Features
Dire Predictions, Karmic Quirks, Solheim’s Return and Ranilnomics
by Rajan Philips
The Sri Lankan political class has a ‘measurement problem’ with the economic crisis in the country. Political leaders and organizations, specifically the current parliament, seem to be lacking in competence to come to terms with the magnitude of the current economic problem. This failure manifests itself in the same-old-same-old ways in which parliament is conducting itself, and in the President’s facile optimism that although the crisis is grave, the country has in him the man who is capable of overcoming it. The assumption, or even the fact, that Ranil Wickremesinghe is the only one in parliament who has a measure of the problem does not by itself reduce the magnitude of the problem or renders its solution any easier.
The inability to grasp the magnitude of the problem invariably leads to superficial responses, both internally and externally. The optimism on the external front involves the assumption that all the external support mechanisms to overcome the economic crisis will eventually and somehow fall into place. It is only a matter of time. So, give some time and slack to the President. If only the realities were so simple! Cabinet ministers and a good majority of MPs seem to be taking it for granted that the IMF agreement, China’s concessions, the overall restructuring of debt payments, and the reopening of channels for new FDI inflows – all these will somehow start happening.
Dire Predictions
This level of optimism is contrary to the global reality which in every sense involves a highly divided, dog-eat-dog world in which it is already a struggle for Sri Lanka to get the attention and priority it desperately needs. That desperation is not sinking into the heads of cabinet ministers and MPs who are waiting to become ministers. Again, the assumption, or even the fact, that in President Wickremesinghe Sri Lanka has a leader who can reach out and get help from any country in the world does not necessarily mean that help is on the way, in double quick time, and in amounts that help is needed at any given time.
Add to this the dire predictions about a global economic downturn for 2023, and the specific warning in the IMF’s biannual World Economic Outlook released last Tuesday. that “the worst is yet to come, and for many people 2023 will feel like a recession.” Sri Lanka’s situation, by any measurement, is worse than a recession. And releasing the Outlook report, the IMF’s director of research, Pierre-Olivier Gourinchas offered this admonition about low-income countries: “Too many low-income countries are in or close to debt distress. Progress towards orderly debt restructurings through the Group of Twenty’s Common Framework for the most affected is urgently needed to avert a wave of sovereign debt crisis. Time may be soon running out.”
Sri Lanka is well past the point of aversion. Its debt restructuring talks are virtually stalled over the impasse involving the debt owed to China. This week Washington is hosting the annual meetings of the IMF and the World Bank attended by finance officials and central bankers from around the world. How is Sri Lanka going to be prioritized in this climate? State Minister of Finance Shehan Semasinghe is providing ministerial representation for Sri Lanka at the Washington meetings. This is the pathetic level at which Sri Lanka’s economic literacy is being exhibited at world gatherings of finance ministers and experts. Not to be outdone at home, the full Cabinet of Ministers reportedly decided to have Sri Lanka formally downgraded from middle-income status to low-income status. It was left to the much learned Minister Bandula Gunawardana to make the announcement on behalf of the cabinet, only to have it shot down almost immediately by the President’s Media Division. Perhaps one might feel sorry for the President in all this, but then again all of this including the cabinet is his own making.
Karmic Quirks
For his part, the President addressed parliament again on October. When I read the Sunday Island’s editorial last week on the President’s statement to parliament and its banner-coverage by the Daily News, I could not help chuckling how the wheels of political karma have turned over the last fifty years. That is a long time in politics by any measure, but here we have the Lake House papers that were nationalized by an SLFP-led government in 1973 to rebuke the Wijewardenas and the Wickremesinghes, now feting the grandson of DR Wijewardena and the son of Esmond Wickremesinghe, who is also Sri Lanka’s most fortuitous, but not quite fortunate, Head of State and Head of Government.
There was another karmic quirk that occurred recently, figuring Tiran Alles, who was the alleged mastermind behind the equally alleged arrangement between the LTTE and Mahinda Rajapaksa in the 2005 presidential election that led to the infamous fatwa that stopped Tamils in the North and East from voting and precipitated the defeat of Ranil Wickremesinghe by the narrowest of margins. That was then, and now Tiran Alles as Minister of Public Security is said to have misled President Wickremesinghe into signing the abominably extraordinary gazette on High Security Zones. The gazette has been withdrawn and the President’s supporters have blamed the Minister and the over-zealous Defense Secretary for the gazette misadventure. But that does not wholly absolve the President, for he should have known better without asking for the Attorney General’s opinion and he should be held responsible for appointing and/or retaining the current crop of Ministers and Ministry Secretaries.
