Opinion
Labour Reforms in Time of Great Crisis
Sri Lanka is in the middle of a dire economic crisis. We are a witness to the new depths of misery that the people have been plunged into. Working people are the hardest hit, who have had to grapple with precarious wages, job insecurity and the devastation of an economic depression. Despite this perilous situation, the government is proposing labour reforms that threaten to render the situation of the working classes even more precarious. In his Budget 2023 speech in November 2022, the President called for reforms “for an export-oriented economy”. Soon thereafter, Secretary to the Ministry of Labour and Foreign Employment Shan Yahampath elaborated on the impending proposals, pointing to the introduction of “a unified labour code which will seek to move away from the current employee-friendly labour law system to a system that strikes a balance between the rights of the employee and the employer.” At the May Day rally of the UNP, Ministry of Labour and Foreign Employment Manusha Nanayakkara presented a 11-point reform agenda, outlining the principles of the reforms, which proposes to tilt the balance of power further in favour of employers. Nanayakkara’s proposals, the most elaborate so far, is at best sketchy, and at worst is a calculated move to weaken the collective strength of the working population in the formal sector. The message is loud and clear, when
Nanayakkara prefaces his presentation with, “We still have archaic labour laws, a labour law which turns away investors.”
On June 14th, at a consultative meeting, Nanayakkara, reiterated the need for reforms, necessary, in his view, in some 20-odd areas of existing labour-law. While saying that reforms are needed in the plantation sector and in the provisions of EPF and ETF, he stresses the importance of casual labour and the need to turn much of formal labour into casual labour. Herein lie the dangers of the current reforms.
The proposals are in part framed in the language of social protection, advancing the rights of the worker in the informal sector. Protection from violence in the workplace for women and incorporating people with disabilities in the labour force mean little when the overall climate is steeped in job insecurity and economic precarity. Further, the mantra of increasing women’s participation in the labour force is designed to be extractive of the labour of women in the face of diminishing worker-protection.
Sri Lanka’s labour laws, though nothing to marvel at, have historically afforded the worker some protection from the blatant disregard of their rights. Yet, through fragmentation of the labour force, outsourcing and casualizing of formal contractual labour, and other disempowering measures, industrial management has been able to get around these laws. The bulk of our work force in the formal sector is composed of women. Vulnerable at the best of times to the vicissitudes of management practices, they had been one of the first casualties of economic crises. During the COVID pandemic we saw how vulnerable our workers were to shifting trends of the economy, locally and internationally. Labour laws were flouted; workers were both left stranded and deemed outcast. At the same time, they were compelled through coercive consent, to work under trying conditions. This scenario will be formalized through the proposed reforms. The threat is imminent.
Weakening the contractual bonds between worker and management leads to casualisation, greater job insecurity and greater exploitation of the worker. Laws surrounding hiring and termination need to be clear and protect the worker from precarity. At the moment, we have termination laws that do protect the worker. Relaxing them would pose a dire threat to the worker’s well-being. There is also talk of flexible working hours. This is most detrimental to the worker, who under pressure, will be trapped in a complex cycle of coercive and extractive labour within the casualization of their work; there will be little protection from working hours. Legal provisions for sick leave, maternity leave and stipulated periods of rest and leisure that the worker is entitled to will be eroded into. We know that while more than 10 days’ night work for women is not allowed at garment factories, in practice women are engaged in long hours of night work, with few safety measures in place.
The proposed reforms are designed to formalise the progressive weakening of labour laws and further disempower the worker through taking away whatever protection that is in place now. It is telling that when a meeting of the National Labour Advisory Council, which is composed of representatives of the state, the employers and trade union representatives of the workers, was called last month, four unions representing workers in the private sector and not affiliated to any political parties were left out of the composition. This is a clear indication of how the government is setting the stage for weakening the representative bodies of the workers, and thereby render them totally powerless, when reforms are initiated.
The economy of the plantations is on the cusp of change and the Malaiyaha worker is staring into a future of fragmentation of community, job insecurity, and lack of land. They have been long fighting for a living wage, and basic citizenship, namely, decent living conditions, safety at work, the right to land, decent housing and accessible schooling. Nanayakkaras 11-point proposals say that the government proposes to create “a plantation worker fit for the modern world of work,” ignoring the current state of gross injustice meted out to the worker in the plantation sector.
