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Ending my tenure at the Employees’ Trust Board

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Chandrika and her mother, late PM Sirimavo Bandaranaike, waiting to vote in an election in the early 1990s

LESSONS FROM MY CAREER: SYNTHESISING MANAGEMENT THEORY WITH PRACTICE – PART 24

For those who have not read my previous stories, I continue with my experiences as the Chairman of the ETF Board.

 Southern Provincial Council Elections of 1994 The Southern Provincial Council Elections were announced, and it was obvious that the present government would lose. A new entrant to politics was Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, who had returned from overseas. She was the daughter of two Prime Ministers and thus became a new attraction. When electioneering was in full swing, I was careful to be seen as neutral and to avoid violating any election laws.

The election date was fixed for late March 1994. After the demise of President Premadasa, His Excellency D. B. Wijetunga was at the helm as President. One day, he called me and said, “You are a political appointee and therefore should be engaged in canvassing. I want you to actively participate and campaign in one of the difficult areas.” I responded that I had no knowledge of electioneering and was totally unfit for that sort of work. He did not take no for an answer. I was wondering how to get out of this and was planning various excuses.

 It was the first day of the Royal Thomian match in 1994, and I was there with some friends. I suddenly received a call from President Wijetunga. Still, I couldn’t hear a word he was saying because the papare bands and Baila music were in full swing. I quickly moved to a quieter corner and spoke. The Prime Minister Ranil WickremEsinghe was going to the Southern Province, he said, and arrangements had been made for him to address a meeting at Beliatta. Beliatta was the electorate where our ancestral home at Getamanna was located. Apparently, the PM was planning to have lunch at my parents’ place. I was ordered by the President to go to my ancestral home, meet the PM, and attend the meeting.

I went early the next day to our ancestral home in Getamanna, which was at the edge of the Beliatta electorate. The PM came, had lunch, and was leaving when he looked at me and said, “If you are coming for the meeting, you may come with me”. I had no choice. I asked my driver to follow and travelled with the PM. Although my plan was to get to Colombo after the PM left for the meeting after lunch, I was dragged into this. My attempts to scoot off without climbing to the stage were also nullified because the entire entourage was escorted to the stage, including me. I was given a seat in the second row and was probably noticed by supporters of Hon. Mahinda Rajapaksa. After some time, I quietly left the stage and came back to Colombo. I had done my duty as a “political appointee”.

The election was heating up, and the President called me and asked what the general feeling was in the province. I said, “No chance, sir.” He didn’t believe me and said, “But the tide is again turning back to us, isn’t it?”. I had to bring him to reality. The election result was as expected, thanks to the new hope offered by the People’s Alliance’s leader.

 The Presidential Election

 With the government’s defeat at the Provincial Council Elections, I knew my time was up. I had anyway had enough of a high-ranking Government job. Even if the UNP returned to power, the new policy was to give high posts to those who worked on the elections and to party loyalists. The Premadasa policy of appointing young professionals was no longer in vogue. So, I would be out in any event.

This was when I decided it was time to start a career in consulting and training. During my tenure at the ETF Board, I was frequently invited by government and private organisations to speak on productivity techniques — my pet subject — and on the Japanese techniques I had mastered. I did not get paid, but received a gift which had no real value to me. I ended up with a vast collection of expensive and cheap pens, ties with the company logo that I could not wear anywhere else, and shirts that were far from my taste. I recall being invited to deliver a lecture to the top rung of the Air Force. I was told that the Air Force top brass would only listen to another Chairman or someone at that level, which is why I was selected for the lecture. These were unsafe times, and I was told that the venue could not be disclosed, but I had to be ready on time, and an air force vehicle would pick me up and whisk me to the venue.

The lecture was attended by the Air Force Chief, a few other deputies, and other senior ranks. I received a nice Air Force tie, which I still preserve but never wore. Therefore, I believed that I could turn all these opportunities into money. I registered a company called “Productivity Techniques Pvt Ltd” and kept it dormant until I resigned from the ETF Board. Within a month or so of my departure from the ETF Board, I had my first seminar. All stories in this new exercise will be in a new chapter.