All these nuggets would have been great for polemic grinding in ordinary times. But we are not in ordinary times, but extraordinary times. Politics itself is extraordinarily different, and the underlying living experiences of the people are extraordinarily difficult. But the government and the SLPP Ministers and MPs in parliament are not at sensitized to the people’s difficulties and the country’s challenges. They have abdicated their responsibilities to the President in return for the President protecting their interests.
In his statement to parliament, the President confessed to being repetitive and said, “I would like to draw your attention to some of the challenges we face today in reviving the collapsed economy” … and insisted that “we have got to consider it over and over again since it would enable us to comprehend the real picture of the situation we are in today.” However, the President did not present in any great detail – what he called “the real picture” of the country’s economy. And to the point of this article, the President’s address was full of words but there were no numbers – either about the severity of Sri Lanka’s debt problems, or about the timelines for their restructuring and repayments. Instead, he papered over the economic crimes of the Rajapaksas, and berated unnamed “groups” for apparently wanting to destroy the economy in order to capture political power.
The return of Solheim
Obviously, the President was having in mind the JVP whom he could not publicly scold after being with the JVP in the yahapalanaya government. His target group of course is the Frontline Socialist Party, which too the President chose not to name, perhaps out of deference to the JVP. Once again, the President reminded the country that he “embarked on this journey taking a huge risk … at a time when no other political party or leader of the opposition would accept this risk” … and requested all parliamentarians “to join a common program to build the country through the National Assembly of Parliament, “Jana Sabhava” which is to be established soon, and Parliamentary Sectoral Committees.”
The President has got himself into a habit of calling, at one moment, all MPs to join him, and then flying off the handle quite immediately and threatening to call a referendum unless parliament acts soon enough according to his timetable, which nobody knows. His latest referendum threat involves the Local Government elections. Few weeks earlier it was all about parliament coming to a consensus about enacting new election laws after sitting on them for nearly ten years. Now out of the blues comes the extraordinary announcement that the President has appointed former Norwegian Minister Erik Solheim as his “International Climate Adviser.”
It is not quite out of the blues when you hear from Mr. Solheim himself, how this appointment came about. According to his email exchange with the Daily Mirror, “My old friend Ranil Wickremesinghe invited me to visit Sri Lanka and asked me to be his International Climate Adviser. I am looking forward to working closely with the President and his great team on how to assist Sri Lanka to find a green pathway out of the economic crisis. Renewable energy, electric mobility, tree planting, green agriculture and ecotourism all offer huge opportunities for jobs and prosperity while taking good care of Mother Earth at the same time.” Is this another turn of the wheel of karma?
Not surprisingly, Mr. Solheim has called “the proposal for a university on climate science in Sri Lanka a brilliant idea,” and noted that “Sri Lanka has a very rich intellectual tradition and can establish a hub for climate science – working closely with other Indian Ocean nations and the rest of the world.” What can you say, except ask, what are friends for? Even when your country is struggling to feed its children. Why did not the President think of appointing Mr. Solheim as his international adviser to prevent malnutrition among Sri Lanka’s children? That would have been a little less indefensible.
Ranilnomics
Through all these distractions, Mr. Wickremesinghe’s ultimate reason for being President is his assumed ability to lead Sri Lanka’s economic recovery. In his many statements since “embarking on this journey taking a huge risk,” first as crisis Prime Minister and now as redeemer President, Ranil Wickremesinghe has been outlining his approach to overcoming Sri Lanka’s economic problems. Dr. W.A Wijewardena, a former Deputy Governor of the Central Bank and a frequent writer of expert articles on practical economics, has described Mr. Wickremesinghe’s approach in summary as “Ranilnomics.”
Ranilnomics is the Wickremesinghe version of “social market economy policy” that was first tried in postwar Germany. As described by Dr. Wijewardena, it was “an attempt at finding a middle path between pure capitalism and extreme socialism.” Mr. Wickremesinghe has been elaborating on this for some time – first as half-powerful Prime Minister in the yahapalana government and now as all-powerful president in a post-Rajapaksa government. Given Mr. Wickremesinghe’s somewhat long association with ‘social market economy’ (SME) and predating the current economic crisis, the SME approach is not an automatic toolbox with all or most of the tools that might be appropriate for use in the current situation.
