Features
Lalith and Gamini’s plight after Premadasa was elected president
But what of Lalith and Gamini who had been led to believe that the call (to be the new prime minister) will come to one of them? They were disappointed but there was nothing they could do about it. Furthermore, they had been given plum positions in the Cabinet though removed from their earlier portfolios. Lalith was made Minister of Agriculture, Food and Cooperatives and Gamini was appointed the Minister of Plantations.
When I visited them in their homes they were enthusiastically studying their subjects and planning reforms. Gamini had many friends among the planter community and they were busy in his house preparing future plans. Their chief recommendation was to imaginatively integrate the estates with the surrounding villages so that the plantation workers too could benefit from the welfare policies of the Government.
On the other hand, hard work and greater productivity of the plantation workers would be an example to the nearby villagers. But the problem was with the hangers on of Gamini and Lalith. They had planned to ride high in the entourages of their leader who would be prime minister. Since they were thwarted they began to slander the new president, little realizing that tale carriers would interpret them as the utterances of the disappointed duo. As a result the atmosphere became colder by the day and Gamini in particular, whose hangers on were extremely vicious in using caste innuendos against the P president, began to feel the hostility of the president which was a contrast to the warm relationship that he had with JRJ and Mrs. Jayewardene.
On being wrongly advised that he should stay out of the way for a while he planned to ask for leave of absence to follow a degree at Cambridge University. BH Farmer, who wrote a classic work on “Pioneer Peasant Colonization in Ceylon” and was a teacher in a Cambridge college accepted him as a student. Rajiv Gandhi also supported Gamini’s application which infuriated Premadasa still more and was probably the last straw in his relationship with Gamini – his bete noir.
He reshuffled the Cabinet on March 30, 1990 and dropped Gamini with the sarcastic comment that “he could now study full time without cabinet responsibilities”. Lalith who had become popular with innovative agricultural policies was moved to Education and Higher Education replacing Hameed who was made Minister of Justice. Hameed was helping Premadasa in his negotiations with the LTTE. Ranjan replaced Gamini as the Minister of Plantations.
This unanticipated sacking shocked Gamini and when I visited him on that day he was depressed and joked “surely he could have at least made me the Minister of Cultural Affairs”. He advanced his dates to leave for Cambridge but Premadasa had not finished with him. The next move by Premadasa, assisted by Ravi Jayewardene, which would have landed Gamini in prison will be described later in this book.
Officials
President Premadasa brought in his favourite officials who had served him as Prime Minister. He did not have much time for protocol and claims of seniority. Leading his team was R. Paskaralingam – a civil servant with a well deserved reputation as a no nonsense “go getter”. He too was a hard worker who would execute Premadasa’s wishes without delay. Members of the public as well as officials knew that “Paski” was carrying out his bosses orders and that resistance would lead to trouble with the big man.
The President also used Bradman Weerakoon. an iconic civil servant who had befriended him from the time of Dudley Senanayake as his trouble shooter. KHJ Wijedasa was Premadasa’s Secretary. As a senior civil servant he followed through on the President’s decisions and was in the receiving end of his master’s impatient demands. However Wije had a good reputation in the CCS as a tactful and efficient officer who could keep the wheels of the administration moving. As he himself wrote later he was torn between dismay when pulled up by the President and elation when the boss went out of his way to praise and reward him.
Wijedasa also had capable assistants like D J Amarasinghe and Chandra Wickremasinghe to help him. For his Corporations and Statutory bodies the President hired SLAS officials like Susil Siriwardhana, Ailapperuma. Alwis and Weerapana who were efficient, forward looking and incorruptible. They were comparatively junior in the CAS but that did not worry the president. Always conscious of the role of the media he had a team led by Evans Cooray at his beck and call.
It was also said that he had a team of “ghost writers” led by several ex-journalists who wrote novels, newspaper articles and patriotic songs which were attributed to Premadasa who was presented to the public as a formidable Sinhala literary figure. The above mentioned group of officials were listened to by the Pressident though they did not dare contradict him when he was fixated by an idea. Together they formed a loyal “coterie” who were in his comfort zone. They were managed by the Presidents “alter ego-Sirisena Cooray who was usually the “go between” with them and the President when they had occasionally to face his wrath. Every one in the administration knew that the President was a hard task master who expected the best from both politicians and public servants.