By undermining labour-laws the government hopes to attract investment and boost the economy. It is a road show put on for the sake of potential investors. But the regime is sadly out of touch with economic realities. There is a global economic recession. Our economy shrunk by 12.4% and by 11.5%, in the last quarter of 2022 and first quarter of 2023 respectively. As they stand, labour laws are not the cause of the economic crisis, and reforming them is not the solution. Rather, the economy is in a state of continued collapse, because of austerity, lack of job creation policies, and inadequate social protection and relief to the working people. In the end, we will be left with an irrevocable undermining of the worker’s Rights.
As academics, we are obliged to adopt an informed position on something as fundamental as labour relations. It affects us all. An informed, worker-oriented and people-oriented labour policy, a policy that provides security to all, and a policy that ensures stability and democratic practice in production and in the workplace is the need of the hour. Else, we would be looking to a future of suffering and instability. The already authoritarian government can only become more authoritarian in the face of imminent social unrest. We must join the forces of democracy to build a better future for all.
SIGNED BY
1. A.M. Navaratna Bandara, formerly Univ. of Peradeniya
2. Ahilan Kadirgamar, Univ. of Jaffna
3. A.M.J.H. Amandakoon, Univ. of Peradeniya
4. Amalka Wijesuriya, Univ. of Ruhuna
5. Anuruddha Karunarathna, Univ. of Peradeniya
6. Anushka Kahandagama, formerly Univ. of Colombo
7. Arjuna Aluwihare, formerly Univ. of Peradeniya
8. Arjuna Parakrama, Univ. of Peradeniya
9. Aruni Samarakoon, Univ. of Ruhuna
10. Athulasiri Samarkoon, The Open University of Sri Lanka
11. Avanka Fernando, Univ. of Colombo
12. B.P.B.W. Rathnayake, Univ. of Peradeniya
13. Barana Jayawardana, Univ. of Peradeniya
14. Bahirathy J.R, Univ. of Jaffna
15. Buddhima Padmasiri, The Open University of Sri Lanka
16. Camena Guneratne, The Open University of Sri Lanka
17. Chirath Jeewantha, Univ. of Ruhuna
18. Chulani Kodikara formely Univ. of Colombo
19. Crystal Baines, Univ. of Peradeniya
20. Dayapala Thiranagma, formerly Univ. of Kelaniya
21. Dhammika Gamage, Univ. of Peradeniya
22. Dhammika Herath, Univ. of Peradeniya
23. Dhammika Jayawardena Univ. of Sri Jayawardenepura
24. Dhanuka Bandara formerly Univ. Of Peradeniya
25. Dilini Hemachandra, Univ. of Peradeniya
26. Dinesha Samararatne Univ. of Colombo
27. Erandika de Silva, Univ. of Jaffna
28. Farzana Haniffa, Univ. of Colombo
29. Fazeeha Azmi, Univ of Peradeniya
30. Ganganee Chamdima Samaraweera, Univ. of Ruhuna
31. H.H.M.T.V.K. Jayasooriya, Univ. of Peradeniya
32. Harshana Rambukwella, formerly The Open University of Sri Lanka
33. Hasini Lecamwasam, Univ. of Peradeniya
34. Hasitha Pathirana Univ. of Kelaniya
35. Hettigamage Sriyananda, The Open University of Sri Lanka (Professor Emeritus)
36. Hiniduma Sunil Senevi, Univ. of Sabaragamuwa
37. Imani Bakmeedeniya, Univ. of Peradeniya
38. Jayadeva Uyangoda, Univ. of Colombo (Professor Emeritus)
39. Janith Wickramasinghe, Univ. of Colombo
40. Jennifer Edama, Univ. of Peradeniya
41. Jithmi Athukorale, Univ. of Peradeniya
42. K.M.Vihangi Semini, Univ. of Peradeniya
43. Kamani Sylva, Univ. of Peradeniya
44. Kanchuka Dharmasiri, Univ. of Peradeniya
45. Kasun Gajasinghe, Univ. of Peradeniya
46. Kaushalya Perera, Univ. of Colombo
47. Kethakie Nagahawatte Univ. of Colombo
48. Krishan Siriwadhana, Univ. of Colombo