In fact, there is no such ready made toolbox, but there are enough economists in Sri Lanka who would be able to provide consistent advice to the government. The President has occasionally referred to experts offering voluntary advice and support to him and to the government. If so, why is it that their involvement is not made public or channeled through formal institutional arrangements? Ever since public protests broke out against the Rajapaksa regime, expectations arose that outside experts would be brought into parliament and cabinet through the National List avenue. The JVP and some of the opposition parties were prepared to sacrifice their MPs to create openings for outside experts to enter parliament and then the cabinet. Of course, that would be anathema to SLPP MPs.
But why has not the President done anything to bring in outside experts as MPs and make them ministers? Instead, there is Shehan Semasinghe, State of Minister of Finance, doing the honours for Sri Lanka at the IMF and the World Bank in Washington. There is Bandula Gunawardene always talking out of turn in Colombo, and the whole cabinet seriously deciding to formally downgrade Sri Lanka from middle-income status to low income status. In all the reporting of interventions by other countries and international agencies, there seems to be an emerging focus on helping vulnerable sections meeting their basic needs and helping children avoid malnutrition.
There might be financial and material support to prevent severe food shortages and malnutrition, but no easy way out for the government to get an IMF agreement on track and to reach agreement on a debt restructuring package. That would be just rewards for a government that in spite of having a new President has learnt nothing and forgotten everything from the exit passage of the Rajapaksa family. Unfortunately, the people will have to suffer collateral damages but they will have their turn, hopefully sooner than later, to vote the present rascals out and elect a new parliament that will have credibility both within and outside the country.
Features
The NPP’s Dilemma: Arresting Politics and Unarresting Progress
by Rajan Philips
The 22nd Amendment has given the government’s critics a convenient cudgel to beat up the government. But there has been no crushing blow by any effective opponent. Too many people have been taking too many turns and striking too many blows, but no one has landed anything to shake the government in any way. The whole drama is the new Sri Lankan parody of Lilliputians taking on Gulliver. Nonetheless, the critics have found an opening to keep haranguing the government. There are two prongs to their exertions.
One is the pre-NPP past of the old JVP. In political years, the chasm is as wide as that between the Old Testament and the New Testament. This provides the basis for claiming that 22A is the NPP government’s first step towards ending parliamentary democracy. The hilarity of this accusation is matched by its hypocrisy inasmuch as the current chief accuser was also the high priest of the 18th Amendment that was set up to envision a third term for Mahinda Rajapaksa. Who else – but GL Pieris. One good thing the Bar Association did was to keep GL Pieris entirely out of its entourages.
The second front of attacks on the government is based on the JVP-NPP’s cohabitation in the Yahapalanaya diarchy of Sirisena and Wickremesinghe. Indeed, the question has been asked: Is Malimawa heading to be the second Yahapalanaya? If that were so, GL Peiris and others should be able to feign a sigh of relief that parliamentary democracy is indeed safe owing to the NPP’s incompetence. But the absurdity of the Malimawa – Yahapalanaya allusion is a different laugh. Perhaps, more than one laugh.
One is in the table-talk suggestion that “due to the misdeeds of Pohottuwa that followed Yahapalanaya, voters gave an overwhelming mandate to Malimawa…” Sanitizing the disaster that was Gotabaya presidency as misdeed is quite a feat. A more serious look is about the voters who gave the “overwhelming mandate to Malimawa.” Most of the Malimawa voters were peeled off the Pohottuwa vote block, while Yahapalanaya voters were left to choose between Sajith Premadasa and Ranil Wickremesinghe. Namal Rajapaksa who was supposed to stand down in support of Ranil Wickremasinghe in the hope of diverting Pohottuwa votes to RW. Instead, the Rajapaksa scion decided to get big race experience, fared badly in the race and caused another serial defeat for RW.
Arresting Politics
Now the political wheels are turning differently. Namal Rajapaksa has become the latest martyr of the government’s arresting politics. Illusorily or not, the young Rajapaksa believes that he’s finding political traction in the country and that the government is putting him behind bars to slow him down. Coming to his defence is of course the inscrutable (even to himself) Ranil Wickremesinghe.
Sajith Premadasa has apparently remained quiet so far, and so has the SJB. Neither has made any statement or expressed concern over the arrest of Namal Rajapaksa on Friday, September 4. It is not that Mr. Premadasa is becoming what Ranil Wickremesinghe was to Mahinda Rajapaksa – the government’s Minister of the Opposition, but the man has no political fire in his belly. If his passion is for wildlife, he should ask the government to put him in charge of running the Yala National Park. He can have a better animal farm there than what he seems to be suffering within his Party and in parliament.
