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Reconciliation process misnomer in absence of trustful meeting of minds

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President Wickremesinghe

by Jehan Perera

The government appears to be giving considerable attention to the national reconciliation process and issues arising from it.  President Ranil Wickremesinghe is currently championing this process which was dormant for the past five years or more.  The prospects for national reconciliation reached their height during the last period when he gave leadership to the government in 2015-18. The reconciliation process at that time had much wider participation than at present.  As prime minister at that time, the president was able to have the entire parliament form itself into a constitutional committee which took on responsibility for different areas of constitutional reform.  With regard to dealing with the aftermath of the war, late foreign minister Mangala Samaraweera, former president Chandrika Kumaratunga and the Consultation Task Force formed out of civil society took on a multiplicity of tasks.

By way of contrast, the reconciliation process at the present time is a narrower process led by the president with less consultation with other political and civil society actors.  This is especially with regard to the issue that has got most prominence in recent times—the 13th Amendment and devolution of powers.  It is only the president who is standing tall and making the case for it.  Shortly after his election as president by parliament, the president pledged to resolve the protracted ethnic conflict and take the burden off the shoulders of future generations.  He also said he would implement the 13th Amendment, which set up provincial councils as a means of inter-ethnic power sharing, and devolve powers in full measure as stated in the constitution.  However, the president has been a lone voice in this regard.  He has no political party with leaders who have popular support to back him.

The contrast could not be greater than with the peace process of the period 1995-2000 which was led by President Chandrika Kumaratunga.  She had the support of both her party and coalition partners.  They stood together as one team and sought to take the message to the people.  During that period, more and more people gave their assent to the devolution of powers and even the concept of federalism became more acceptable.  However, President Kumaratunga could not succeed.  The president and her government were opposed by a formidable array of opponents in which the LTTE, which was at the height of its military power and almost assassinated her, and the opposition political parties who burnt the draft constitution in parliament.  On this occasion, however, there is no such formidable array of oppositional forces to confront President Wickremesinghe in his bid to reconcile the nation.

CLEAR VISION

The president is expected to address parliament later this week to discuss issues pertaining to the 13th Amendment.  He has said that parliament needs to make the decisions as constitutional power is to enact laws and to amend them is vested in parliament. The strength of the president with regard to addressing the ethnic conflict is his clarity of vision.  He has seen the problem from multiple angles and, therefore, the issues that he will be taking up extend beyond the 13th Amendment and the devolution of powers to a truth-seeking mechanism, release of LTTE prisoners and those alleged to have been associated in their activities and the establishment of a land commission, among others.  These are all necessary parts of both a political solution to the ethnic conflict as well as healing the wounds of the past.  What the government will be proposing is an improvement over the past.  The most positive aspect of them will be the president’s commitment to taking the process forward.

At this time, it appears that the development of the core ideas of the president’s proposals are by the president and his core team of advisors.  The process of development of the reconciliation plan has not been open or transparent one.  The notion that the 13th Amendment can be implemented in full, but not the police powers, is not a position taken on by any political party or civil society organsation.  It seems to be the president’s own thinking and that of his team members who remain in the background.  Similarly, the truth-seeking mechanism with its unique structure of an interim secretariat, is also not an outcome of inclusive or transparent discussions with other stakeholders, be they the political parties, victims’ groups or human rights watchdog organisations.

In the draft legislation that has emerged, the truth-seeking mechanism has been given a timeframe from 24 July 1983 to 18 May 2009.  The beginning day is, curiously, the day after the anti-Tamil riots of Black July commenced.  The end date is likewise curious. It is the date that the guns fell silent on the battlefields of war.  The choice of these two dates will give rise to speculation as to why they were selected and what they leave out.  This would be especially true of the end date which leaves out the enforced disappearances that took place for a considerable period of time after the guns fell silent on the battlefield, and during which time many LTTE cadres were surrendered by their families never to be seen again.

NOT CONSULTATIONS

In these circumstances, the proposals put forward by the government will need to be considered as proposals only, and not as final agreements to be enacted into law.  They will need to be discussed, negotiated and amended. The president’s thinking that the 13th Amendment can be implemented in full as per the constitution, but without the grant of police powers could be like sitting between two stools.  It will incur the concerns of the majority Sinhalese population and polity regarding the other areas of controversy, such as land powers, but would not appeal to the Tamil population and polity on the grounds that police powers are not being devolved. The concern that the devolution of police powers would give the chief ministers of the province the right to abuse the police is not correct.  The provincial police will be under the total control of the central government and its agencies, such as the National Police Commission.

Indeed, false propaganda about police powers is rife and the government would do well to launch a massive education programme prior to implementing the 13th Amendment in full.  With regard to the truth-seeking mechanism, the government has held two discussion sessions with the participation of 60 to 200 persons at a time.  Apart from this it has also held informal discussions with small groups of civil society leaders.  Foreign Minister Ali Sabry has spent an hour or two at such meetings describing what the government plans to do and taking questions from the audience.  These meetings cannot be described as consultations or negotiations, but would be more akin to debriefing sessions by government members about the progressive steps they are planning to take. But even this needs to be appreciated as no one apart from the president in the government or opposition appears willing to think about a solution to the ethnic conflict or propose a way to solve it.