49. Krishantha Fedricks, Uni. of Colombo
50. Krishmi Apsara, Univ. of Peradeniya
51. Kumudu Kusum Kumara, formerly Univ. of Colombo
52. L.A.M.Jayasinghe,Univ. Of Peradeniya
53. Liyanage Amarakeerthi, Univ. Of Peradeniya
54. Madhara Karunarathna, Univ. of Peradeniya
55. Maduranga Kalugampitiya, Univ. of Peradeniya
56. Mahendran Thiruvarangan, Univ. of Jaffna
57. Malika Perera, Univ. of Peradeniya
58. M. A. Nuhman. Formerly Univ. of Peradeniya
59. Muditha Dharmasiri: Univ. of Peradeniya
60. Nadeesh de Silva, The Open University of Sri Lanka
61. Nalika Ranathunge, Univ. of Ruhuna
62. Neavis Morais, The Open University of Sri Lanka
63. Nicola Perera, Univ. of Colombo
64. Nilantha Liyanage, Univ. of Ruhuna
65. Nirmal Ranjith Dewasiri, Univ. of Colombo
66. N.Sivakaran, Univ. of Jaffna
67. N. W. Prins, Univ. of Ruhuna
68. Paba Suraweera, Univ. of Peradeniya
69. Pavithra Jayawardena, Univ. of Colombo
70. P. M. Jayaweera Univ. of Peradeniya
71. Prabha Manuratne, Univ. of Kelaniya
72. Prabhath Jayasinghe, University of Colombo
73. Pradeepa Korale Gedara, Univ. of Peradeniya
74. Pradeep Peiris, Univ. of Colombo
75. Priyantha Fonseka Univ. of Peradeniya
76. R.T.Gamalath, Univ. of Peradeniya
77. Ramesh Ramasamy, Univ. of Peradeniya
78. Ramila Usoof, Univ. of Peradeniya
79. Ramindu Perera, The Open University of Sri Lanka
80. Ramya Kumar, Univ. of Jaffna
81. Ranjini Obeyesekere; formerly , Univ. of Peradeniya
82. Ranjit Wijekoon, formerly Univ. of Peradeniya
83. Rupika Rajakaruna, Univ. of Peradeniya
84. Ruth Surenthiraraj, Univ. of Colombo
85. Sabreena Niles, Univ. of Kelaniya
86. Sachithra Edirisinghe, formerly Univ. of Peradeniya
87. Sahan Wanniarachchi,Univ. of Peradeniya
88. Sahani Situbandara, Univ. of Peradeniya
89. Saman Pushpakumara, Univ. of Peradeniya
90. Sasanka Perera, Formerly Univ. of Colombo
91. Sasinindu Patabendige, Univ. of Jaffna
92. Savitri Goonesekere, Univ. of Colombo (Professor Emeritus)
93. Selvaraj Vishvika, Univ. of Peradeniya
94. Shalini Wijerathna,Univ. of Peradeniya
95. Shamala Kumar, Univ. of Peradeniya
96. Sitralega Maunaguru formerly Eastern Univ. Sri Lanka
97. Sivamohan Sumathy, Univ. of Peradeniya
98. Sudesh Mantillake, Univ. of Peradeniya
99. Sumith Chaaminda, Univ. of Colombo
100. Supoorna Kulatunga, Univ. of Peradeniya
101. Suranjith Gunasekara, Univ. of Ruhuna
102. Susantha Rasnayake, Univ. of Peradeniya
103. Susith Siriwardhana, Rajarata Univ. of Sri Lanka
104. Shyamani Hettiarachchi, Univ. of Kelaniya
105. Thiru Kandiah, formerly Univ. of Peradeniya
106. Thushara Kamalrathne, Univ of Peradeniya
107. Udara Rajapaksha, Univ. of Peradeniya
108. Udari Abeysinghe, Univ. of Peradeniya
109. Unnathi Samaraweera,Univ. of Colombo
110. Upul Abeyrathne, Univ. of Peradeniya
111. Varangana Ratwatta, Univ. of Peradeniya
112. Vijaya Kumar, Univ. of Peradeniya (Professor Emeritus)
113. Visakesa Chandrasekaram, Univ. of Colombo
114. Vivimarie Vanderpoorten Medawattegedera, The Open University of Sri Lanka
115. W.M. Rohan Laksiri, Univ. of Ruhuna
116. Yasas Kulasekara, Univ. of Peradeniya
Opinion
Mrs Hemamali Kanthi Jayasinghe
Mrs. Hemamali Kanthi Jayasinghe known by all her friends and relations lovingly as ‘Bunchi’, left us on August 20, 2024, leaving an unfillable void for her husband Lal, daughter Chanika and grandchildren Isurika and Pavith. I know from Bunchi’s narratives related to me of their success stories in Australia. her grand- children Isurika and Pavith had a special place in her heart. This is natural, and as should be.
