Continuing political unrest and economic crisis will encourage foreign powers to seek to consolidate their position here. Instead of blaming external interventions, Sri Lanka should take meaningful measures to thwart such interferences. However, bankruptcy status has placed the country in an extremely vulnerable situation. Mawbima Janatha Pakshaya (MJP) leader and presidential contestant Dilith Jayaweera said so commenting on altogether seven US, Indian and Chinese warships, including five destroyers, visiting Colombo harbor since the closing of nominations on Aug. 15. The Indian destroyer was followed by their National Security Advisor Doval whose interventions during previous administrations are too well known. Many eyebrows were raised over his visit to Colombo last week where he met three contestants, presidential Wickremesinghe, Premadasa and Dissanayake, followed by denial of him attempting to make a last ditch effort to bring about a reconciliation between the above-mentioned first two.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Having served President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s despicable political agenda since May 2022, till August this year, parliamentarian Namal Rajapaksa entered the fray in a last-ditch attempt to save the SLPP’s nationalistic vote, Mawbima Janatha Pakshaya (MJP) leader Dilith Jayaweera declared.

The highest taxpaying presidential contestant Jayaweera tore into SLPP candidate Namal Rajapaksa as he questioned the motives of the eldest son of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa to seek the Office of the President.

Business magnate and Attorney-at-Law Jayaweera said so in response to The Island query during an interview with him last week at Triad Advertising (Pvt.) Ltd., where he acknowledged that the SLPP candidate was eyeing the nationalistic block vote at the expense of his (Jayaweera’s) campaign.

In a no holds barred interview, we sought an explanation from Jayaweera who. in spite of being a close friend and associate of the then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. accepted US Ambassador Julie Chung’s invitation for a lunch three weeks after the ‘Aragalaya’ movement launched a public protest campaign outside the then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s private residence at Pangiriwatte, Mirihana, on March 31, 2022, the first definite inkling of Aragalaya materialized outside the private residence of the then popularly elected Head of State. Ambassador Chung, widely accused of playing a significant role in a high profile project that overthrew Gotabaya Rajapaksa, will remain in Colombo till early next year though we erroneously believed she would leave before the Sept. 21 Presidential Election. Even as widespread violence erupted across the country almost simultaneously against the elected representatives of the then government on May 09, 2022 Ambassador Julie Chung steadfastly maintained that it was a peaceful protest movement and urged the police and the armed forces not to take any action against them. How did an Ambassador get such sweeping powers to order about the armed forces of the country she was serving in?

Asked whether the entry of Namal Rajapaksa troubled his campaign, Jayaweera, without hesitation, acknowledged that he felt so. “Namal Rajapaksa entered the fray to cause a problem, to undermine my campaign. Obviously, the Rajapaksa camp believes Namal will be sort of isolated among the nationalistic electorate hence the bid to challenge our move. The electorate will not accept their strategy,” Jayaweera said.

Sipping a hot cup of coffee, at one of his spacious rooms at the Triad office, Jayaweera alleged that the SLPP founder Basil Rajapaksa and Namal Rajapaksa fully cooperated with President Wickremesinghe’s strategy to bring about the downfall of Gotabaya Rajapaksa, both in and outside Parliament. They pursued a common strategy at the expense of national interests, Jayaweera pointed out, adding that their original plan was to go along with UNP leader Wickremesinghe.

“The bottom line is that Namal Rajapaksa, in his capacity as an SLPP parliamentarian, threw his weight behind Wickremesinghe,” Jayaweera alleged, pointing out that the SLPPer, under any circumstances, couldn’t absolve himself of the responsibility for ensuring enactment of laws inimical to the country during the UNP leader’s presidency.

Jayaweera again held the Basil-Namal duo directly responsible for Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s predicament. Jayaweera alleged that they promoted businessman Dhammika Perera, MP, as an alternative presidential candidate as their original plan to reach consensus with Wickremesinghe went awry. Perera, who had been brought into Parliament in late June 2022, amidst a public protest campaign, wasn’t involved, at any level, with nationalistic politics. “Actually, Perera never understood the concept of nationalistic politics and was never interested in it at all,” Jayaweera alleged, asserting that the businessman lacked even the basic knowledge of politics.

