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Premadasa’s peace initiatives

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Premadasa used the occasion of his inaugural presidential address in Kandy on the 2nd of January 1989, to call upon all those outside the democratic process to join the mainstream. He addressed himself to both militant groups, the JVP and the LTTE and said he was “available for any discussion in order to arrive at constructive solutions”.

Continued from last week

Presidential Advisor of International Affairs: Living with a Legacy

When I came back in 1989, the IPKF had been in the country for around two years. Its presence according to Premadasa was a source of great discontent among the JVP who considered it an affront to the sovereignty and dignity of Sri Lanka. Premadasa had had this feeling even when the IPKF were being inducted as a follow-up to the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord of 1987.

Having watched the situation develop from London, I was confused by the animosity that there appeared to be among the mass of people in the south about the IPKF and its purpose in Sri Lanka. Having followed President Jayewardene’s moods during the troubled days leading up to the signing of the agreement on the 27th of July 1987,1 had the feeling that bringing the IPKF in to control the LTTE militancy was an appropriate and wise response. It was typical of the strategic_ moves that J R was apt to make. It was rather like, ‘if you can’t fight them, get them on your side’.

The response in the north had also been ambivalent. Some Tamils had welcomed the IPKF’s entry deeming it a strengthening of their cause for autonomy and something that would ensure that the use of the Sri Lankan army against the Tamils would be restricted. But the LTTE after a short honeymoon did the unexpected. Rather than utilizing the presence of the IPKF to strengthen themselves, the LTTE began to fight them. The reasons for this strategy lay only in the elusive mind of Prabhakaran.

It was similar to other strategic interventions, when the LTTE would act unexpectedly and at first sight, in a counter-productive manner. A case in point was the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi in May 1991 which virtually turned India for many years against the LTTE. These shifts of stance led themselves to several different interpretations by a growing band of political analysts trying to make reason out of what was going on in Sri Lanka. The interventions of India were at two levels – the official South block expression on one hand, and the Cabinet level interventions of RAW on the other which outwardly looked contradictory, and added to this confusion.

When Premadasa decided that I would be more useful to him as presidential advisor on international relations than being the chairman and chief executive officer of Air Lanka, these concerns began to be a major preoccupation for me.

Presidential Advisor on International Affairs

It was clear to me that having worked with Premadasa earlier as his secretary for four years there would be a world of difference in the manner he would function in the office of president. Though of the same political party — the UNP — and sharing common characteristics like being Buddhist and wearing the national dress, the difference between him and J R was like chalk and cheese.

J R was still someone who was part of the Western educated elite, so evident if only one were to scratch below the surface. He belonged to a fast vanishing species, and when he became president at 72, was almost a generation removed from others in his Cabinet. He belonged more to the generation of Asian statesmen, like Nehru and Bandaranaike, schooled and nurtured in the traditions of the West, though intensely nationalistic as well. They were men whose culture and upbringing straddled two worlds.

In fact, J R’s childhood could not have been more different from that of Premadasa as I have described in the chapter on him as prime minister. As a recent biography of J R Jayewardene makes out:

Bradman

In the Jayewardene home the dominant influence was the father’s. He was an unreconstructed Anglophile who wished to bring up his children in the English style which was then in vogue among the Singalese elite, especially its Christian segment. The language of the home was English, and while Sinhalese did have a role in conversation among the children, between them and their host of servants, and in this instance between them and their mother, its position was distinctly subordinate to that of English.

Everything possible was done to improve the children’s proficiency in that latter language. E W (J R’s father) hired a British governess to guide the children in their lessons at home. A British governess in a Sinhalese home was unusual even at that time. It reflected a growing influence on E W’s part, but also, and indeed above all else, his determination that the process of Anglicisation of his children should be as thorough as possible. This young lady, A Miss Munro, taught them English nursery rhymes and hymns, took their homework and gave them singing and piano lessons. She did more than that, for she also introduced them to the delights of Don Quixote and Alice in Wonderland.