The run-up to the election was also tricky. I had to refuse the Minister’s request to paste a poster all over with the ETF benefits and the Minister’s photograph. The Board agreed with me that we may be accused of violating election laws. The Minister, being a reasonable man, accepted the position. The President wanted me to join the campaign in Polonnaruwa, but I escaped once again.

 The stock market was in a bear run because market participants preferred a UNP government to a more socialist People’s Alliance. Our investment committee felt that it was a good time for ETF to buy at attractive prices, given our ability to hold for an extended period. Despite this position of ours, at a meeting with the business community, the opposition presidential candidate openly accused the ETF of selling in the market to create fear among investors and destabilise the market. The accusation was that selling out of the ETF portfolio was taking the stock market down. Actually, we were buying, not selling, and there was plenty of proof. Politicians sometimes make sweeping statements without evidence, which I witnessed firsthand during my time in government. The Minister asked me to write to the candidate and explain the correct position, which I did. This led to anonymous calls being received, threatening that I would be thrown out as soon as they came to power, and many other life-threatening threats.

Post Election  

As expected, Her Excellency Chandrika  Bandaranaike Kumaratunga was elected with a thumping majority, and Hon Mahinda Rajapakse became the Minister of Labour. I still went to the office for a day or two, until I was told by the Ministry’s Secretary to hand in my resignation as per the new Minister’s request. I did so and went home.

 I had a visitor from the UK and was boasting to him about the new female President, the daughter of two Prime Ministers and enlightened him that we produced the first female PM in the world. He retorted, “Oh, I know all that. In fact, we Britons blame Sri Lanka for setting the trend and giving us Margaret Thatcher!”

 My experience at the ETF Board was rewarding because I turned a very sleepy, lethargic institution into a highly efficient and progressive one. It was full of challenges, too. I learned to manage politicians, trade unions, unhappy employers, and the staff.  I had used the theoretical concepts learned in my MBA. I synthesised them with my tacit knowledge gained over the years in many other organisations. I had a very experienced and wise Board of Directors who shared their tacit and functional expertise with me. In fact, my management style and achievements had been noticed by employers and Human Resource Managers in organisations. After I started my consultancy and training practice, I had many clients. Many of these clients told me they hired me because of how I synthesised theory and practice and managed the achievements we made at the ETF Board. They told me that they recognise me as a man who actually practices what he preaches.

I heard that the new Minister had taken office in his new portfolio and held a press conference. The following Sunday, the Divaina newspaper published an article based on the Minister’s press conference about numerous frauds and wrongdoings at the ETF Board.

I was furious because they were farthest from the truth. In my fury, I picked up my phone, called the Minister directly, and asked whether I could see him now. He agreed. I showed the article and pointed out all the untruths in it. I told him that since I am not a politically appointed person but appointed for my professional competence, such articles would damage my reputation. He mumbled that he had been told about some wrongdoing and was surprised that it was published. Before I could say anything further, he promised to correct the misinformation.

Immediately, he changed the subject and asked me in Sinhala, “Is Aunty in Colombo or at Getamanna?” He was referring to my mother. He would visit Getamanna on and off, and my mother was fond of him. My mother would always speak on behalf of the villages and knew firsthand their requirements. Once, my mother told Mr Mahinda Rajapakse during an election campaign visit that the villagers want electricity rather than jobs.

He had promised, “Aunty, I will somehow give electricity to this village”. When other politicians, on their visits, hear my mother’s request, they explain the electricity master plan and how this village cannot be given electricity soon. As promised, Mahinda Rajapaksa arranged for electricity to be given to our village despite the so-called master plan. Therefore when he suddenly asked about my mother, I could be forgiven for letting my anger dissipate immediately. How could you continue that anger now? After that, I left after a cordial but brief chat. I have learned much from many Ministers I worked with. Still, Mahinda Rajapaksa, being a very shrewd and experienced politician, was, above all, the best.

 Since there was no correction in the newspapers as promised, I decided to take matters into my own hands. I telephoned Dr Seevali Ratwatta, Chairman of Upali Newspapers, to tell him my story and asked him to publish my version. I faxed it directly to his private fax machine, and it was published the very next Sunday. Many advised me not to challenge a new government, but since I had no skeletons in the cupboard, I believed what I did was correct.