Jayaweera questioned the rationale in even considering MP Perera as a tool to disrupt or undermine the nationalistic camp. The controversial, yet patriotic, businessman who played a significant role in the government efforts to attract fresh recruits to the armed forces as unlike previous presidents, the Mahinda Rajapaksa government embarked on a fight-to-a-finish with the LTTE terrorist, with Sarath Fonseka as the Army Commander, a type of General that a country gets maybe once in about a thousand years. He was backd by the then Defence Secretary, retired Lieutenant Colonel Gotabaya Rajapaksa, and a band of tested frontline commanders.

Jayaweera, who then wholeheartedly backed Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s successful presidential polls campaign, said that MP Perera’s sudden pullout and Namal Rajapaksa’s entry into the presidential race should be examined against the backdrop of post-‘Aragalaya’ politics.

Responding to the query whether Jayaweera felt that MP Perera quit the contest in line with the strategy pursued by the Basil-Namal duo, the MJP leader said that wasn’t the case. “I believe MP Perera realized that he is going to suffer a devastating defeat. His friends and relatives, too, appeared to have advised him against going ahead with risky political adventures. MP Perera got lost in politics and suffered the consequences.”

Jayaweera alleged that the Rajapaksas must have sought to use MP Perera’s wealth to achieve their own immediate agenda.

Over 17.1 mn people are eligible to vote at the Sept. 21 Presidential Election. Of them, over one million are voters who are qualified to exercise their franchise for the first time, in a national election called the after removal of a President through unconstitutional means.

Jayaweera said that Sarvajana Balaya he is contesting from would definitely contest the next parliamentary polls.

CP candidate

We sought an explanation as to why Jayaweera submitted his nominations through the Communist Party (CP) in spite of having his own registered party and a coalition called Sarvajana Balaya as some questioned the move that they felt confused the electorate, particularly the nationalistic vote base.

“There is absolutely no basis for that assertion. There cannot be any ambiguity over our selection of CP, one of the constituents of Sarvajana Balaya. We picked CP as its symbol ‘star’ to attract the electorate, regardless of political differences.”

Jayaweera dismissed the assertion that he contesting the election, under the CP symbol, somewhat undermined his campaign. Dr. Geeganage Weerasinghe, in his capacity as the General Secretary of CP, paid the deposit for Jayaweera on August 13, the day before the final day for the acceptance of nominations. The Mawbiba Janatha Pakshaya leader is one of the 38 candidates in the fray after ex-parliamentarian Sarath Kumara Gunaratna failed to submit nominations after paying the deposit and independent candidate Muhammad Ilyas, 78, (ex-parliamentarian) died of a heart attack.

Jayaweera said that they agreed on a common agenda and was pursuing it vigorously. As a constituent of Sarvajana Balaya, CP, played an important role in the coalition, Jayaweera said, adding as the leader of MJP he led the strategic planning.

Weerasumana Weerasinghe (Matara District) represents the CP in the current Parliament. The first time entrant and the only CP MP, Weerasinghe entered Parliament on the SLPP ticket. The SLPP won 145 seats, including 17 National List slots, at the last parliamentary election. However, of them, as many as 130 switched allegiance to major candidates – President Wickremesinghe, SJB leader Sajith Premadasa and MJP leader Jayaweera with the UNP leader being the main beneficiary. As many as about 100 elected on the SLPP ticket and appointed on its National List back Wickremesinghe, whereas Premadasa received the support of about a dozen and several pledged their allegiance to Jayaweera.

Jayaweera said that those parliamentarians, who had been closely identified with the nationalistic camp, joined Sarvajana Balaya. The group included parliamentarians Wimal Weerawansa (National Freedom Front/NFF), Udaya Gammanpila (Pivithuru Hela Urumaya), Gevindu Cumaratunga (Yuthukama civil society group), Weerasumana Weerasinghe (CP), Gamini Waleboda (NFF) and Jayantha Samaraweera (NFF).

