is anything to go by.

Power cuts have returned due to the latest breakdown of the Norochcholai coal-fired power plant. Minister Jayakody lost no time in attributing Sunday’s power failure to ‘a monkey coming into contact with a transformer’ at the CEB’s Panadura Grid Substation. Subsequently, he and other government politicians started blaming the previous governments which, they said, had not developed the national grid.

The NPP government considers itself infallible and blames its predecessors and even wild animals whenever something goes wrong. Some of its members have blamed the current coconut shortage on depredation by monkeys, making one wonder whether those animals intensified raids on coconut cultivations after last year’s regime change.

An NPP minister continues to draw heavy flak for having faulted the public for consuming coconut oil and pol sambol excessively thereby worsening the current coconut shortage. The government has also claimed that the rice shortage is attributable, inter alia, to the practice of Sri Lankans feeding their pets with rice! Before last year’s elections, the JVP/NPP accused large-scale millers of hoarding rice, and manipulating the paddy/rice markets to exploit both farmers and consumers alike, and pledged to end millers’ exploitative practices with a single stroke of the presidential pen. But that promise has gone unfulfilled and the millers’ cartel is far from tamed.

Some former military officers who contested the last general election on the NPP ticket thundered from election platforms that they needed only two months to wipe out the underworld. Today, they are in power, but hardly a day passes without underworld killings being reported.

The NPP government should seriously consider setting up the Ministry of Excuses fast so that it will be able to present its excuses, ruses, etc., in an effective manner and prevent its members from making contradictory statements by way of self-exculpation.

Ironically, in the late 1980s the JVP unleashed mindless terror purportedly to save the country from a ‘monkey army’ (derogatory term it used for the Indian Peace Keeping Force). It destroyed countless CEB assets including transformers in a bid to cripple the economy. Fortunately, it failed in its endeavour.

Going by Minister Jayakody’s aforesaid claim, the JVP leaders must be feeling ashamed that in the late 1980s they failed to achieve a task that even a monkey is equal to—causing a countrywide power failure. Today, those who promised to defeat an entire ‘monkey army’ are in power, but they cannot even protect an electricity substation against monkeys!

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Editorial

Lessons unlearnt

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Monday 10th February, 2025

There seems to be no end in sight to the JVP-led NPP government’s diversionary tactics. Having revealed the values of the official residences occupied by some former Presidents and their imputed rents, the government has now made an issue of the amounts of state funds paid to 43 SLPP politicians as compensation for their properties burnt down by mobs on 09 May 2022 and afterwards.

Media Minister Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa has pointed out, in Parliament, that the amounts paid to the SLPP politicians as compensation are far above what the victims of natural disasters receive. Government politicians have been flogging this issue very hard in a bid to cover up their failure to address numerous problems.

The SLPP has said the damage to its MPs’ properties, attacked by rioters, was estimated by the Valuation Department, which, the government says, also assessed the values of the state-owned houses occupied by former Presidents. The NPP insists that the SLPP administration abused its power to have the values of those properties inflated. One can use that claim to cast suspicion on the credibility of the valuation of the former President’s official residences!

The NPP’s argument that one of the conditions on which the SLPP MPs elected Ranil Wickremesinghe in Parliament was that they be compensated for their properties destroyed by rioters sounds tenable. Those beleaguered MPs also wanted Wickremesinghe to ensure their safety.

When news emerged of a government plan to pay compensation for the aforesaid properties, we argued editorially that first of all it had to be ascertained how funds had been raised for the acquisition of those assets. Most Sri Lankan politicians invest black money in real estate, as is public knowledge. The NPP had three MPs in the last Parliament—Anura Kumara Dissanayake, Harini Amarasuriya and Vijitha Herath—and why didn’t they protest when the SLPP government paid compensation for the destruction of its MPs’ houses? They cannot claim that they were unaware of the payment of compensation at that time, for they even named the countries where the leaders of the past governments had allegedly stashed away stolen funds, which the NPP promised to bring back, didn’t they?

True, it was the SLPP that triggered a tsunami of retaliatory violence on 09 May 2022 by carrying out an unprovoked attack on a group of peaceful protesters on the Galle Face Green. However, that fact cannot be cited in extenuation of the subsequent wave of disproportionate counter violence, which claimed the lives of SLPP MP Amarakeerthi Athukorala and his personal security officer besides leaving a vast trail of destruction.

The NPP government must ensure that all those who assaulted the Galle Face protesters are brought to justice. An investigation must be conducted into the issues the NPP government has raised about the payment of compensation in question and legal action must be instituted if there has been any wrongdoing. Similarly, the need for a thorough investigation into the incidents of retaliatory violence on 09 May 2022 and the subsequent abortive mob attack on Parliament cannot be overstated.

The perpetrators of the attacks on the SLPP MPs’ houses, operated openly, and there have been complaints their victims made to the police, and therefore it will not be difficult to identify the culprits and prosecute them. The SLPP has alleged that some JVP/NPP activists were involved in those violent incidents. The government has denied the allegation vehemently. There is no reason why it should hesitate to order a high-level probe if it has nothing to hide.

The NPP should bear in mind that the possibility of a situation similar to what we witnessed in May 2022 occurring again cannot be ruled out. Gotabaya Rajapaksa secured the executive presidency outright and SLPP had a two-thirds power in Parliament, but less than three years after the 2019 regime change, the SLPP leaders had to head for the hills. That can happen to anyone.

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