There were other influences at home. Each of the children had a female servant, an ayah, to look after them, whose business it was to dress the children in the fashionable Western clothes of the day and to take them out each day for a drive to the Galle Face, Colombo’s fashionable promenade. They were driven there in a horse-drawn carriage .6

Premadasa’s Peace Initiatives

Premadasa used the occasion of his inaugural presidential address in Kandy on the 2nd of January 1989, to call upon all those outside the democratic process to join the mainstream. He addressed himself to both militant groups, the JVP and the LTTE and said he was “available for any discussion in order to arrive at constructive solutions”.

He moved early to placate the JVP. Against the wishes of his Cabinet and security advisors, he lifted the countrywide emergency on January 12th, and ordered the release of some 1800 JVP cadres who were in detention.

But after a short lull, the JVP were back at insurgency fuelled by the continuing presence of the IPKF in the country. The frequent curfews called by the JVP, ‘the little government’, have been described in the literature of the times in the following words:

The DJV ( Deshapremi Janatha Vijaparaya) had posters pasted and leaflets distributed requesting the public not to go out of their houses … Once again schools and workplaces were to be boycotted, no people were to walk or drive on the road’s, all lights, radio sets and television sets were to be turned off… there were less than one per cent of Sri Lanka’s bus fleet operating in most of the areas.

On 12 April 1989, to coincide with the Sinhala and Tamil New Year, Premadasa announced a unilateral temporary cease-fire by Sri Lankan security forces throughout the country. The IPKF

(with some persuasion from Premadasa) also announced that its forces would observe the cease-fire in areas under their control. The LTTE responded with an open letter to Premadasa in which they maintained that there would be no cease-fire on their side until the invading Indian army withdrew. The letter was generally hostile but at least it provided a first opening. Ranjan Wijeratne, the state minister for defence on behalf of the government issued a statement inviting the leadership of the LTTE to talks.

(Excerpted from Rendering unto Caesar, autobiography of Bradman Weerakoon) ✍️

(To be continued)



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Mannar’s silent skies: Migratory Flamingos fall victim to power lines amid Wind Farm dispute

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Victims: Flamingos / Birds found dead in Mannar

By Ifham Nizam

A fresh wave of concern has gripped conservationists following the reported deaths of migratory flamingos within the Vankalai Sanctuary—a globally recognised bird habitat—raising urgent questions about the ecological cost of large-scale renewable energy projects in the region.

The incident comes at a time when a fundamental rights petition, challenging the proposed wind power project, linked to India’s Adani Group, remains under examination before the Supreme Court, with environmental groups warning that the very risks they highlighted are now materialising.

At least two flamingos—believed to be part of the iconic migratory flocks that travel thousands of kilometres to reach Sri Lanka—were found dead after entanglement with high-tension transmission lines running across the sanctuary. Another bird was reportedly struggling for survival.

Professor Sampath Seneviratne, a leading ornithologist, expressed deep concern over the development, noting that such incidents are not isolated but indicative of a broader and predictable threat.

“These migratory birds depend on specific flyways that have remained unchanged for centuries. When high-risk infrastructure, like poorly planned power lines, intersect these routes, collisions become inevitable,” he said. “What we are witnessing now could be just the beginning if proper mitigation measures are not urgently implemented.”

Environmentalists argue that the Mannar region—particularly the Vankalai wetland complex—is one of the most critical stopover sites in South Asia for migratory waterbirds, including flamingos, pelicans, and various species of waders. The sanctuary’s ecological value has also supported a niche with growing eco-tourism sector, drawing birdwatchers from around the world.

Executive Director of the Centre for Environmental Justice, Dilena Pathragoda, said the incident underscores the urgency of judicial intervention and stricter environmental oversight.

“This tragedy is a direct consequence of ignoring scientifically established environmental safeguards. We have already raised these concerns before court, particularly regarding the location of transmission infrastructure within sensitive bird habitats,” Pathragoda said.