However, Mohammed Muzammil (National List), Jagath Priyankara (Puttalam district) and Nimal Piyatissa switched their allegiance to President Wickremesinghe at the expense of the NFF. Weerawansa’s party, that had seven MPs in Parliament at one time, lost another when their actor-turned-politician Uddhika Premaratne resigned his seat a few months ago. The SLPP filled Premaratne’s vacancy as the next highest preference vote taker happened to be S.C. Muthumumarana who contested the Anuradhapura district at the last election.

A meet during Aragalaya

Asked whether him meeting US Ambassador Chung, three weeks after violent demonstration at Pangiriwatte where ‘Aragalaya’ tested President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s defences, in some way suggested that he, too, cooperated with the conspirators, Jayaweera emphasized that it was a totally wrong interpretation of what he was trying to do.

Jayaweera explained how he sought to set the record straight as various interested parties quite comfortably, at the expense of the war-winning country, pursued an anti-national line in their conversations with foreign envoys and other senior representatives of international organizations. Alleging that Colombo-based coffee drinking, wine sipping cocktail going groups with NGO mentality propagated a false narrative with the international community, Jayaweera stressed that he honestly tried to clarify what was happening.

Some Western envoys, too, for obvious reasons, found the company of their local ardent admirers trying to curry favour with them quite endearing, Jayaweera declared, asserting that such conversations never helped them to understand the ground situation and the genuine grievances of the people, regardless of their ethnicity.

Referring to several cases of high profile external interventions over the past several years, both before and after the 2022 Aragalaya, Jayaweera said Western powers adopted a hostile strategy here as advised by those who immensely benefited from foreign funded projects.

In the absence of a cohesive State policy to counter false narratives propagated by various interested parties hell-bent on doing away with our unitary status, especially in the wake of the eradication of separatist terrorist power in May 2009, external powers could advance their strategy without hindrance. Jayaweera cited the ongoing Geneva project as a glaring example of Sri Lanka’s failure to address false accountability charges that led to the co-sponsorship of 30/1 resolution in October 2015, with Wickremesinghe as the Prime Minister.

Jayaweera emphasized the responsibility on the part of the powers that be whoever was in power to counter false narratives at different levels.

Key challenges

Commenting on challenges faced by the post-Aragalaya situation against the backdrop of the government accepting bankruptcy status, the country couldn’t progress as the vast majority of people live without hope. The economic-political-social crisis perpetrated by those who wielded power over a period of time not only the two years under President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the country was in a bind. “That is the ugly truth those exercising political power do not want to admit for obvious reasons.”

The hapless people have to be inspired, Jayaweera said, adding that restoration of public confidence would be the key to overcoming economic ruin, political uncertainty and social issues.

Jayaweera declared that Sarvajana Balaya manifesto addressed the daunting challenges experienced by the country with specific recommendations/proposals to gradually overcome the issues. “Different segments of the populations, ranging from the student community to professions ,should be ready to bear difficulties for a year, perhaps a little more than a year until Sarvajana Balaya proposals can be implemented.”

The outspoken political party leader said that political and economic objectives have to be achieved in an environment where all communities could live together and not in any way divide them on ethnic lines and be forced to take up extremist stands. “In such an atmosphere, regardless of diverse political opinions, people will invest, gradually as they face the challenges with confidence,” Jayaweera said, adding that he proposed UNIQUE identity numbers at birth to improve social security. That would deliver a knockout blow to corruption, Jayaweera said, adding that the banking system would be part of the whole operation to monitor transactions at all levels.

During a recent interview with the writer, active citizen L. J. Udukumburage discussed how the existing banking system could be utilized to curb corruption through an effective control on cash transfers (Prez polls 2024: Passage of Economic Transformation Bill strengthens Ranil strategy (The Island, July 31, 2024).

Responding to another query, Jayaweera pointed out that the much publicized agreement with the IMF that had been repeated like a mantra should be examined taking into consideration the failure on the part of the government to take remedial measures over two years after Wickremesinghe received premiership and the finance portfolio in May 2022.