He himself followed a punishing schedule, starting work at four in the morning after scanning the days newspapers and telephoning officials to check up on the veracity of the newspaper reports. When he was Prime Minister and I was a Permanent Secretary he would telephone me at five in the morning with his usual opening gambit of “Are you still sleeping?” As an example of his many demands I remember that he once woke me up at an ungodly hour to ask for details of a baby elephant in the Dehiwela zoo that he wanted to take as a gift to a head of state. I, in turn, had to wake up the Director of the Zoological gardens to get that information and call him back pronto as he was impatiently waiting for a reply. He took a special delight in waking up his ministers particularly on Wednesdays when Cabinet meetings were held so that he could confront them and pull them up for lapses reported in the media.
World View Foundation
When JRJ asked me to return to Sri Lanka from Paris, I was determined not to come back as a state official. I did not want to be fettered with the usual rules and regulations which would have been inevitable if I got a state salary. This problem was solved for me when Arne Fjortoft the Secretary General and founder of World View International, met me in Paris and offered me the post of Additional Secretary General of WIF, tenable in Colombo. He had to move back to Norway because he was elected the leader of a Norwegian political party allied to the “Greens”. They were preparing for the forthcoming Parliamentary election. Arne was tipped to be the Norwegian Minister for International Cooperation in which event he would have to leave WIF and I would takeover.
The good news was that if he became a Minister, as we hoped, WIF would garner sufficient development assistance to take it to a higher level of activity for which we had made plans. In fact I visited Arne’s electorate Stavvanger in northern Norway and all appeared to be well set for both Arne and WIF to win. When in Paris we discussed my likely emoluments. I found that WIF was very generous and made me an offer close to what I was earning in the UN. Furthermore I could travel anywhere in the globe on WIF business and operate out of Colombo where we had a spacious office in Kinross Avenue.
I may also add that I too as then Director of IPDC, had much to offer as the IPDC was the premier UN agency in the field of communications. Thus I had good relations with all donor countries and their specialized agencies which enabled me to seek funding for WIF projects including a grant from the IPDC budget itself. Thus I was advising JRJ in my personal capacity with no obligations to government or state media. This no doubt ruffled some feathers among bureaucrats but I decided to go ahead on that basis. Accordingly I resigned from UNESCO and moved to Colombo while Arne left Colombo for Oslo.
He began a strenuous election campaign on behalf of his party in Norway. Looking back now this arrangement may have saved my life from JVP assassins. The JVP could not identify me as a government employee, especially after Premadasa became President as I had no role either within his government or outside. Unfortunately many media leaders like Thevis Guruge and many others in SLBC were identified with the Premadasa administration and were brutally put to death by the JVP. Also since I travelled very frequently on WIF business my movements could not be traced easily by the JVP though I was on their “hit list”.
Fortunately my friend Daniel Levferbe from Paris was the UTA manager in Colombo and I could always depend on him to book me on a flight at short notice. A common factor in JVP assassinations, and of LTTE as well, was that their victims tended to follow a regular pattern of activity which could easily be tracked. Their murders were planned with precision as in cases of Thevis Guruge and Vijaya Kumaratunga.
Richard de Zoysa
The WIF shared its Kinross office building with the IPS (Inter Press Service) which was a third world news agency created by my friend Roberto Savio with Rome as its headquarters. The Asian Bureau of IPS was located in Colombo to take advantage of the attractive telecom charges that we could offer them. Their Colombo bureau chief was Richard de Zoysa. He was assisted by Kunda Dixit of Nepal who later became a well known Asian journalist covering environmental issues in a magazine called “Himal”.
Richard and Kunda would often come up to my office on the top floor of the building for a chat and I would occasionally meet Richard in his office which was located in the ground floor. On all those occasions I found that his room was full of young men who freely came and went to his Kinross Avenue office. Richard told me that he was being recalled to the Rome office by Savio as the situation was bad for local reporters in Colombo. Since Richard was looking after his mother he was reluctant to leave but under pressure from his chief he had booked his ticket for Rome. Imagine our shock when we heard that he had been killed
His body, had been washed ashore in Moratuwa. Richard’s mother who was a brave lady told the press that her son had been abducted by a police squad and taken for questioning on allegations of being a JVPer. He was accused of translating JVP documents and writing JVP notices in English. I remembered the many bearded young men who had thronged Richard’s office in Kinross Avenue. He always behaved in a disturbed way when I went to his office and would come up to my room when the boys had left.
Some of his friends wanted to bring out a newspaper supplement on the day of the burial of his remains and I contributed an article though some of his erstwhile friends were afraid to be associated with that publication. We all assembled in Kanatte on that overcast evening to bid him farewell. Richard’s ghastly murder did much to harm Premadasa’s reputation, especially among the elite. It may also have embittered Lalith Athulathmudali who was a close friend of the family.