 Postscript

 About two years after I left the ETF Board, I was reappointed as a Board member. I realised that the management was not very transparent and did not disclose some material information to the Board. I picked holes in many board papers and became a nuisance to the management. One such instance occurred when the members’ interest rate was being discussed. I challenged the calculation on the basis that the portfolio’s value diminution was not taken into account. I questioned whether it had been done in previous years and was assured that it had been duly accounted for. I asked that the diminution provided for the last three years be tabled at the next meeting. At that time, the “mark to market” methodology was not in the accounting standards. We were required to provide only for the diminution in the portfolio’s value.

In fact, during my tenure, I challenged this with the Public Enterprises Division, why only diminution was accounted for and not the appreciation of the share value, only to be told that there are many aspects of accountancy that an engineer would not understand. I could not see the logic of it at all. It should be done both ways. Many years later, the rules were changed to “mark to market,” so that all share investments would be marked at market value as at 31 December, thereby giving higher values to those investments that had appreciated. I was elated by this turn of events, which proved that engineers were ahead of the curve compared to accountants.

Coming back to the dispute over diminution, at the next meeting, a board paper was presented stating that no diminution has been provided for the last three years. This was a complete reversal of the earlier position. The management had misled the Board. Adding insult to injury, the board paper continued to say that if they had provided for diminution, they could not have paid a high interest rate. I explained to the Board the seriousness of this statement. Thereafter, I asked whether the Auditor General had commented on the non-provisioning for diminution. Once again, management said no, that no adverse comments were made.

I asked for the Auditor General’s report to be brought to the Board immediately and pointed to the relevant paragraph where the Auditor General clearly states that the profits are overstated due to the non-provision for diminution. By then, the other board members’ faces were red, and some suggested disciplinary action against the concerned officer. I could not resist the temptation and, completely disregarding my training in diplomacy, I blurted out that I would rather take disciplinary action against the Board for their apparent lapse.

At the ETF Board, the term of a director was 2 years, and when the 2-year term was up, I was the only one not reappointed. All the others were. If you rock the boat, you get thrown out. This is why it is essential to have an alert and qualified Board for a State-Owned Enterprise. As they say, “the fish rots from the head”. The Board of Directors is the head.

ETF directorships were coming to me again and again. First, it was as a nominee director of the Employers’ Federation of Ceylon. My role was to protect the funds employers contributed. I was unhappy with some of the Human Resource decisions but chose not to interfere, warning that I would not allow the funds to be misused. At the end of my two years, I opted out. Once again, I was appointed as a nominee Director, but my tenure was short-lived. I was appointed as the Chairman of NDB Bank.

Since the ETF held a substantial number of NDB shares, this affected my independence status. I once again resigned from the ETF Director Board. I have had no connection with the ETF Board since 2013.

The next episode will describe my foray into consultancy and training.

by Sunil G Wijesinha
(Consultant on Productivity and Japanese Management Techniques
Retired Chairman/Director of several Listed and Unlisted companies.
Awardee of the APO Regional Award for promoting Productivity in the Asia Pacific Region
Recipient of the “Order of the Rising Sun, Gold and Silver Rays” from the Government of Japan.
He can be contacted through email at bizex.seminarsandconsulting@gmail.com)



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Mannar’s silent skies: Migratory Flamingos fall victim to power lines amid Wind Farm dispute

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Victims: Flamingos / Birds found dead in Mannar

By Ifham Nizam

A fresh wave of concern has gripped conservationists following the reported deaths of migratory flamingos within the Vankalai Sanctuary—a globally recognised bird habitat—raising urgent questions about the ecological cost of large-scale renewable energy projects in the region.

The incident comes at a time when a fundamental rights petition, challenging the proposed wind power project, linked to India’s Adani Group, remains under examination before the Supreme Court, with environmental groups warning that the very risks they highlighted are now materialising.

At least two flamingos—believed to be part of the iconic migratory flocks that travel thousands of kilometres to reach Sri Lanka—were found dead after entanglement with high-tension transmission lines running across the sanctuary. Another bird was reportedly struggling for survival.

Professor Sampath Seneviratne, a leading ornithologist, expressed deep concern over the development, noting that such incidents are not isolated but indicative of a broader and predictable threat.