Those who talk proudly of moratorium on the payment of foreign debt till 2028 should explain why at least revenue collection hadn’t been streamlined yet, over two years after ‘Aragalaya’ and the same corrupt lot allowed to continue gleefully as repeatedly revealed by revelations made in Parliament.

Sri Lanka announced suspension of debt payment in April 2022, a few weeks after the Pangiriwatte protest.

Jayaweera alleged that in spite of the economy still being in intensive care, the executive and legislature continued on the same path. Recent disclosure regarding the failure on the part of a key revenue collector to fulfil his obligation underscored the requirement for total overhauling of the revenue collection system. The present day leaders would happily continue with this corrupt system as they were only interested in spending the rest of their lives in luxury, at the expense of the public.

A proper investigation would reveal that many political party leaders, ministers and ordinary MPs are living way beyond their means, Jayaweera alleged. He named two political party leaders as utterly corrupt though they pretend to be paragons of virtue.

Too many candidates

Jayaweera expressed the urgent need to amend existing laws to prevent major political parties fielding proxy candidates. According to him, of the 39 candidates in the fray, there were at least 20 proxies fielded by independent candidate Wickremesinghe and SJB leader Premadasa. Referring to the last Presidential Election conducted in November 2029, Jayaweera said that the situation was equally bad that time, too, with so many proxies.

Six contested the 1982 presidential poll followed by three in 1988, six in 1994, 13 in 1999, 13 in 2005, 22 in 2010, 19 in 2015, 35 in 2019 and 39 in 2024.

Jayaweera said that having special provision to grant special status to ex-MPs and serving MPs couldn’t be justified under any circumstances. In terms of the Presidential Election Act, any elector and even unregistered political parties could nominate only ex or serving MPs. “This ridiculous law should be done away with. In fact, the government should have addressed this issue in 1999 after 13 contested the presidential election won by PA leader Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga in that year.”

Jayaweera said that as far as he knew JJB hadn’t fielded at least one proxy candidate. Wickremesinghe and Premadasa should be held accountable for criminal waste of public funds caused by proxy candidates. The Election Department has said that election expenditure could have been drastically reduced if only ‘serious’ candidates contested.

A smiling Jayaweera said that they clearly identified whom the proxies served but couldn’t still correctly get at the allegiance of two independents, both former parliamentarians. Declaring the JJB, too, followed the policies of the Wickremesinghes and Premadasas, Jayaweera alleged that Rathusahodarayas, too, benefited from the black economy and the conduct of that party over the past couple of years proved that essentially all three operated on the same lines.

Warning over post-poll violence

Commenting on MP Weerawansa’s recent high profile accusation that the JJB would resort to violence to disrupt counting of votes on Sept. 21, thereby create a situation that may allow Wickremesinghe to continue, pending a decision on the election, Jayaweera said that particular allegation echoed Sarvajana Balaya thinking, as well as the former Minister’s personal opinion.

Pointing out that the JVP polled 273,428 votes (4.19%) at the 1982 presidential poll and 418,553 votes (3.16%) at the 2019 poll, Jayaweera said that over the past several years the JVP has expanded and it was now a far bigger setup. The JVP leadership could find it difficult to keep those ‘newcomers’ under control. Therefore, the JVP/JJB was in flux. There could be trouble, serious trouble at short notice unless the powers that be maintain a close watch on the situation.

Declaring that unprecedented divisions in Parliament didn’t really reflect the mood of the electorate on the eve of the Presidential Poll, Jayaweera said that approximately 40% of the votes of those who exercised their franchise in support of Gotabaya Rajapaksa at the 2019 Presidential election remained undecided yet. Jayaweera is convinced that block vote, regardless of Namal Rajapaksa’s intervention, would stand by the nationalistic camp, hence he could be the beneficiary.

Jayaweera is of the opinion that the contest is so fierce no candidate could secure 30% of the vote. Jayaweera also discussed the transformation of the Marxist JVP leadership to a rightwing political force serving the interests of the West.