Mr. Rajapaksa has been arrested over the Airbus purchase scandal that goes back to 2012 and 2013. The details of the scandal are known, and allegations of payoffs have been rumoured for quite a while. Yet it is the of pattern of Friday morning questioning, evening arrest and arraignment, and weekend incarceration – that has become all too familiar and fodder for cynical misgivings. There have been too many arrests but too few trials, let alone convictions. All arrests and no trials not only erodes public confidence in the process, but also let the criminals and their beneficiaries go Scot-free.
For his part, Namal Rajapaksa is claiming that the government timed his arrest to scuttle the political rally that he and the SLPP have scheduled for Saturday, September 12, in Anuradhapura. Their claim seems to that the Anuradhapura rally will mark the scion’s coming of age as a viable presidential candidate. The claim gets some credence in the context of the government’s own political planning for holding a series of pro-government public rallies where President Dissanayake will be both the show and substance. The first of the NPP rallies is coincidentally scheduled for Sunday, September 13, and also in Anuradhapura.
Next week, we will have all the commentaries and comparisons about the two rival rallies in Anuradhapura. Future rallies will show whether Mr. Rajapaksa is actually surging in the public recognition of his political abilities, and whether the government is actually concerned about this apparent surge and mounting a counter surge of its own. If all this were true, the irrelevance of Sajith Premadasa will become even more entrenched, and the personal relevance of Ranil Wickremesinghe will become even more real.
For the pundit theory is that while the NPP might view Namal Rajapaksa as a growing threat in popular politics, its more substantive fear is about Ranil Wickremesinghe and what he says about the economy. To wit, the government’s full throttled response to Mr. Wickremasinghe’s casual remark at a political book launch that the government may not be having enough forex reserves when foreign creditors come collecting in 2028.
The Real Question
The real question is apart from the show and tell of political rallies there is still not much to write home about government performance on the substance of the economy. The government has so far been quite good at keeping the economic house in order. Keeping order is not too difficult a task once you start keeping corruption out of the door. But there are no signs of the government doing anything substantial on the economic front, especially the export sector for without significantly increasing export earnings it will be impossible to carry out debt repayment.
The government has been commended for identifying 33 State-Owned-Enterprises (SOEs) for closure or restructuring. Yet there are a few biggies left, including the debt burdened Sri Lankan Airlines with about $ 2 billion estimated to be its accumulated losses. The government has also announced a slew of mega projects in highways and the energy sector. At the same time, there are ethno-economic criticisms that the government is delaying work on the KKS Harbour and the Palaly Airport projects that have Indian funding.
Highway projects can be a curse dressed up as blessing, and they are coming out of the same Rajapaksa economic playbook. There are rumours that would be corporate beneficiaries of mega highway projects have found an inside track to government decision makers. It is up to the government to prove that such allegations are untrue and to demonstrate that it will not be bought over in contract awards. Highway construction is also import heavy even with local contractors. The economic worry should be that with too many highway projects, all going on at the same time, there will be a drain on the limited forex reserves to bring in equipment and materials. That was the experience of the highway robberies under the Rajapaksas and the NPP government can forget the lessons from that era only at its peril.
On a positive note, there is commendable activity in the renewable energy sector, amidst warnings by the Public Utilities Commission (PUSCL) about new power cuts under El Niño weather conditions. The PUSCL recently approved new feed-in tariffs for electricity from renewable energy sources and has directed the newly minted National System Operator (NSO) to expedite the implementation of Battery Energy Storage System with sufficient capacity to accommodate solar energy. There is some and back-and-forth between the two agencies about implementation details, but that is a good disagreement to have as opposed to the prolonged agreement about doing nothing on renewable energy.
There is a new green light for the once controversial 350 MW LNG power project in Kerawalapitiya. The project is being undertaken by Sahasdhanavi Limited on a Build-Own-Operate-Transfer (BOOT) basis, and will be implemented in two phases. The unfortunate snag is that in both phases, initial operations will be based on diesel with expectation to switch to Regasified Liquefied Natural Gas (RLNG) which will require additional infrastructure and supply arrangements. One would hope that diesel generation will not become a permanent feature in Kerawalapitiya.