“These migratory birds depend on specific flyways that have remained unchanged for centuries. When high-risk infrastructure, like poorly planned power lines, intersect these routes, collisions become inevitable,” he said. “What we are witnessing now could be just the beginning if proper mitigation measures are not urgently implemented.”

Environmentalists argue that the Mannar region—particularly the Vankalai wetland complex—is one of the most critical stopover sites in South Asia for migratory waterbirds, including flamingos, pelicans, and various species of waders. The sanctuary’s ecological value has also supported a niche with growing eco-tourism sector, drawing birdwatchers from around the world.

Executive Director of the Centre for Environmental Justice, Dilena Pathragoda, said the incident underscores the urgency of judicial intervention and stricter environmental oversight.

“This tragedy is a direct consequence of ignoring scientifically established environmental safeguards. We have already raised these concerns before court, particularly regarding the location of transmission infrastructure within sensitive bird habitats,” Pathragoda said.

“Renewable energy cannot be pursued in isolation from ecological responsibility. If due process and proper environmental impact assessments are bypassed or diluted, then such losses are inevitable.”

Conservation groups have long cautioned that the installation of wind turbines and associated grid infrastructure—especially overhead transmission lines—within or near sensitive habitats could transform these landscapes into lethal zones for avifauna.

An environmental activist involved in the ongoing legal challenge said the latest deaths validate earlier warnings.

“This is exactly what we feared. Development is necessary, but not at the cost of biodiversity. When projects of this scale proceed without adequate ecological assessments and safeguards, the consequences are irreversible,” the activist stressed.

The debate has once again brought into focus the delicate balance between renewable energy expansion and biodiversity conservation. While wind energy is widely promoted as a clean alternative to fossil fuels, experts caution that “green” does not automatically mean “harmless.”

Professor Seneviratne emphasised that solutions do exist, including rerouting transmission lines, installing bird diverters, and conducting comprehensive migratory pathway studies prior to project approval.

“Globally, there are well-established mitigation strategies. The issue here is not the absence of knowledge, but the failure to apply it effectively,” he noted.

The timing of the incident is particularly worrying. Migratory flamingos typically remain in Sri Lanka until late April or May before embarking on their return journeys. Conservationists warn that if hazards remain unaddressed, larger flocks could face similar risks in the coming weeks.

Beyond ecological implications, experts also highlight potential economic fallout. Wildlife tourism—especially birdwatching—contributes significantly to local livelihoods in Mannar.

 Repeated reports of bird deaths could deter eco-conscious travellers and damage the region’s reputation as a safe haven for migratory species.

Environmentalists are now calling for immediate intervention by authorities, including a temporary halt to high-risk operations in sensitive zones, pending a thorough environmental review.

They stress that protecting animal movement corridors—whether elephant migration routes or avian flyways—is a fundamental pillar of modern conservation.

As the controversy unfolds, one question looms large: can Sri Lanka pursue sustainable energy without sacrificing the very natural heritage that defines it?

Pathragoda added that for now, the sight of fallen flamingos in Mannar stands as a stark reminder that development, if not carefully planned, can carry a heavy and irreversible cost.

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‘Weaponizing’ religion in the pursuit of power

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President Donald Trump; miscalculating in M-E / Ayatollah Khomeini; Architect of Iranian Revolution

A picture of US President Donald Trump apparently being prayed for by supporters, appearing in sections of the international media, said it all loud and clear. That is, religion is being flagrantly leveraged or prostituted by politicians single-mindedly bent on furthering their power aspirations.

Although in the case of the US President the trend took on may be an exceptionally graphic or dramatic form, the ‘weaponizing’ of religion is nothing particularly new, nor is it confined to only religiously conservative sections of the West. For example, in South Asia it is an integral part of politics. The ‘South Asian Eight’ are notorious for it and it could be unreservedly stated that in Sri Lanka, the latter’s ethnic conflict would be more amenable to resolution if religion was not made a potent weapon by ambitious politicians of particularly the country’s South.

The more enlightened sections of Christian believers in the US may not have been able to contain their consternation at the sight of the US President apparently being ‘blessed’ by pastors claiming adherence to Christianity. Any human is entitled to be blessed but not if he is leading his country to war without exhausting all the options at his disposal to end the relevant conflict by peaceful means.