He dismissed assertions that those who lacked political experience at lower level (Local Government, Provincial Councils and Parliament) shouldn’t aspire for the President’s Office. Those with administrative experience should receive the preference over politicians who ruined the country, the leading businessman with a definite patriotic background asserted.

Jayaweera accused President Wickremesinghe of causing further destabilization by refusing to adhere to Supreme Court directives or trying to circumvent SC orders. A continuing dispute between the President and the judiciary could cause quite an explosive situation, Jayaweera alleged, asserting that the President’s response to recent SC directives and rulings that he may have considered disadvantageous to him didn’t do him any good.

It will the Code of the Future, Vision for next growth

by Jithendra Antonio

In an era where technology is reshaping every facet of human life, Sri Lanka stands at a crucial point. As global giants race ahead with advanced Artificial Intelligence (AI) initiatives, our nation must decide whether to be a passive observer or a proactive participant. Establishing a Ministry of AI under the next President is not just a forward-looking initiative; it’s an urgent necessity. As the world witnesses the unprecedented growth of the AI industry and investments soar, Sri Lanka must seize this opportunity to secure its place in the global AI landscape.

Learning from Global Leaders – The Role of AI Ministries

Several nations have already recognised the transformative potential of AI and have established dedicated governmental bodies to oversee its development. In 2017, the United Arab Emirates became the first country to create a Ministry of Artificial Intelligence, signalling its ambition to become a global leader in AI by 2031. The UAE’s AI strategy focuses on enhancing government performance, utilising AI in education, transportation, and healthcare, and attracting global AI talent to the region. Similarly, Saudi Arabia’s AI Centre, established in 2019 as part of its Vision 2030 initiative, emphasises ethical AI practices and innovation, aiming to position the kingdom as a global hub for AI development.

China, while lacking a specific Ministry of AI, demonstrates a comprehensive, high-level governmental focus on AI. With significant investments and regulatory bodies overseeing AI development, China aims to become the world’s AI leader by 2030. Through a strategic combination of government support and private sector innovation, China’s AI capabilities are rapidly expanding, with companies like Alibaba and Baidu leading in fields such as facial recognition and autonomous vehicles.

These countries have recognised that a coordinated approach through dedicated AI ministries or equivalent bodies is essential for harnessing the full potential of AI. Their experiences provide a valuable roadmap for Sri Lanka to follow.

Enhancing Efficiency and Productivity – The AI Advantage

One of the most compelling arguments for a Ministry of AI in Sri Lanka is the potential to revolutionize public sector efficiency. AI can automate routine administrative tasks, freeing up human resources for more complex and strategic roles. For example, chatbots and AI-driven customer service platforms can handle a vast majority of citizen inquiries, providing instant responses and improving public service delivery. AI can also assist in data analysis for informed decision-making, helping government agencies develop policies based on real-time insights.

The potential labour savings and productivity gains are immense. According to a study by Accenture, AI could increase productivity by up to 40% by 2035 in developed economies. Sri Lanka, with its burgeoning public sector and the need for streamlined governance, stands to benefit significantly from such gains. A Ministry of AI would provide the necessary infrastructure and regulatory framework to implement AI solutions across government departments, ensuring a consistent and effective approach to public sector transformation.

Boosting National Security – AI as the Sentinel

National security is another critical area where AI can play a transformative role. In a world of evolving threats, AI-driven surveillance systems can detect potential dangers in real-time, enabling proactive responses. AI-powered analytics can sift through vast amounts of data to identify crime patterns, helping law enforcement agencies to prevent criminal activities before they occur. Autonomous drones equipped with AI capabilities can monitor borders and sensitive installations, providing an added layer of security.

Sri Lanka’s geographical and strategic positioning makes it imperative to invest in advanced security measures. The establishment of a Ministry of AI would enable the development and deployment of AI-driven security solutions, enhancing the country’s ability to respond to emerging threats and ensuring the safety of its citizens.