Bunchi was a rare individual who left a void in all groups whom she came across in life- both among her friends and relations. It was especially true for her sister-in-law and family, her aunts, cousins and their spouses. Bunchi and Lal were a couple who never abandoned their cousins in good times or bad. The two of them were all-weather relations. She had an open house for her friends and relations, and a sympathetic heart that inwardly motivated her to be helpful to others.
We live in Kelaniya. Over the last so many years, whenever there was a public warning about floods in Kelaniya, like a prayer, a call would come from Bunchi- ‘Aiya if there is any threat of floods, both of you, please come and stay with us’; usually this invitation is also repeated by Lal. About four months ago, when a flood warning was issued to all major river basins, Bunchi even though sick, gave us a call followed by Lal, and invited us to come over to Kadawatha. Although she was ill and weak, she did not forget to offer help to others.
Lal was the family doctor for all families of Bunchi’s cousins and aunts. When a call came for help, if it was found to be medically necessary to visit, Bunchi always accompanied Lal to their relations’ homes. Lal looked into the medical side, while Bunchi’s concern and ‘recuperative words’ provided psychological help to the sick. So, in most instances it was the doctor accompanied by his wife, who came to the patient instead of the patient going to the doctor. The service was totally free.
I still vividly remember this day in, I guess 1984, I was getting ready to go to USA on official duty. Our elder daughter complained of a severe stomach ache. I phoned Lal who examined her and said that there was some tenderness, but asked me to go as planned and that even if surgery was needed, he would arrange everything including showing our daughter to a surgeon and following up. Bunchi told me ‘we will look after everything – you just go’. This was one instance of help that Bunchi and Lal did for us. It was a great responsibility that they decided to shoulder to help a cousin. And I know that some other cousins or relations of Bunchi can also relate such magnanimous instances of offering help.
Bunchi and Lal were well known among friends and relations for giving dinners at their Kadawatha home. Their home was well- equipped for such occasions. Her mother Irene who was also living at Bunchi’s (Irene ‘nanda’ to us) also helped in bringing out culinary delights.
I am bringing the above entertainment story in order to highlight another deep- seated side to Bunchi and Lal that was perhaps only known to their close relations and cousins. At the ‘Mathaka Vastra pinkama’ this was well articulated by the two Nayaka Theros who conducted the religious ceremony at her funeral. Bunchi and Lal were both religious and Bunchi helped Lal to continue with all the traditional ‘Pinkamas’ that Lal’s parents had been conducting for so many years. Bunchi also started new ‘Pinkamas’. And in these merit acquiring activities they involved their daughter and grandchildren and nephew and niece from their young days to inculcate in them the importance of spiritual reinforcement in addition to practicing their vocations.
It was heartening to note that Chanika and Lal (despite being handicapped without Bunchi’s support) continued to participate in the’ Katina pinkama’ of the Bimbaramaya Temple, Kadawatha, by preparing some items for the ‘dana’ at the ‘Katina Pinkama’. I believe there were about 70 bhikkhus at the alms-giving.
When they were at home, Bunchi and Lal would do the morning and evening ‘Buddha Puja’ and other worship without a break. Lal now continues with the tradition by himself.
However, they were also open to the modern world and its necessities and responsibilities. They were a very cosmopolitan couple; they had close friends belonging to all religious denominations, both in Sri Lanka and abroad. They kept in close contact with them. What they accomplished over a substantial period of time through their diverse relationships and hospitality, was an important sociological need for Sri Lanka- that is to go forward in unity while being diverse. Lal also worked for many years for NHS in UK, and both of them were happy to receive friends and relations from Sri Lanka at their Lincoln home. They decided to return home to be with their aging parents.
Another positive aspect of Lal and Bunchi was the sincere, helpful, and long-standing- relationship they had with their domestic aides. The domestic-aides in turn were strongly loyal to Bunchi and Lal.
Throughout Bunchi’s some-what long illness, Lal and Chanika looked after Bunchi with love and tenderness.
Hemamali Kanthi Jayasinghe was the daughter of the late Dr. Gilbert Gajanayaka and the late Mrs. Irene Munasinghe Gajanyaka. She was the sister of the late Mr. Gamini Gajanayaka.
May Bunchi attain the Supreme Bliss of Nibbana.