It was suspected that Richards collaboration in a Sinhala play which satirized the President had also contributed to his demise. The main dramatist of the play, who also happened to be a confidante of Lalith, disappeared and his body was never found. It was alleged that targeted individuals were killed by Police “death squads” and taken in a helicopter to be dumped far in the sea so that officially they were reckoned as “disappeared”- a word made famous by the killer squads of Latin America. It was a stroke of fate that washed Richards body ashore.
Otherwise we would not know what happened to him to this day. Though he did not acknowledge it, the President was losing his popularity and increasingly falling prey to conspiracy theories.
He consulted astrologers regularly. I knew of these details because among his favourite astrologers was Fonseka, my roommate from Arunachalam Hall in Peradeniya who was by now a popular soothsayer among the Colombo elite. Premadasa would take him and Sirisena Cooray by helicopter to his Ambanpola estate for extended sessions of astrological readings. It is remarkable that my friend Fonseka did not see any dark clouds in the President’s horizon.
(Excerpted from Vol. 3 of the SARATH AMUNUGAMA autobiography) ✍️
Features
Disaster-proofing paradise: Sri Lanka’s new path to global resilience
iyadasa Advisor to the Ministry of Science & Technology and a Board of Directors of Sri Lanka Atomic Energy Regulatory Council A value chain management consultant to www.vivonta.lk
As climate shocks multiply worldwide from unseasonal droughts and flash floods to cyclones that now carry unpredictable fury Sri Lanka, long known for its lush biodiversity and heritage, stands at a crossroads. We can either remain locked in a reactive cycle of warnings and recovery, or boldly transform into the world’s first disaster-proof tropical nation — a secure haven for citizens and a trusted destination for global travelers.
The Presidential declaration to transition within one year from a limited, rainfall-and-cyclone-dependent warning system to a full-spectrum, science-enabled resilience model is not only historic — it’s urgent. This policy shift marks the beginning of a new era: one where nature, technology, ancient wisdom, and community preparedness work in harmony to protect every Sri Lankan village and every visiting tourist.
The Current System’s Fatal Gaps
Today, Sri Lanka’s disaster management system is dangerously underpowered for the accelerating climate era. Our primary reliance is on monsoon rainfall tracking and cyclone alerts — helpful, but inadequate in the face of multi-hazard threats such as flash floods, landslides, droughts, lightning storms, and urban inundation.
Institutions are fragmented; responsibilities crisscross between agencies, often with unclear mandates and slow decision cycles. Community-level preparedness is minimal — nearly half of households lack basic knowledge on what to do when a disaster strikes. Infrastructure in key regions is outdated, with urban drains, tank sluices, and bunds built for rainfall patterns of the 1960s, not today’s intense cloudbursts or sea-level rise.
Critically, Sri Lanka is not yet integrated with global planetary systems — solar winds, El Niño cycles, Indian Ocean Dipole shifts — despite clear evidence that these invisible climate forces shape our rainfall, storm intensity, and drought rhythms. Worse, we have lost touch with our ancestral systems of environmental management — from tank cascades to forest sanctuaries — that sustained this island for over two millennia.
This system, in short, is outdated, siloed, and reactive. And it must change.
A New Vision for Disaster-Proof Sri Lanka
Under the new policy shift, Sri Lanka will adopt a complete resilience architecture that transforms climate disaster prevention into a national development strategy. This system rests on five interlinked pillars:
Science and Predictive Intelligence
We will move beyond surface-level forecasting. A new national climate intelligence platform will integrate:
AI-driven pattern recognition of rainfall and flood events
Global data from solar activity, ocean oscillations (ENSO, MJO, IOD)
High-resolution digital twins of floodplains and cities
Real-time satellite feeds on cyclone trajectory and ocean heat
The adverse impacts of global warming—such as sea-level rise, the proliferation of pests and diseases affecting human health and food production, and the change of functionality of chlorophyll—must be systematically captured, rigorously analysed, and addressed through proactive, advance decision-making.
This fusion of local and global data will allow days to weeks of anticipatory action, rather than hours of late alerts.
Advanced Technology and Early Warning Infrastructure
Cell-broadcast alerts in all three national languages, expanded weather radar, flood-sensing drones, and tsunami-resilient siren networks will be deployed. Community-level sensors in key river basins and tanks will monitor and report in real-time. Infrastructure projects will now embed climate-risk metrics — from cyclone-proof buildings to sea-level-ready roads.