Driving Economic Growth and Innovation

The global AI market is projected to reach $190.61 billion by 2025, according to MarketsandMarkets. As the AI industry grows, so does the potential for economic benefits. By developing a comprehensive AI strategy and establishing a National AI Centre, Sri Lanka can attract foreign investments, foster innovation, and create job opportunities. The Ministry of AI can serve as a catalyst for the country’s digital economy, promoting research and development through partnerships with academia and the private sector.

A focus on AI can also transform key sectors such as healthcare and education. AI applications in healthcare can improve diagnostic accuracy and treatment efficiency, addressing the challenges of limited access to quality healthcare, particularly in rural areas. In education, AI can facilitate personalised learning, ensuring that students receive tailored instruction that meets their unique needs.

Addressing Challenges – Ethical AI and Data Privacy

While the potential benefits of AI are significant, it is crucial to address the challenges associated with its implementation. Data privacy and security are paramount, requiring robust safeguards and comprehensive legislation. The Ministry of AI would be responsible for establishing ethical guidelines and governance structures to ensure responsible AI use. By focusing on transparency, accountability, and the protection of citizens’ rights, the ministry can foster public trust in AI initiatives.

Furthermore, addressing the skill gap is essential for the successful integration of AI. Sri Lanka faces a shortage of advanced AI skills, exacerbated by brain drain. The Ministry of AI can play a pivotal role in developing education and training programs to build a skilled AI workforce, ensuring that the country has the talent necessary to support its AI ambitions.

A Strategic Move for Sri Lanka’s Future

Sri Lanka’s current ranking of 95th out of 193 countries in the Oxford Insights’ 2023 Government AI Readiness Index indicates significant room for improvement. Establishing a Ministry of AI under the next President would signal a commitment to advancing Sri Lanka’s technological capabilities and improving its global standing. By strategically investing in AI infrastructure and talent development, Sri Lanka can harness the power of AI to drive economic growth, enhance public services, and improve the quality of life for its citizens.

Building a Future-Ready Sri Lanka

The establishment of a Ministry of AI in Sri Lanka is not just a policy decision; it is a vision for the future. Under the leadership of the next President, this initiative can position Sri Lanka as a competitive player in the global AI landscape, ensuring that the country is not left behind in the technological revolution. By focusing on efficiency, productivity, national security, and ethical AI development, Sri Lanka can create a future where technology serves the people, drives economic prosperity, and enhances the nation’s security and well-being. The opportunity to act is upon us, and the direction forward is unmistakable.

(The writer is a Consultant specialised in Data Analytics with a Special Focus on Sri Lanka’s Future Direction, and in the fields of Sustainable Energy, ESG, Investments and telecommunications. He can be reached at jithendra.antonio@gmail.com.)

by Susantha Hewa

The best that any religion can do to society is to make people more conscious of ethics. Is it unreasonable to expect religion to play such a humanising role in this day and age where we are facing a “civilizational crisis”, as Lynn Ockersz describes it (in “Rising human insecurity triggering a civilisational crisis”, The Island August 29, 2024)? Commenting on the UN’s helplessness “in the face of rising lawlessness”, he goes on to state “… humanity’s main religions have been proving equally ineffective as protectors of civilisational values”.

As anyone can see clearly, religions have proved to be toothless in containing the world’s worst criminal acts that have ravaged the lives of countless people, i.e., brutal wars that snuff out innocent lives in their tens of thousands, toxic politics which has everything in focus but the lives of the downtrodden, blatant corruption that leaves millions in dire poverty, culture of impunity, rising competition which brings out the worst in human nature, “self – other” syndrome principally based on socially acquired groundless stereotyping, decreasing empathy of the wielders of power. Perhaps, added to this list is the “market-centric thinking [which] has invaded every area of human life, leaving little space for other values like fairness, equality, or intrinsic value” (Fareed Zakaria: “Ten lessons for a post-pandemic world”).