“Renewable energy cannot be pursued in isolation from ecological responsibility. If due process and proper environmental impact assessments are bypassed or diluted, then such losses are inevitable.”

Conservation groups have long cautioned that the installation of wind turbines and associated grid infrastructure—especially overhead transmission lines—within or near sensitive habitats could transform these landscapes into lethal zones for avifauna.

An environmental activist involved in the ongoing legal challenge said the latest deaths validate earlier warnings.

“This is exactly what we feared. Development is necessary, but not at the cost of biodiversity. When projects of this scale proceed without adequate ecological assessments and safeguards, the consequences are irreversible,” the activist stressed.

The debate has once again brought into focus the delicate balance between renewable energy expansion and biodiversity conservation. While wind energy is widely promoted as a clean alternative to fossil fuels, experts caution that “green” does not automatically mean “harmless.”

Professor Seneviratne emphasised that solutions do exist, including rerouting transmission lines, installing bird diverters, and conducting comprehensive migratory pathway studies prior to project approval.

“Globally, there are well-established mitigation strategies. The issue here is not the absence of knowledge, but the failure to apply it effectively,” he noted.

The timing of the incident is particularly worrying. Migratory flamingos typically remain in Sri Lanka until late April or May before embarking on their return journeys. Conservationists warn that if hazards remain unaddressed, larger flocks could face similar risks in the coming weeks.

Beyond ecological implications, experts also highlight potential economic fallout. Wildlife tourism—especially birdwatching—contributes significantly to local livelihoods in Mannar.

 Repeated reports of bird deaths could deter eco-conscious travellers and damage the region’s reputation as a safe haven for migratory species.

Environmentalists are now calling for immediate intervention by authorities, including a temporary halt to high-risk operations in sensitive zones, pending a thorough environmental review.

They stress that protecting animal movement corridors—whether elephant migration routes or avian flyways—is a fundamental pillar of modern conservation.

As the controversy unfolds, one question looms large: can Sri Lanka pursue sustainable energy without sacrificing the very natural heritage that defines it?

Pathragoda added that for now, the sight of fallen flamingos in Mannar stands as a stark reminder that development, if not carefully planned, can carry a heavy and irreversible cost.

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‘Weaponizing’ religion in the pursuit of power

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President Donald Trump; miscalculating in M-E / Ayatollah Khomeini; Architect of Iranian Revolution

A picture of US President Donald Trump apparently being prayed for by supporters, appearing in sections of the international media, said it all loud and clear. That is, religion is being flagrantly leveraged or prostituted by politicians single-mindedly bent on furthering their power aspirations.

Although in the case of the US President the trend took on may be an exceptionally graphic or dramatic form, the ‘weaponizing’ of religion is nothing particularly new, nor is it confined to only religiously conservative sections of the West. For example, in South Asia it is an integral part of politics. The ‘South Asian Eight’ are notorious for it and it could be unreservedly stated that in Sri Lanka, the latter’s ethnic conflict would be more amenable to resolution if religion was not made a potent weapon by ambitious politicians of particularly the country’s South.

The more enlightened sections of Christian believers in the US may not have been able to contain their consternation at the sight of the US President apparently being ‘blessed’ by pastors claiming adherence to Christianity. Any human is entitled to be blessed but not if he is leading his country to war without exhausting all the options at his disposal to end the relevant conflict by peaceful means.

More compounded would be his problem if his directives lead to the death of civilians in the hundreds. In the latter case he is stringently accountable for the spilling of civilian blood, that is, the committing of war crimes.

However, the US along with Israel did just that in the recent bombings of Iran, for instance. The majority of the lives lost were those of civilians. If the US President is endowed with a Christian conscience he would have paused to consider that he is guilty of ordering the taking of the life of another human which is forbidden in the teachings of Jesus Christ.