It is therefore important that the president and the government be given a chance to solve the national problem that has defied the attempts of other government leaders to solve it, beginning with SWRD Bandaranaike and Dudley Senanayake. The current government should not rush through the process of consultations and negotiations and set up the new mechanisms. There needs to be more intense consultations to get things right.  On the occasions that Foreign Minister Ali Sabry has engaged with civil society groups he has stated that the government wants to get things right this time. Getting it right means having in-depth consultations with the relevant parties, including the political parties, civil society and the academic community and, in particular, getting the agreement of the elected representatives of the Tamil people who have been steadfast in their demand for justice and accountability.



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Political violence stalking Trump administration

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A scene that unfolded during the shooting incident at the recent White House Correspondents’ Dinner in Washington. (BBC)

It would not be particularly revelatory to say that the US is plagued by ‘gun violence’. It is a deeply entrenched and widespread malaise that has come in tandem with the relative ease with which firearms could be acquired and owned by sections of the US public, besides other causes.

However, a third apparent attempt on the life of US President Donald Trump in around two and a half years is both thought-provoking and unsettling for the defenders of democracy. After all, whatever its short comings the US remains the world’s most vibrant democracy and in fact the ‘mightiest’ one. And the US must remain a foremost democracy for the purpose of balancing and offsetting the growing power of authoritarian states in the global power system, who are no friends of genuine representational governance.

Therefore, the recent breaching of the security cordon surrounding the White House Correspondents’ Dinner in Washington at which President Trump and his inner Cabinet were present, by an apparently ‘Lone Wolf’ gunman, besides raising issues relating to the reliability of the security measures deployed for the President, indicates a notable spike in anti-VVIP political violence in particular in the US. It is a pointer to a strong and widespread emergence of anti-democratic forces which seem to be gaining in virulence and destructiveness.

The issues raised by the attack are in the main for the US’ political Right and its supporters. They have smugly and complacently stood by while the extremists in their midst have taken centre stage and begun to dictate the course of Right wing politics. It is the political culture bred by them that leads to ‘Lone Wolf’ gunmen, for instance, who see themselves as being repressed or victimized, taking the law into their own hands, so to speak, and perpetrating ‘revenge attacks’ on the state and society.

A disproportionate degree of attention has been paid particularly internationally to Donald Trump’s personality and his eccentricities but such political persons cannot be divorced from the political culture in which they originate and have their being. That is, “structural” questions matter. Put simply, Donald Trump is a ‘true son’ of the Far Right, his principal support base. The issues raised are therefore for the President as well as his supporters of the Right.

We are obliged to respect the choices of the voting public but in the case of Trump’s election to the highest public position in the US, this columnist is inclined to see in those sections that voted for Trump blind followers of the latter who cared not for their candidate’s suitability, in every relevant respect, and therefore acted irrationally. It would seem that the Right in the US wanted their candidate to win by ‘hook or by crook’ and exercise power on their behalf.

By making the above observations this columnist does not intend to imply that voting publics everywhere in the world of democracy cast their vote sensibly. In the case of Sri Lanka, for example, the question could be raised whether the voters of the country used their vote sensibly when voting into office the majority of Executive Presidents and other persons holding high public office. The obvious answer is ‘no’ and this should lead to a wider public discussion on the dire need for thoroughgoing voter education. The issue is a ‘huge’ one that needs to be addressed in the appropriate forums and is beyond the scope of this column.

Looking back it could be said that the actions of Trump and his die-hard support base led to the Rule of Law in the US being undermined as perhaps never before in modern times. A shaming moment in this connection was the protest march, virtually motivated by Trump, of his supporters to the US Capitol on January 6th, 2021, with the aim of scuttling the presidential poll result of that year. Much violence and unruly behaviour, as known, was let loose. This amounted to denigrating the democratic process and encouraging the violent take over of the state.

In a public address, prior to the unruly conduct of his supporters, Trump is on record as blaring forth the following: ‘We won this election and we won by a landslide’, ‘We will stop the steal’, ‘We will never give up. We will never concede. It doesn’t happen’, ‘If you don’t fight like hell, you’re not going to have a country anymore.’

It is plain to see that such inflammatory utterances could lead impressionable minds in particular to revolt violently. Besides, they should have led the more rationally inclined to wonder whether their candidate was the most suitable person to hold the office of President.

Unfortunately, the latter process was not to be and the question could be raised whether the US is in the ‘safest pair of hands’. Needless to say, as events have revealed, Donald Trump is proving to be one of the most erratic heads of state the US has ever had.

However, the latest attempt on the life of President Trump suggests that considerable damage has been done to the democratic integrity of the US and none other than the President himself has to take on himself a considerable proportion of the blame for such degeneration, besides the US’ Far Right. They could be said to be ‘reaping the whirlwind.’