Governance Overhaul
A new centralised authority — Sri Lanka Climate & Earth Systems Resilience Authority — will consolidate environmental, meteorological, Geological, hydrological, and disaster functions. It will report directly to the Cabinet with a real-time national dashboard. District Disaster Units will be upgraded with GN-level digital coordination. Climate literacy will be declared a national priority.
People Power and Community Preparedness
We will train 25,000 village-level disaster wardens and first responders. Schools will run annual drills for floods, cyclones, tsunamis and landslides. Every community will map its local hazard zones and co-create its own resilience plan. A national climate citizenship programme will reward youth and civil organisations contributing to early warning systems, reforestation (riverbank, slopy land and catchment areas) , or tech solutions.
Reviving Ancient Ecological Wisdom
Sri Lanka’s ancestors engineered tank cascades that regulated floods, stored water, and cooled microclimates. Forest belts protected valleys; sacred groves were biodiversity reservoirs. This policy revives those systems:
Restoring 10,000 hectares of tank ecosystems
Conserving coastal mangroves and reintroducing stone spillways
Integrating traditional seasonal calendars with AI forecasts
Recognising Vedda knowledge of climate shifts as part of national risk strategy
Our past and future must align, or both will be lost.
A Global Destination for Resilient Tourism
Climate-conscious travelers increasingly seek safe, secure, and sustainable destinations. Under this policy, Sri Lanka will position itself as the world’s first “climate-safe sanctuary island” — a place where:
Resorts are cyclone- and tsunami-resilient
Tourists receive live hazard updates via mobile apps
World Heritage Sites are protected by environmental buffers
Visitors can witness tank restoration, ancient climate engineering, and modern AI in action
Sri Lanka will invite scientists, startups, and resilience investors to join our innovation ecosystem — building eco-tourism that’s disaster-proof by design.
Resilience as a National Identity
This shift is not just about floods or cyclones. It is about redefining our identity. To be Sri Lankan must mean to live in harmony with nature and to be ready for its changes. Our ancestors did it. The science now supports it. The time has come.
Let us turn Sri Lanka into the world’s first climate-resilient heritage island — where ancient wisdom meets cutting-edge science, and every citizen stands protected under one shield: a disaster-proof nation.
Features
The minstrel monk and Rafiki the old mandrill in The Lion King – I
Why is national identity so important for a people? AI provides us with an answer worth understanding critically (Caveat: Even AI wisdom should be subjected to the Buddha’s advice to the young Kalamas):
‘A strong sense of identity is crucial for a people as it fosters belonging, builds self-worth, guides behaviour, and provides resilience, allowing individuals to feel connected, make meaningful choices aligned with their values, and maintain mental well-being even amidst societal changes or challenges, acting as a foundation for individual and collective strength. It defines “who we are” culturally and personally, driving shared narratives, pride, political action, and healthier relationships by grounding people in common values, traditions, and a sense of purpose.’
Ethnic Sinhalese who form about 75% of the Sri Lankan population have such a unique identity secured by the binding medium of their Buddhist faith. It is significant that 93% of them still remain Buddhist (according to 2024 statistics/wikipedia), professing Theravada Buddhism, after four and a half centuries of coercive Christianising European occupation that ended in 1948. The Sinhalese are a unique ancient island people with a 2500 year long recorded history, their own language and country, and their deeply evolved Buddhist cultural identity.
Buddhism can be defined, rather paradoxically, as a non-religious religion, an eminently practical ethical-philosophy based on mind cultivation, wisdom and universal compassion. It is an ethico-spiritual value system that prioritises human reason and unaided (i.e., unassisted by any divine or supernatural intervention) escape from suffering through self-realisation. Sri Lanka’s benignly dominant Buddhist socio-cultural background naturally allows unrestricted freedom of religion, belief or non-belief for all its citizens, and makes the country a safe spiritual haven for them. The island’s Buddha Sasana (Dispensation of the Buddha) is the inalienable civilisational treasure that our ancestors of two and a half millennia have bequeathed to us. It is this enduring basis of our identity as a nation which bestows on us the personal and societal benefits of inestimable value mentioned in the AI summary given at the beginning of this essay.
It was this inherent national identity that the Sri Lankan contestant at the 72nd Miss World 2025 pageant held in Hyderabad, India, in May last year, Anudi Gunasekera, proudly showcased before the world, during her initial self-introduction. She started off with a verse from the Dhammapada (a Pali Buddhist text), which she explained as meaning “Refrain from all evil and cultivate good”. She declared, “And I believe that’s my purpose in life”. Anudi also mentioned that Sri Lanka had gone through a lot “from conflicts to natural disasters, pandemics, economic crises….”, adding, “and yet, my people remain hopeful, strong, and resilient….”.