Moreover, the ‘pastors’ praying over the US President should have thought on the above lines as well. May be they were in an effort to curry the President’s favour which is as blame-worthy as legitimizing in some form the taking of civilian lives. Apparently, the realisation is not dawning on all Christian conservatives of the US that some of these ‘pastors’ could very well be the proverbial false prophets and the latter are almost everywhere, even in far distant Sri Lanka.

However, the political reality ‘on the ground’ is that the Christian Right is a stable support base of the Republican Right in the US. Considering this it should not come as a surprise to the seasoned political watcher if the Christian Right, read Christian fundamentalists, are hand-in-glove, so to speak, with President Trump. But it is a scathing indictment on these rightist sections that they are all for perpetrating war and destruction and not for the fostering of peace and reconciliation. Ideally, they should have impressed on their President the dire need to make peace.

That said, political commentators should consider it incumbent on themselves to point out that religion is being ‘weaponized’ in Iran as well. Theocratic rule in Iran has been essentially all about perpetuating the power of the clerical class. The reasons that led to the Islamic Revolution in Iran are complex and the indiscreet Westernization of Iran under the Shah dynasty is one of these but one would have expected Iran to develop from then on into a multi-party, pluralistic democratic state where people would be enjoying their fundamental rights, as enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, for example.

Moreover, Iran should have taken it upon itself to be a champion of world peace, in keeping with its Islamic credentials. But some past regimes in Iran had vowed to virtually bomb Israel out of existence and such regional policy trajectories could only bring perpetual conflict and war. Considering the current state of the Middle East it could be said that the unfettered playing out of these animosities is leading the region and the world to ‘reap the whirlwind’, having recklessly ‘sowed the wind’.

However, religious fundamentalism-inspired conflict and war has spread well beyond the Middle East into almost every region since 1979, the year of the Islamic Revolution in Iran. So much so, knowledgeable opinion now points out that religious identity has come to replace nationalism as a principal shaper of international politics or “geopolitics”, as quite a few sections misleadingly and incorrectly term it.

Elaborating on the decisive influence of religious identity, the well known and far traveled Western journalist Patrick Cockburn says in his authoritative and comprehensive book titled, ‘The Age of Jihad – Islamic State and the Great War for the Middle East’ at page 428 in connection with the war in Chechnya ; ‘If nationalism was not entirely dead, it no longer provided the ideological glue necessary to hold together and motivate people who were fighting a war. Unlike the Islamic faith, it was no longer a belief or a badge of identity for which people would fight very hard.’ (The book in reference was published by VERSO, London and New York).

In his wide coverage of Jihadist Wars the world over Cockburn goes on to state that today a call from a cleric could motivate his followers to lay down no less than their lives for a cause championed by the former. The 9/11 catastrophe alone should convince the observer that this is indeed true.

However, as often pointed out in this column, there is no alternative but to foster peace and reconciliation if a world free of bloodshed and strife is what is being sought. Fortunately we are not short of illustrious persons from the East and West who have shone a light on how best to get to a degree of peace. Besides Mahatma Gandhi of India, who was the subject of this column last week, we have former President of Iran Mohammad Khatami, who made a case for a ‘Dialogue of Civilizations’ rather than a ‘Clash of Civilizations’.

The time is more than ripe to take a leaf from these illustrious personalities, for, the current state of war in the Middle East has raised the possibility of a war that could transcend regional boundaries. The antagonists are obliged to exhaust all the peaceful options with the assistance of the UN system. Besides, war cannot ever have the blessings of the sane.

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Venerable Rahula Thera’s 35-year green mission and national Namal Uyana

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Venerable Rahula Thera

It was 35 years ago, on March 28, 1991, that Venerable Rahula Thera, then a young monk, embarked on a journey to the Na forest in Ulpathagama, Palagama, in the Anuradhapura District. Today, three and a half decades later, this mission stands as living proof of the enduring bond between Buddhist philosophy and the natural world.

Marking the 35th year of this green mission, Rahula Thera’s relentless dedication has transformed the National Namal Uyana into an environmental landmark admired not only across Sri Lanka but around the globe, as well.