It is a time for soul-searching by the US Right. The political Right has the right to exist, so the speak, in a functional democracy but it needs to take cognizance of how its political culture is affecting the democratic integrity or health of the US. Ironically, the repressive and chauvinistic politics advocated by it is having the effect of activating counter-violence of the most murderous kind, as was witnessed at the White House Correspondents’ Dinner. Continued repressive politics could only produce more such incidents that could be self-defeating for the US.

Some past US Presidents were assassinated but the present political violence in the country brings into focus as perhaps never before the role that an anti-democratic political culture could play in unraveling the gains that the US has made over the decades. A duty is cast on pro-democracy forces to work collectively towards protecting the democratic integrity and strength of the US.

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22nd Anniversary Gala …action-packed event

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The Skyliners: Shanaka Viswakula (bass), Mario Ranasuriya (lead guitar), Daryl D'Souza (keyboards) and Kushmin Balasuriya (drums)

The Editor-in-Chief of The Sri Lankan Anchorman, a Toronto-based monthly, celebrating Sri Lankan community life in Canada, is none other than veteran Sri Lankan journalist Dirk Tissera, who moved to Canada in 1997. His wife, Michelle, whom he calls his “tower of strength”, is the Design Editor.

According to reports coming my way, the paper has turned out to be extremely popular in Toronto.

In fact, The Sri Lankan Anchorman won a press award in Toronto for excellence in editorial content and visual presentation.

However, the buzz in the air in Canada, right now, is The Sri Lankan Anchorman’s 22nd Anniversary Gala, to be held on Friday, 12 June, 2026, at the J&J Swagat Banquet Convention Centre, in Toronto.

An action-packed programme has been put together for the night, featuring some of the very best artistes in the Toronto scene.

The Skylines, who are classified as ‘the local musical band in Toronto’, will headline the event.

Dirk Tissera and wife Michelle: Supporting Sri Lanka-Canada community events, in Toronto, since launching The Anchorman
in 2002

They have performed and backed many legendary Sri Lanka singers.

According to Dirk, The Skylines can belt out a rhythm with gusto … be it Western, Sinhala or Tamil hits.

Also adding sparkle to the evening will be the legendary Fahmy Nazick, who, with his smooth and velvety vocals, will have the crowd on the floor.

Fahmy who was a household name, back in Sri Lanka, will be flying down from Virginia, USA.

He has captivated audiences in Sri Lanka, the Middle East and North America, and this will be his fourth visit to Toronto – back by popular demand,

Cherry DeLuna, who is described by Dirk as a powerhouse, also makes her appearance on stage and is all set to stir up the tempo with her cool and easy delivery.

“She’s got a great voice and vocal range that has captivated audiences out here”, says Dirk.

Chamil Welikala, said to be one of the hottest DJs in town, will be spinning his magic … in English, Sinhala, Tamil and Latin.


Both Jive and Baila competitions are on the cards among many other surprises on the night of 12 June.

This is The Anchorman’s fifth annual dance in a row – starting from 2022, 2023, 2024 and 2025 – and both Dirk and Michelle, and The Anchorman, have always produced elegant social events in Toronto.

“We intend to knock this one out of the park,” the duo says, adding that Western music and Sinhala and Tamil songs is something they’ve always delivered and the crowd loves it.

“We have always supported Sri Lanka-Canada community events, in Toronto, since launching The Anchorman, in 2002, and we intend to keep it that way.”

No doubt, there will be a large crowd of Sri Lankans, from all communities, turning up, on 12 June, to support Dirk, Michelle and The Anchorman.

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Features

Face Pack for Radiant Skin

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* Apple and Orange:

Blend a few apple and orange pieces together. Add to it a pinch of turmeric and one tablespoon of honey. Apply it to the face and neck and rinse off after 30 minutes. This face pack is suitable for all skin types.

According to experts, apple is one of the best fruits for your skin health with Vitamin A, B complex and Vitamin C and minerals, while, with the orange peel, excessive oil secretion can be easily balanced.

* Mango and Curd:

Ripe mango pulp, mixed with curd, can be rubbed directly onto the skin to remove dirt and cleanse clogged pores. Rinse off after a few minutes.

Yes, of course, mango is a tasty and delicious fruit and this is the mango season in our part of the world, and it has extra-ordinary benefits to skin health. Vitamins C and E in mangoes protect the skin from the UV rays of the sun and promotes cell regeneration. It also promotes skin elasticity and fights skin dullness and acne, while curd, in combination, further adds to it.

*  Grapes and Kiwi:

Take a handful of grapes and make a pulp of it. Simultaneously, take one kiwi fruit and mash it after peeling its skin. Now mix them and add some yoghurt to it. Apply it on your face for few minutes and wash it off.

Here again experts say that kiwi is the best nutrient-rich fruit with high vitamin C, minerals, Omega-3 fatty acids and vitamin E, while grapes contain flavonoids, which is an antioxidant that protects the skin from free radical damage. This homemade face pack acts as a natural cleanser and slows down the ageing process.

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