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JVP Leader questions wisdom of promoting privatisation

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By Rathindra Kuruwita

Those who claimed that privatisation was the panacea for Sri Lanka’s economic ills had to present information about privatise institutions first, Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake said on Wednesday at a conference on privatisation of state assets.

Dissanayake said that the SLPP had campaigned in 2019 and 2020 on a platform of protecting and developing state assets. Therefore, if it embarked on a path of privatizing state assets, it should first go for an election and seek a new mandate.Dissanayake said that Sri Lanka had been privatising state assets since the 1980s and an overwhelming majority of those projects had led to disaster.

“In the 80s and 90s we privatised textile mills and paper manufacturing plants. Of course, there were issues with the quality of their products, but we have to understand that this was the 1980s. Now, these factories are closed, and we import almost all textiles now, burning a lot of foreign exchange. We also have a severe paper shortage and there are complaints that we don’t have paper to print school textbooks, exercise boots, term test papers and print newspapers. We privatised tea plantations, and these plantation owners claim that they can’t pay a daily wage of Rs. 1000. So, before telling us why we should privatise the rest of state-owned enterprises, the proponents of privatisation must show us the data on the impact of previous privatisation endeavours,” he said.

The JVP leader said that those who support privatisation often show Sri Lanka Telecom (SLT) as an example of the benefits of privatization. Dissanayake said that advocates of privatisation claim that before privatisation it took six to seven months to get a connection and that once the SLT was privatized everything changed.

“Is this what actually happened? If you look at the technological evolution of the telecommunications industry, the late 1980s and early 1990s saw boosts in digitization and wireless technologies. The privatization of SLT took place at a time when these technological developments were taking place.

“We benefited from technological developments in other parts of the world. The driver of efficiency in telecommunications in Sri Lanka was technological breakthroughs in the west, not privatization,” he said.

Dissanayake added that during the current economic crisis, those who represent powerful business interests have done a good job of convincing people that the best course of action is to privatize state assets.

“People are suffering and when they see the electricity bill or suffer from fuel hikes, they have been told that this is happening because the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) and Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) are owned by the state. They think the prices have gone up because there are too many workers in these institutions,” he said.

However, if the inefficiency of state owned enterprises is the reason for electricity and fuel price hikes, what could explain the dramatic rise in the prices of items like cement or biscuits or milk powder? the JVP leader asked.

“The government plays no role in producing cement. When it comes to milk powder, Highland only has about five percent market share and Highland is still cheaper than other brands. The advocates of privatization are silent on this. Or they tell us that milk powder is bad for the body, or we should not buy cement or biscuits. So, are we going to blame the inefficiency of the private sector for the price increase in biscuits? It is obvious that the current price hikes have little to do with the ownership,” he said.

Dissanayake said that the government is not proposing to only sell loss making institutions. Among institutions that are earmarked for privatization are profit making entities like the SLT, Sri Lanka Insurance Corporation and Sri Lankan ground handling and catering.

“Catering and ground handling departments of SriLankan make a lot of profit. I have looked at the annual reports of SriLankan catering from 2011 to 2021. They have been profitable in all years except 2020, they have been profitable even in the 2021-2022 financial year. It’s obvious why they made losses in 2020. If you look at ground handling, they are doing even better. They made a five billion rupee profit last year. The government is getting ready to sell them and I am sure there are many people ready to buy them. But what about the airline? No one will buy the airline because liabilities are higher than assets and this is a really bad time to run an airline. The government is ready to absorb all the losses of the airline, but even then there are no buyers. We will end up selling the profit-making entities and holding on to loss makers. This will only make things worse,” he said.

The JVP leader said that there are three main drivers that animate those who support privatization. Some of them are adherents of minimum government and believe that the government must not be involved in any businesses. On the other hand, the government is desperate for dollars.

“From 1980 we have failed to earn the dollars we need. In 2022, there is a gap of eight billion dollars to meet imports. If we had not defaulted we would have had to pay six billion dollars for debt servicing. How have we filled this gap? We used to make some money from tourism and foreign remittances. We filled the rest of the gap through borrowings and selling assets. Now we are scraping the bottom of the barrel,” he said.