More compounded would be his problem if his directives lead to the death of civilians in the hundreds. In the latter case he is stringently accountable for the spilling of civilian blood, that is, the committing of war crimes.

However, the US along with Israel did just that in the recent bombings of Iran, for instance. The majority of the lives lost were those of civilians. If the US President is endowed with a Christian conscience he would have paused to consider that he is guilty of ordering the taking of the life of another human which is forbidden in the teachings of Jesus Christ.

Moreover, the ‘pastors’ praying over the US President should have thought on the above lines as well. May be they were in an effort to curry the President’s favour which is as blame-worthy as legitimizing in some form the taking of civilian lives. Apparently, the realisation is not dawning on all Christian conservatives of the US that some of these ‘pastors’ could very well be the proverbial false prophets and the latter are almost everywhere, even in far distant Sri Lanka.

However, the political reality ‘on the ground’ is that the Christian Right is a stable support base of the Republican Right in the US. Considering this it should not come as a surprise to the seasoned political watcher if the Christian Right, read Christian fundamentalists, are hand-in-glove, so to speak, with President Trump. But it is a scathing indictment on these rightist sections that they are all for perpetrating war and destruction and not for the fostering of peace and reconciliation. Ideally, they should have impressed on their President the dire need to make peace.

That said, political commentators should consider it incumbent on themselves to point out that religion is being ‘weaponized’ in Iran as well. Theocratic rule in Iran has been essentially all about perpetuating the power of the clerical class. The reasons that led to the Islamic Revolution in Iran are complex and the indiscreet Westernization of Iran under the Shah dynasty is one of these but one would have expected Iran to develop from then on into a multi-party, pluralistic democratic state where people would be enjoying their fundamental rights, as enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, for example.

Moreover, Iran should have taken it upon itself to be a champion of world peace, in keeping with its Islamic credentials. But some past regimes in Iran had vowed to virtually bomb Israel out of existence and such regional policy trajectories could only bring perpetual conflict and war. Considering the current state of the Middle East it could be said that the unfettered playing out of these animosities is leading the region and the world to ‘reap the whirlwind’, having recklessly ‘sowed the wind’.

However, religious fundamentalism-inspired conflict and war has spread well beyond the Middle East into almost every region since 1979, the year of the Islamic Revolution in Iran. So much so, knowledgeable opinion now points out that religious identity has come to replace nationalism as a principal shaper of international politics or “geopolitics”, as quite a few sections misleadingly and incorrectly term it.

Elaborating on the decisive influence of religious identity, the well known and far traveled Western journalist Patrick Cockburn says in his authoritative and comprehensive book titled, ‘The Age of Jihad – Islamic State and the Great War for the Middle East’ at page 428 in connection with the war in Chechnya ; ‘If nationalism was not entirely dead, it no longer provided the ideological glue necessary to hold together and motivate people who were fighting a war. Unlike the Islamic faith, it was no longer a belief or a badge of identity for which people would fight very hard.’ (The book in reference was published by VERSO, London and New York).

In his wide coverage of Jihadist Wars the world over Cockburn goes on to state that today a call from a cleric could motivate his followers to lay down no less than their lives for a cause championed by the former. The 9/11 catastrophe alone should convince the observer that this is indeed true.

However, as often pointed out in this column, there is no alternative but to foster peace and reconciliation if a world free of bloodshed and strife is what is being sought. Fortunately we are not short of illustrious persons from the East and West who have shone a light on how best to get to a degree of peace. Besides Mahatma Gandhi of India, who was the subject of this column last week, we have former President of Iran Mohammad Khatami, who made a case for a ‘Dialogue of Civilizations’ rather than a ‘Clash of Civilizations’.

The time is more than ripe to take a leaf from these illustrious personalities, for, the current state of war in the Middle East has raised the possibility of a war that could transcend regional boundaries. The antagonists are obliged to exhaust all the peaceful options with the assistance of the UN system. Besides, war cannot ever have the blessings of the sane.

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Venerable Rahula Thera’s 35-year green mission and national Namal Uyana

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Venerable Rahula Thera

It was 35 years ago, on March 28, 1991, that Venerable Rahula Thera, then a young monk, embarked on a journey to the Na forest in Ulpathagama, Palagama, in the Anuradhapura District. Today, three and a half decades later, this mission stands as living proof of the enduring bond between Buddhist philosophy and the natural world.