Lakshman Wickramasinghe
Opinion
Significance of Tamil vote in 2024 general election
Apart from the resounding victory by the NPP, the most significant election outcome is the remarkable change in the voting pattern of the Tamils in the North, the East, and the Central province not to mention Colombo that brought defeat to most of the Tamil political stalwarts like Sithatharan, Sumanthiran, Palani Thigambaram, Mano Ganeshan et al. This is the first time that such a change has happened in a general election where usually the ethnic political parties hold sway over minority votes. It is of vital importance for everybody including Tamil politicians, the present government, international community, hegemonic powers, ultra-nationalists and separatists to understand and correctly interpret this change in the Tamil political fabric.
The decisive factor that was apparent in the pre-election period was the need for a change which manifested in a weaker form at the presidential election that brought in a new president with 42% of the national vote with the majority of Tamils voting against the NPP candidate. In less than two months the whole picture had changed and a majority of Tamils who did not vote for the NPP at the presidential election took the unprecedented step of going against their own ethnic parties and voted for the NPP. Although it appears to be a sudden change of attitude obviously such changes on such a wide scale cannot happen overnight. The need for a system change must have been slowly and steadily growing in the minds of Tamils over a period of time, like it had in the Sinhalese. The latter was obviously weary of suffering under the governments of the two major political parties since independence. The former however had hitherto been loyal to their ethnic parties who pursued divisive communal politics appealing to the ultra-nationalist sentiments of the Tamils. What was the reason for the Tamils to change in this manner?
Presidential election may have shown the Tamils that the Sinhalese had decided to bring about a radical change. This would have been the cue for them to come out into the open and demonstrate the change that has been slowly taking place in their minds. The change that appeared to have taken place in less than two months was probably catalyzed in this manner.
Tamils suffered during the thirty-year war. It is probable that the new generation of Tamils have realised the futility of war and confrontation and decided to chart a different course and deviate from the main sociopolitical stream from the time of independence though there were times of convergence and cooperation albeit of short duration. Independence and universal franchise have driven a wedge between Sinhala and Tamil leaders which was rather unfortunate for they were together in the struggle for Independence. Tamil politicians enjoyed parity of political power and suddenly they realized that their privileged position was in danger due to universal franchise which would make them a minority in the parliament. They could not reconcile with the fact that they were representatives of a minority community. What is most unfortunate is that they could not see the opportunities that were there for them to play a vital role in the development of the whole country. The mistake the Tamil leaders committed at that time was to abandon the opportunity that was available to jointly participate in the central government and contribute to the development of not only the Tamils but also the whole country and instead choose the narrow parochial path of communal politics. This blunder has continued to plague the country and even caused the birth of terrorism and a bloody war.
These historical mistakes must have dawned on the new generation of Tamils who, like the Sinhalese want a change in their lives which could come with economic development rather than ultra-nationalist dogma. Further they may have realized the fact that Tamil ultra-nationalism was flawed, unjust, parochial and does not belong in the modern world. Communal barriers have to be breached to achieve connectivity, interaction and networking which are capable of opening new vistas in the modern electronic era. All communities who have made Sri Lanka their home must unite and develop their country. The absence of this unity may have been one of the reasons for the country to lag behind in economic development and finally end up being bankrupt which would have affected all communities alike. In this regard the Tamils have taken the first step and it is now up to the other communities to suitably respond.
The government must know that the Tamils have significantly contributed to their massive victory. The government must understand what these Tamils who have rejected their own political parties and leaders want. They, too, like the Sinhalese are affected by economic mismanagement and poverty. Their problems are same as those of the Sinhalese majority. All communities are in the same boat. Tamils have realised this truth and would want urgent attention to their immediate needs. Their nutrition, health and education should receive immediate and sufficient attention. Tamils have abandoned their own parties and embraced the governing party expecting urgent redress to their burning problems.
There is a lesson for the international community as well, especially for the imperialist western powers. The latter had made use of the lack of unity among the communities to destabilise the country in pursuance of their geo-political ambitions in the Indian Ocean region. The LTTE was a tool in their hands, and after the demise of its leader, other separatists moved in to fill the vacuum. The western powers must realise the futility of such policies in view of the radical changes taking place within the mind-set of the Tamils. Tamils may no longer see the Sinhalese as their oppressors and the Sinhalese may not harbour the fear that Tamils are demanding a separate country.
It is hoped that the time may come when the Tamils realise that the whole country belongs to all communities and it is their duty to participate in the development of the whole and not just the North and parts of the East. True Tamil national leaders may emerge who would want to share power at the centre rather than at the periphery and contribute to the governing of the whole country. It is hoped that this is the end of divisive communal politics and the beginning of a new era of unity and prosperity.