Dissanayake added that another thing that animates privatization advocates is the opportunity to make money out of these transactions. He said that when large state institutions were privatized, those involved in the process made a lot of money.

“When Hingurana sugar was sold, the institution had 7000 acres of cane, a 300-acre plant nursery, a factory, and 70 million rupees in the bank and sugar in store. It was sold for less than sugar in the store. If we look at the current context, Minister Nimal Siripala is desperate to privatize SriLankan catering and ground handling because one of his deals went wrong a few months ago,” he said.

The JVP does not believe that the state should hold onto everything and try to involve itself in every sector, he said. However, the government has the responsibility to ensure that goods and services are available freely at a decent price, in good quality.

“We can control some aspects of the market through regulation. We can also intervene through the cooperative system. If you look at Amul, India’s dairy giant that makes billions of dollars in profit, is a cooperative. Fonterra, the producer of Anchor brand, is a cooperative. Imagine what we can do if we get small and medium scale rice millers into a cooperative and help them with finance and technology? We could easily break the monopoly of big mill owners and reduce the price of rice. Look at the tile sector, two businessmen run the sector, and now apparently people have to wait for months to get tiles. If we believed the advocates of privatization, this shouldn’t be the result of privatization. A JVP government won’t allow monopolies,” he said.



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Prime Minister joins Gandhi Jayanti Commemoration

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Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya attended the Gandhi Jayanti commemoration held at Temple Trees on October 2nd to mark the 157th birth anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi, the pioneer of non-violence.
The commemoration was held under the patronage of the Prime Minister and the High Commissioner of India to Sri Lanka,  Santosh Jha. During the event, the Prime Minister and the Indian High Commissioner paid floral tributes to the statue of Mahatma Gandhi. The ceremony was organized to recall the message of peace, non-violence, and harmony that Mahatma Gandhi bestowed upon the world through his life and philosophy.
The High Commissioner of India to Sri Lanka,  Santosh Jha, Secretary to the Prime Minister, Pradeep Saputhanthri, along with state officials and officers from the Indian High Commission, were present at the occasion. Prime Minister’s Media Division

[Prime Minister’s Media Division]

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Unions resist tripartite EPF management plan

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… warn of dire consequences

A group of trade unions and civil society groups has requested President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to abandon his government’s controversial plan for the proposed tripartite management of the EPF.

The group has told the President: “We strongly object to the government’s plan to transfer the EPF to a tripartite board—jointly promoted by the Employers’ Federation of Ceylon (EFC), International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the International Labour Organisation (ILO)—and to increase the investments of those funds within private equity and debt markets.

“While the EFC and the government jointly project this plan as a ‘modern governance framework’, it poses a serious threat to the EPF’s financial stability, fiduciary conduct, and returns to workers’ life savings, with severe consequences for broader macroeconomic stability. Rather than replacing the corruption existing in the public sector, this tripartite framework paves the way for a corporate takeover of the EPF. Through this, the fund is exposed to unlawful business practices such as insider trading using internal information of EPF investments, conflicts of interest and corporate bailouts of unstable private companies.

“Sri Lanka’s corporate sector has a tremendously negative track record, which you alluded to during your victorious election campaign in 2024. This was recently unravelled by the multi-billion-dollar illicit capital flight through trade misinvoicing, which your administration is now actively working to curb in the imports sector.

“The recent banking sector fraud exceeds Rs. 13 billion; widespread corporate tax evasion destabilised the fiscal position (Sri Lanka Auditor General’s Department Annual Reports) and consequently inflated the tax burden on the general public. The EFC has found it convenient to remain silent about these crimes, possibly assuming that their silence would preserve their social standing. Considering this inherent corruption within Sri Lanka’s corporate sector and its disregard to the living standards of the general public, there is no realistic basis to integrate corporate interests to actively manage the EPF. The corporate sector of Sri Lanka has not developed sufficiently on technical and ethical grounds to safely entrust the largest retirement savings pool in the country. The EPF is a captive fund that has no mechanism for the owners to divest if the management is corrupt. This further increases the possibility of corporate fraud when the management of the fund is jointly held with the corporate sector.