To its credit, the government launched Sri Lanka’s largest renewable energy project, the ‘Rividanavi’ Solar Power Park project, in September 2025, in the Monaragala District, as part of the target to generate 70% of the country’s electricity from renewable energy sources by 2030. Sooner the country reduces its reliance on thermal energy, the better for its economy and the environment.
The government seems to be wanting in messaging its achievements, big or small, to the public in consistent and convincing ways. The mode of messaging through presidential rallies may not have much benefit except during an election campaign. At the same time, the government is getting caught up in controversies of its own making. The exertions on all sides over the 22nd Amendment is a case in point. In the upshot, it is the judiciary that has been badmouthed and diminished. The lure of arresting politics could be appealing in the short term, but can come back to haunt one if no one gets convicted.
For all intent and purpose, the government has missed the bus on constitutional reforms. I would be the first to applaud if my prediction turns out to be incorrect. But the government cannot walk away from the economy the way it seems to have abandoned its promise on the constitution. And the challenge of managing even a small national economy is not getting any easier with all the havoc that the Trump Administration is wreaking on America and the world.
Features
Remembering Nihal Rodrigo: A friendship extending over 50 years
Nihal Passed away on 14th August, a few days after his 86th birthday. Nandi, Raffi and Anouk, his granddaughter, had been with him from New York till just a week before he died. In the weeks after he passed away, there have been glowing tributes to Nihal by his professional colleagues and from organisations in which he served. My tribute is personal, of friendship over decades with a multi-talented and kind-hearted gentleman, with a delightful sense of humour, who wore his talents so lightly.
I cannot speak of Nihal without talking of his wife Chitra. To me, they were an ideal union. They shared the same values of kindness, generosity, commitment, professionalism, humility and unquestionable integrity. They also shared many interests – in art, theatre, film, classical music (both oriental and western), literature and world affairs, to name a few. They were equal partners, each respecting the other’s views and looking out for the other. They had their arguments, but with never a loud, rude, harsh or unpleasant word.
I first met Nihal and his family nearly 50 years ago in Manhattan, New York. I had moved to Cornell University in Ithaca, New York, as a graduate student in January 1978. I had an introduction to them from my close friend Radhika Coomaraswamy, who had known them since her student days in New York. Nihal was Counsellor at the Sri Lanka Mission to the UN. He and Chitra, together with their 6-year old twins, Nandi and Satya, graciously opened their home to me. From the beginning, I was made to feel a part of this delightful family and I considered their apartment in Manhattan as my “home away from home”. I regularly dislodged one of the twins from a bed to a sleeping bag on the floor, whenever I turned up in the “Big Apple” on the six-hour greyhound bus ride from Ithaca, comfortable enough to occasionally bring a friend along as well!
I have such happy memories of walking in Central Park eating ice-cream with the foursome, or going to movies and Broadway shows with Chitra. Our friendship never wavered over the next several decades and geographical distances, as they moved from one diplomatic post to another. I remain ever-grateful to Radhika for that initial introduction.
My father (Sam Wijesinha) had befriended them before me, when he had accompanied a Parliamentary delegation to Australia in 1970, in his capacity as Secretary General of Parliament, and he was a great fan. Nihal was then acting High Commissioner and they had brought him to their home for a chat and informal dinner after an official party they had all three attended. When they got home, both Nihal and Chitra realized that neither had taken their keys with them and they were locked outside their own home with their guest! Undeterred, Nihal managed to prise open the kitchen window and climb into the house to let the other two in. My father remained a great admirer of Nihal and Chitra forever after!
From Counsellor in New York, Nihal rose to Ambassador status, SAARC Secretary-General and Foreign Secretary, and finally as our Ambassador in China. They were such fun and gracious hosts when my husband and I visited them in both Kathmandu and Beijing and made their home our base while travelling in Nepal and China. They were the perfect diplomatic couple, able to converse with, and entertain royalty, presidents, the literary, arts and business communities and regular citizens, with equal ease, grace and dignity. It certainly did not harm the Sri Lankan image that they were also an extraordinarily good-looking couple!
Nihal and Chitra met as students at Peradeniya University in its golden years. They enjoyed Ediriweera Sarachchandra’s plays at the famous open-air theatre, while Nihal was also President of the English Drama Society. On my return to Sri Lanka in the mid-‘80s, it was Chitra who introduced me to Sinhabahu and Maname, as well as all the glorious ballets performed by the Chitrasena and Vajira dance troupe.