“Ayubowan! I am Anudi Gunasekera from Sri Lanka. It is with immense pride that I represent my Motherland, a nation of resilience, timeless beauty, and a proud history, Sri Lanka.
“I come from Anuradhapura, Sri Lanka’s first capital, and UNESCO World Heritage site, with its history and its legacy of sacred monuments and stupas…….”.
The “inspiring words” that Anudi quoted are from the Dhammapada (Verse 183), which runs, in English translation: “To avoid all evil/To cultivate good/and to cleanse one’s mind -/this is the teaching of the Buddhas”. That verse is so significant because it defines the basic ‘teaching of the Buddhas’ (i.e., Buddha Sasana; this is how Walpole Rahula Thera defines Buddha Sasana in his celebrated introduction to Buddhism ‘What the Buddha Taught’ first published in1959).
Twenty-five year old Anudi Gunasekera is an alumna of the University of Kelaniya, where she earned a bachelor’s degree in International Studies. She is planning to do a Master’s in the same field. Her ambition is to join the foreign service in Sri Lanka. Gen Z’er Anudi is already actively engaged in social service. The Saheli Foundation is her own initiative launched to address period poverty (i.e., lack of access to proper sanitation facilities, hygiene and health education, etc.) especially among women and post-puberty girls of low-income classes in rural and urban Sri Lanka.
Young Anudi is primarily inspired by her patriotic devotion to ‘my Motherland, a nation of resilience, timeless beauty, and a proud history, Sri Lanka’. In post-independence Sri Lanka, thousands of young men and women of her age have constantly dedicated themselves, oftentimes making the supreme sacrifice, motivated by a sense of national identity, by the thought ‘This is our beloved Motherland, these are our beloved people’.
The rescue and recovery of Sri Lanka from the evil aftermath of a decade of subversive ‘Aragalaya’ mayhem is waiting to be achieved, in every sphere of national engagement, including, for example, economics, communications, culture and politics, by the enlightened Anudi Gunasekeras and their male counterparts of the Gen Z, but not by the demented old stragglers lingering in the political arena listening to the unnerving rattle of “Time’s winged chariot hurrying near”, nor by the baila blaring monks at propaganda rallies.
Politically active monks (Buddhist bhikkhus) are only a handful out of the Maha Sangha (the general body of Buddhist bhikkhus) in Sri Lanka, who numbered just over 42,000 in 2024. The vast majority of monks spend their time quietly attending to their monastic duties. Buddhism upholds social and emotional virtues such as universal compassion, empathy, tolerance and forgiveness that protect a society from the evils of tribalism, religious bigotry and death-dealing religious piety.
Not all monks who express or promote political opinions should be censured. I choose to condemn only those few monks who abuse the yellow robe as a shield in their narrow partisan politics. I cannot bring myself to disapprove of the many socially active monks, who are articulating the genuine problems that the Buddha Sasana is facing today. The two bhikkhus who are the most despised monks in the commercial media these days are Galaboda-aththe Gnanasara and Ampitiye Sumanaratana Theras. They have a problem with their mood swings. They have long been whistleblowers trying to raise awareness respectively, about spreading religious fundamentalism, especially, violent Islamic Jihadism, in the country and about the vandalising of the Buddhist archaeological heritage sites of the north and east provinces. The two middle-aged monks (Gnanasara and Sumanaratana) belong to this respectable category. Though they are relentlessly attacked in the social media or hardly given any positive coverage of the service they are doing, they do nothing more than try to persuade the rulers to take appropriate action to resolve those problems while not trespassing on the rights of people of other faiths.
These monks have to rely on lay political leaders to do the needful, without themselves taking part in sectarian politics in the manner of ordinary members of the secular society. Their generally demonised social image is due, in my opinion, to three main reasons among others: 1) spreading misinformation and disinformation about them by those who do not like what they are saying and doing, 2) their own lack of verbal restraint, and 3) their being virtually abandoned to the wolves by the temporal and spiritual authorities.
(To be continued)
By Rohana R. Wasala ✍️
Features
US’ drastic aid cut to UN poses moral challenge to world
‘Adapt, shrink or die’ – thus runs the warning issued by the Trump administration to UN humanitarian agencies with brute insensitivity in the wake of its recent decision to drastically reduce to $2bn its humanitarian aid to the UN system. This is a substantial climb down from the $17bn the US usually provided to the UN for its humanitarian operations.