Incidentally, put beside Zakaria’s caustic comment on the market’s corrosive effects on our values, the idea expressed by some that our civilisation is indebted to the market sounds ridiculous. It is interesting to know what those who hold this cheerful view of the market’s civilizing capacity may think of Ockersz’s concern for the present “civilizational crisis” and the obvious failure of religion to protect our humanistic values. In none of the above-mentioned persistent problems do we see religion playing the most decisive role it ought to play, which is to urge people to behave humanely.

As mentioned previously, the most important role of religion is to make people behave sensibly by giving them moral guidance. Of course, we don’t call ourselves as belonging to this or that religion on the basis of our morals but on account of our beliefs. The division starts there. However, if you just think of the moralising aspect, we may somewhat irreverently say that even the market plays a significant role in shaping not only our morals but all other aspects of life. The other agent which shapes our life- thought, word and action – is politics. The twin forces- the market and politics- have obviously outperformed all traditional religions in terms of influencing our life and attitudes, if you take into account only the “influence factor” disregarding whether or not the influence is beneficial to human society. The parlous state of the world shows this very clearly. The reason is, while religion is something that we can forget at our convenience, the market forces and politics cannot be shunned at will. They penetrate into every nook and corner of life and hold us in their command. Religion does not. What’s worse, they even infiltrate religion and, sadly, it is mostly through politics that religion surfaces in society from time to time. Think of the state patronage given to the formalized and festive aspects of religion, which captivate the masses and give them a temporary sense of escape in addition to lulling them in an artificial sense of religiosity.

The significance of religions is in their moralizing capacity- not in their unverifiable claims that are disagreeing. The sad truth is that this contentious aspect of religion influences our attitudes and values and hinder our capacity to connect with the ‘other’. Very often we talk of the lowering of opportunities for vigorous human relations resulting from modern communication technology like zoom, which rather restricts the more vivid and unexpected human insights that face-to-face meetings would enable. We readily agree that language barriers alienate different linguistic communities. We also concede that cultural differences could get in the way of unhindered empathy between people. However, we shy away from admitting that different beliefs of religions hamper human relations which would otherwise have been more spontaneous. Paradoxically, what we are accustomed to believe is that the ‘sanitising’ ingredient of religions would freely run through all our human interactions and make us readily ethical in all our dealings. If it had happened, today we wouldn’t have been in a “civilisation crisis”.

The reason why our religions have failed to make the populations more ethical is clear. We don’t live in a moral landscape; rather we inhabit two overlapping landscapes – economic and political, both of which are driven by non-humanistic concerns of the market and pursuit of power. What propel life are not morals codified in religions, but the dynamics of the market hand in glove with politics. We can sidestep morals at will however revered they are in the abstract; but not the forces released by the cash nexus and power-oriented policymaking. What govern us are the economic and political structures entrenched in the routine life that we cannot escape. And moralities are not structurally fitted to our way of life, unlike the twin dynamos of economics and governance.

When some say that many of us are religious merely outwardly, what they mean is that we don’t practice the moral principles doled out by our religions. As far as our relentless pursuit of ‘success’ in life is concerned morals are a take-it-or-leave-it affair. Codified morals, however much repeated, ritualistically, don’t automatically translate into action. What influence both our thought and action are inescapable mechanisms of economic and political handlings. They hold us in their power unlike the religious moral codes we may totally ignore with no consequences. Noam Chomsky writes how the market-oriented policies in the USA have drastically affected the outlook of its students who depend on loans for their studies. He describes their dependability on loans as a subtle trap which makes them pliant and submissive to authority, when he writes that at the end of their academic careers, these students are “not only loaded with debt, but have also internalized the disciplinarian culture. This makes them efficient components of the consumer economy” (https://www.linkedin.com).

Religious morals don’t put food on our table unless we find a way to sell them. They don’t pay for our children’s education or free us from our debts. Nor do they build our houses or pay our water bills, electricity bills or medical bills. And, obviously, they don’t quite help you to become a politician or a business mogul. They don’t even help you to make a fortune during a pandemic or a similar human crisis.

So, it is not surprising that religions disappoint you, if you expect them to shape the thoughts and actions of people, who are totally regimented by much more vibrant and inexorable forces.