N. A. de S. Amaratunga
Opinion
Revolutionary elections
By Dr Upul Wijayawardhana
No doubt, it is the ‘election like no other’ in the ‘country like no other’ that would top the league of revolutionary elections, of which there were three, just this month. Much has been written about two; the one in Sri Lanka and the second in the US but the third, in the UK, had hardly any mention in Sri Lankan media, perhaps, because it was not a general election but the election of the leader of a major political party, which I would come to later.
The NPP/JVP deserves to be congratulated on its unprecedented, massive victory and it is hoped that the new government will succeed. All ‘communal’ parties, save a few, faced humiliating defeats. The NPP won 21 out of 22 districts, the only exception being Batticaloa. Its win in Jaffna sends a clear message to the communal parties, whose leaders have been taking the people of the North for a ride to further their own interests. Do hope the new government makes good use of this golden opportunity to bring about reconciliation.
It is not only the results in the North that gives hope but also from the South. It was gratifying for me to note that my home district Matara, which is predominantly Sinhala, has elected a Tamil MP as well as a Muslim MP. Not only that, out of the 6 NPP MPs elected, the Tamil MP got the second highest and the Muslim MP got the fourth highest preferential votes. A district once well known to elect on the basis of caste and creed, a concept encouraged if not engineered by the Communist Party, has gone a full circle, thanks to another Marxist party! Perhaps, this demonstrates that voters are no longer misled by man-made differences and are achieving a degree of political maturity, which bodes well for the future. Yet another ray of hope for true reconciliation!
As far as the US election is concerned, even the bitterest critic of Donald Trump has to concede that he achieved the impossible, not once but twice. On both occasions, it was not that Trump was selected by the Republican Party but he got the party to rally round him. In fact, Trump started life as a Democrat and was not a professional politician. He achieved fame as a sharp businessman and a TV personality and decided to be president. One man’s ambition succeeding is unprecedented in US history, as far as I am aware. Though Trump won the 2016 election on the collegiate vote, he was almost 300,000 behind Hilary Clinton in the popular vote. In the 2020 election which he lost to Biden, he polled 74,223,975 whereas Biden polled 81,283,501. In the 2024 election though his popular vote increased to only 76,768,490 votes (according to the last count, as counting in US elections is very prolonged), he had a landslide winning 312 collegiate votes. Kamala Harris polled only 74,194,538, staggering 7 million less than Biden. Do these results give credence to Trump’s accusations of vote rigging in the 2020 election, I do not know. When he was portrayed as a bitter loser, no one ever imagined that Trump would have a comeback. Multitude of court cases he faced made the prospect even dimmer. His dramatic win, perhaps, adds weight to his claim that some of these cases were politically motivated.
The other important aspect of the US presidential election is that all polling organisations got their predictions totally wrong. Up to the last moment, it was too close to call they said, but as the counts proceeded, it was obvious that Trump has achieved the impossible again. However, the most important lesson for the rest of the world is that the US voting system is nothing worth emulating!
Whilst the USA is still waiting for the ‘glass ceiling’ to be broken, the UK has had three female prime ministers and recently elected another lady as the leader of a major political party. Interestingly, it is the Conservative party that seems to be progressive, the Labour Party still waiting to elect a female leader, in spite of two having acted as leader!
Kemi Badenoch, who was elected as the leader by the members of the Conservative Party early this month, is the Leader of the Opposition and may well be next Prime Minister, if the Labour government continues to mess up, as it is doing now. She may well follow Margaret Thatcher, Theresa May and, of course, the disastrous Liz Truss.
Kemi Badenoch’s election is revolutionary in two more aspects. She is the first Black leader. male or female, of a major UK political party. Further, she is the first immigrant to be a leader of a major political party. Though the US constitution stipulates that only a person born in the US could hold the highest political position there is no such stipulation in the UK. If that was so, Boris Johnson would not have been PM, as he was born to British parents in New York, while his father was studying in Columbia University!
Kemi Badenoch’s family is from Nigeria, her father being a GP and her mother a professor of physiology. Theoretically, though she spent the first sixteen years of her life in Nigeria and USA where her mother lectured, she could be classed non-immigrant as her mother travelled to London from Lagos to have her in a private hospital in Wimbledon, to return shortly after the delivery of the baby. In fact, in her first speech in parliament Badenoch declared that “to all intents and purposes, I am a first-generation immigrant”. Whatever it may be, hats-off to the UK for achieving this degree of political maturity, which is hoped we would be able to emulate ultimately.
What a revolution would it be, if a Black immigrant lady became the Prime Minister of the UK!
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