Marking the 35th year of this green mission, Rahula Thera’s relentless dedication has transformed the National Namal Uyana into an environmental landmark admired not only across Sri Lanka but around the globe, as well.

When studying the life of Venerable Rahula Thera, one cannot ignore the profound connection between Buddhism and the environment. Buddhism is a philosophy deeply attuned to nature. The historical use of the sacred “Na Ruka” by all four Buddhas: Mangala Buddha, Sumana Buddha, Revata Buddha, and Sobhita Buddha — for enlightenment —demonstrates that from time immemorial, Buddhism has maintained a sacred bond with the Na tree. From the birth of Siddhartha to his enlightenment, the propagation of the Dharma, and even the great Parinirvana, all of these milestones unfolded in verdant, living landscapes.

Venerable Rahula Thera did not embark on the Namal Uyana mission seeking government support or personal gain. His commitment sprang from a deep devotion to the Buddha’s teachings on grove cultivation. A grove cultivator is one who spreads compassion for nature. As the Vanaropa Sutta teaches:

Venerable Rahula Thera reclaimed Namal Uyana which was then under the control of timber smugglers and treasure hunters. The term “Wanawasi” does not merely mean living in a forest; it signifies finding rest and enlightenment through nature, free from the destructive roots of greed, sin, and delusion.

Another defining aspect of Venerable Rahula Thera’s 35-year mission is the purification of the human mind. He has consistently taught the thousands who visit Namal Uyana that a person who loves a tree will never harm another human being. As the Dhamma proclaims:

It is important to remember that Venerable Rahula Thera devoted his life, without fear, speaking the truth and taking necessary action, tirelessly advancing the national mission he began. From 1991 to the present, he has worked with every government elected by the people, maintaining impartiality and independence from political ideology. Yet, he never hesitated to raise his voice fearlessly against any individual, of any rank or party, who committed wrongdoing.

Religious and Social Mission

The National Namal Uyana is not merely a forest; it is a magnificent heritage site, dating back to ancient times. Scattered across the landscape are boundary walls, the remains of ancient monastery complexes, and stone carvings believed to date back to the reign of King Devanampiyatissa. In earlier centuries, this sacred land had served as a meditation sanctuary for hundreds of monks. The name “National Namal Uyana,” by which this ecological and archaeological treasure is known today, was introduced by Venerable Rahula Thera in 1991. The government’s later recognition of the site as the National Namal Uyana stands as a significant achievement for both religion and national heritage.

Venerable Rahula Thera is a monk who has lived a life of renunciation. A striking example of this is his decision not to assume the position of Chief Incumbent of the National Namal Uyana Viharaya, instead entrusting the temple to the Ramanna Nikaya and its trustees. In doing so, he set a precedent for the contemporary Sangha. The Thera himself stated that he was merely the trustee of Namal Uyana, not its owner.

Legacy and Continuing Inspiration

The 35th anniversary of Venerable Wanawasi Rahula Thera’s arrival at Namal Uyana is not merely the commemoration of a period of time; it is a message of nature to future generations. Through his work, the Thera revived the ancient Hela tradition of loving trees and venerating the environment as something sacred. This religious and environmental mission remains unforgettable.

The revival experienced by Namal Uyana, after the arrival of Venerable Wanawasi Rahula Thera, is beyond simple description. Some of the major accomplishments achieved under his leadership include:

* Securing and protecting the largest Rose Quartz (Rosa Thirivana) reserve in South Asia.

* Restoring the Na forest spread across hundreds of acres, providing shelter to numerous rare plants and animal species.

* Transforming the area into a living centre for environmental education, offering practical learning experiences for thousands of schoolchildren and university students.

* Drawing the attention of world leaders and international environmentalists to Sri Lanka’s unique environmental heritage.

In recognition of his immense contribution to environmental conservation, Venerable Rahula Thera was honoured with the Presidential Environment Award and the Green Award in 2004—a significant moment in his life. Yet the Thera himself has always remained devoted to the work rather than the recognition it brings, making such appreciation even more meaningful.

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