Considering that the US has hitherto been the UN’s biggest aid provider, it need hardly be said that the US decision would pose a daunting challenge to the UN’s humanitarian operations around the world. This would indeed mean that, among other things, people living in poverty and stifling material hardships, in particularly the Southern hemisphere, could dramatically increase. Coming on top of the US decision to bring to an end USAID operations, the poor of the world could be said to have been left to their devices as a consequence of these morally insensitive policy rethinks of the Trump administration.
Earlier, the UN had warned that it would be compelled to reduce its aid programs in the face of ‘the deepest funding cuts ever.’ In fact the UN is on record as requesting the world for $23bn for its 2026 aid operations.
If this UN appeal happens to go unheeded, the possibilities are that the UN would not be in a position to uphold the status it has hitherto held as the world’s foremost humanitarian aid provider. It would not be incorrect to state that a substantial part of the rationale for the UN’s existence could come in for questioning if its humanitarian identity is thus eroded.
Inherent in these developments is a challenge for those sections of the international community that wish to stand up and be counted as humanists and the ‘Conscience of the World.’ A responsibility is cast on them to not only keep the UN system going but to also ensure its increased efficiency as a humanitarian aid provider to particularly the poorest of the poor.
It is unfortunate that the US is increasingly opting for a position of international isolation. Such a policy position was adopted by it in the decades leading to World War Two and the consequences for the world as a result for this policy posture were most disquieting. For instance, it opened the door to the flourishing of dictatorial regimes in the West, such as that led by Adolph Hitler in Germany, which nearly paved the way for the subjugation of a good part of Europe by the Nazis.
If the US had not intervened militarily in the war on the side of the Allies, the West would have faced the distressing prospect of coming under the sway of the Nazis and as a result earned indefinite political and military repression. By entering World War Two the US helped to ward off these bleak outcomes and indeed helped the major democracies of Western Europe to hold their own and thrive against fascism and dictatorial rule.
Republican administrations in the US in particular have not proved the greatest defenders of democratic rule the world over, but by helping to keep the international power balance in favour of democracy and fundamental human rights they could keep under a tight leash fascism and linked anti-democratic forces even in contemporary times. Russia’s invasion and continued occupation of parts of Ukraine reminds us starkly that the democracy versus fascism battle is far from over.
Right now, the US needs to remain on the side of the rest of the West very firmly, lest fascism enjoys another unfettered lease of life through the absence of countervailing and substantial military and political power.
However, by reducing its financial support for the UN and backing away from sustaining its humanitarian programs the world over the US could be laying the ground work for an aggravation of poverty in the South in particular and its accompaniments, such as, political repression, runaway social discontent and anarchy.
What should not go unnoticed by the US is the fact that peace and social stability in the South and the flourishing of the same conditions in the global North are symbiotically linked, although not so apparent at first blush. For instance, if illegal migration from the South to the US is a major problem for the US today, it is because poor countries are not receiving development assistance from the UN system to the required degree. Such deprivation on the part of the South leads to aggravating social discontent in the latter and consequences such as illegal migratory movements from South to North.
Accordingly, it will be in the North’s best interests to ensure that the South is not deprived of sustained development assistance since the latter is an essential condition for social contentment and stable governance, which factors in turn would guard against the emergence of phenomena such as illegal migration.
Meanwhile, democratic sections of the rest of the world in particular need to consider it a matter of conscience to ensure the sustenance and flourishing of the UN system. To be sure, the UN system is considerably flawed but at present it could be called the most equitable and fair among international development organizations and the most far-flung one. Without it world poverty would have proved unmanageable along with the ills that come along with it.
Dehumanizing poverty is an indictment on humanity. It stands to reason that the world community should rally round the UN and ensure its survival lest the abomination which is poverty flourishes. In this undertaking the world needs to stand united. Ambiguities on this score could be self-defeating for the world community.
For example, all groupings of countries that could demonstrate economic muscle need to figure prominently in this initiative. One such grouping is BRICS. Inasmuch as the US and the West should shrug aside Realpolitik considerations in this enterprise, the same goes for organizations such as BRICS.
The arrival at the above international consensus would be greatly facilitated by stepped up dialogue among states on the continued importance of the UN system. Fresh efforts to speed-up UN reform would prove major catalysts in bringing about these positive changes as well. Also requiring to be shunned is the blind pursuit of narrow national interests.
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