When studying the life of Venerable Rahula Thera, one cannot ignore the profound connection between Buddhism and the environment. Buddhism is a philosophy deeply attuned to nature. The historical use of the sacred “Na Ruka” by all four Buddhas: Mangala Buddha, Sumana Buddha, Revata Buddha, and Sobhita Buddha — for enlightenment —demonstrates that from time immemorial, Buddhism has maintained a sacred bond with the Na tree. From the birth of Siddhartha to his enlightenment, the propagation of the Dharma, and even the great Parinirvana, all of these milestones unfolded in verdant, living landscapes.

Venerable Rahula Thera did not embark on the Namal Uyana mission seeking government support or personal gain. His commitment sprang from a deep devotion to the Buddha’s teachings on grove cultivation. A grove cultivator is one who spreads compassion for nature. As the Vanaropa Sutta teaches:

Venerable Rahula Thera reclaimed Namal Uyana which was then under the control of timber smugglers and treasure hunters. The term “Wanawasi” does not merely mean living in a forest; it signifies finding rest and enlightenment through nature, free from the destructive roots of greed, sin, and delusion.

Another defining aspect of Venerable Rahula Thera’s 35-year mission is the purification of the human mind. He has consistently taught the thousands who visit Namal Uyana that a person who loves a tree will never harm another human being. As the Dhamma proclaims:

It is important to remember that Venerable Rahula Thera devoted his life, without fear, speaking the truth and taking necessary action, tirelessly advancing the national mission he began. From 1991 to the present, he has worked with every government elected by the people, maintaining impartiality and independence from political ideology. Yet, he never hesitated to raise his voice fearlessly against any individual, of any rank or party, who committed wrongdoing.

Religious and Social Mission

The National Namal Uyana is not merely a forest; it is a magnificent heritage site, dating back to ancient times. Scattered across the landscape are boundary walls, the remains of ancient monastery complexes, and stone carvings believed to date back to the reign of King Devanampiyatissa. In earlier centuries, this sacred land had served as a meditation sanctuary for hundreds of monks. The name “National Namal Uyana,” by which this ecological and archaeological treasure is known today, was introduced by Venerable Rahula Thera in 1991. The government’s later recognition of the site as the National Namal Uyana stands as a significant achievement for both religion and national heritage.

Venerable Rahula Thera is a monk who has lived a life of renunciation. A striking example of this is his decision not to assume the position of Chief Incumbent of the National Namal Uyana Viharaya, instead entrusting the temple to the Ramanna Nikaya and its trustees. In doing so, he set a precedent for the contemporary Sangha. The Thera himself stated that he was merely the trustee of Namal Uyana, not its owner.

Legacy and Continuing Inspiration

The 35th anniversary of Venerable Wanawasi Rahula Thera’s arrival at Namal Uyana is not merely the commemoration of a period of time; it is a message of nature to future generations. Through his work, the Thera revived the ancient Hela tradition of loving trees and venerating the environment as something sacred. This religious and environmental mission remains unforgettable.

The revival experienced by Namal Uyana, after the arrival of Venerable Wanawasi Rahula Thera, is beyond simple description. Some of the major accomplishments achieved under his leadership include:

* Securing and protecting the largest Rose Quartz (Rosa Thirivana) reserve in South Asia.

* Restoring the Na forest spread across hundreds of acres, providing shelter to numerous rare plants and animal species.

* Transforming the area into a living centre for environmental education, offering practical learning experiences for thousands of schoolchildren and university students.

* Drawing the attention of world leaders and international environmentalists to Sri Lanka’s unique environmental heritage.

In recognition of his immense contribution to environmental conservation, Venerable Rahula Thera was honoured with the Presidential Environment Award and the Green Award in 2004—a significant moment in his life. Yet the Thera himself has always remained devoted to the work rather than the recognition it brings, making such appreciation even more meaningful.

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