“Furthermore, during the recent public discussion with trade unions, Deputy Minister of Finance Dr. Anila Jayantha pointed out that the domestic debt restructuring (DDR) would inflict a loss of Rs. 600 billion to the EPF. Our independent calculations—formally submitted as an affidavit to the Supreme Court approved by the Federation of University Teachers’ Associations in 2024—reveal that nominal loss alone is Rs. 634.4 billion. When factoring in foreclosed reinvestment returns, the true loss skyrockets to Rs. 1,711 billion, wiping out 48% of the fund’s projected gross income for the 2023 – 2028 period. Under the pretext of safeguarding the banking system, this colossal robbery preserved high yields on government bonds held by commercial banks and high-net-worth individuals, subsequently reaping them astronomical profits. Now, the exact same plunder is rearing its head again disguised as a tripartite committee.”

“The main arguments supporting our resistance and viable alternatives for optimising EPF management directly under the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL), are outlined below.

“Objections to the government’s tripartite proposal:

1. The “International best practice and conflict of interest fallacies”

The government holds that tripartite management of pension funds is the “international best practice” and that there is a “conflict of interest” in CBSL managing the EPF. They are key pillars justifying government’s tripartite proposal.

These two positions are shockingly misleading given that four of the five largest pension funds in the world, in Norway, Japan, the U.S., and Singapore, are managed directly by state bodies or central banks. Therefore, ‘international best practice’ in pension fund management is the exact opposite of what the government and the IMF are proposing. We hence reject these baseless positions.

2. Corporate captivity and bailouts

It is clear that the EFC is desperately pushing for this proposal at a time of global uncertainty, to cushion the effects of the crisis and maximise gains. Under corporate influence within the proposed tripartite board, the private conglomerates can use the multi-trillion-rupee EPF to continue their unstable commercial operations without having to risk their own capital or savings to do so. This will severely erode the financial stability of the EPF and its returns.

3. Risk of front running

“Because the EPF is a colossal fund, its investment decisions can alter asset prices. This creates immense monetary value for the information generated by its investment decisions. Corporate representatives on the proposed tripartite board will be perfectly positioned to use this information to trade ahead of the EPF (front-running), buying assets cheaply and dumping them onto the EPF at inflated prices for guaranteed corporate gain, resulting in a reduction of returns to the EPF.

4. Unavoidable loopholes

“Presence of a separate group of investment analysts, trade union representatives and government officials within the proposed tripartite structure cannot prevent pre-market corporate access to EPF’s investment decisions. Investment proposals made by the analysts has to be first approved by the proposed tripartite committee, making it impossible to prevent corporate access to insider information on EPF investments.”

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Two arrest warrants issued for Gnanasara thera

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Galagoda Aththe Gnanasara

The Colombo High Court and Court of Appeal yesterday issued arrest warrants for the Bodu Bala Sena general secretary Galagoda Aththe Gnanasara in a case involving an alleged statement insulting Islam.

The arrest warrants were issued on Tuesday and Wednesday. The Court of Appeal issued an open warrant two weeks after the court rescinded the presidential pardon granted to the thera when he was serving a six-year term for contempt of court.

The Appeals Court also imposed a travel ban on the monk and ordered that the Controller General of Immigration and Emigration be informed of the restriction.

The case was taken up before Colombo High Court Judge Buddhika C. Ragala. Gnanasara Thera was not present when the case was called.

A medical report was submitted stating that Thera was unwell, while his sureties also failed to appear before court. His counsel, Asoka Weerasuriya, told court that his client wished to bring the case to an early conclusion and that representations had been made to the Attorney General in that regard.

However, after considering the submissions, the High Court judge said he was not satisfied with the medical report submitted on behalf of the accused. The court also noted the failure of the sureties to appear.

The judge subsequently ordered that Gnanasara Thera be arrested and produced before court.The Attorney General filed the case under provisions of the Penal Code, alleging that remarks made by Gnanasara Thera concerning the Holy Quran amounted to an insult to Islam.

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