As mentioned by others, Nihal was an authority on art and a painter himself. Nihal, Chitra and fellow students were befriended by George Keyt, then living in Kandy. Canvasses in their home showcase Nihal’s artistic talents, as well as early Keyt paintings, gifts from the artist himself. Later, Nihal served on and supported the George Keyt Foundation in many ways. He was also a lover of, and an authority on film. I remember especially the Audrey Hepburn and Humphrey Bogart classics. If one wished to watch, one had only to visit the Rodrigos and ask- Nihal had an entire collection of those DVDs.
Nihal could speak with authority, in language a lay person could understand, on geopolitics, especially the power changes taking place in an increasingly volatile world. His astuteness on Sri Lanka’s diplomatic relations was ahead of his time.
In the early 1990s, Nihal was Secretary to a high-level Foreign Affairs Study Group (FASG) appointed by President Premadasa and chaired by Dr. Gamani Corea, with Mervyn de Silva, Lakshman Kadirgamar and S.K. Wickremesinghe among its members.
As the Cold War had ended and Asia began emerging as an economic force, Nihal saw that, along with two economically awakening giants China and India, fast developing countries in East and South East Asia would become increasingly important to Sri Lanka for its own future development. He therefore officially co-opted me, from the Central Bank’s Economic Research Department, to provide the FASG with regular statistical updates of Sri Lanka’s economic and trade links with those very countries.
His thinking has proved correct, although I do not think successive Sri Lankan governments gave such astuteness the importance it warranted.
His final diplomatic posting, as Ambassador to China, reflected the enormous respect in which he was held. His time there was invaluable to Sri Lanka. Since his return to Sri Lanka in 2007, he was one of the most sought-after authorities on China in the region. He lectured in academic institutions and was a popular speaker on Sri Lanka’s foreign policy for well over a decade after his retirement.When his health began to deteriorate, he led a quieter life, meeting friends and family in their home, ably cared for by his devoted wife through the years that followed.
Nihal’s and Chitra’s interest in world issues and the arts have been inherited by, and nurtured in both Nandi and Satya, and most likely, Anouk too. Today, where are those delightful six-year olds whose beds I took over all those years ago?
Nandi is Head of Research at the New York Times Magazine, married to Raffi, a senior writer for the New Yorker, and Satya, a senior diplomat in Sri Lanka’s Foreign Service, currently serves as our Ambassador in Rome, with the same charm and professionalism as his father. So, to me, Nihal and Chitra were also role-model parents, giving their twins space to grow and develop their own individual personalities.
Nihal had many admirable qualities, but what I admired most was how his intellect and creative abilities sat so lightly on him. He shared of his knowledge, experience and wisdom without ever acting superior or talking down to anyone; he could turn a tense moment in a discussion and lighten the mood in a wink, with a delightfully witty remark or joke, and always had time to chat and joke with us younger adults, however busy his work schedule.
But Nihal was not all-perfect! It was Chitra, his soul-mate, he relied on so completely for all matters practical and financial, including hosting, entertaining and maintaining their homes all over the world, and for companionship, comfort, peace and harmony, in their own home in Colombo, in the final years of his life.
He will be missed by all who knew him, but we will all treasure memories of a talented, humane individual who made this world a better place. May he rest in peace.
Anila Dias Bandaranaike
Features
The Essence of the Notion of ‘Father’: A short review of Piyasara Gedara by Liyanage Amarakeerthi
By Ashanthi Ekanayake
There has been a trend in social media in inquiring of its users what their favourite literary works are and I took some time to explore which poem I might single out as the best of its kind written in English which is of personal significance. I immediately thought of the poem “Daddy” by Sylvia Plath. I made the choice quickly because I had been thinking of it since I began to read Amarakeerthi’s latest novel. The notion of the father and the larger metaphor of the patriarch or the arch patriarch has been something all societies have grappled with since the beginning. Plath declares in the second verse Daddy, “I have had to kill you.” This act of parricide has been a strong metaphor in many literary works and also in the etiological myths of many peoples.
I was initiated to the history of our race and nation as a young child and I remember that I had no qualms about accepting that I came from a lineage which had a certain “lion” in the beginning and that the lion had two children and that they “married” to start our race. Firstly, I heard this story as a young child and “marriage” did not mean much to me, secondly, I was from a generation which was not allowed to question and challenge my “elders and betters.” I was also a somewhat passive and placid child. When it was (unfortunately) my turn to do the honours in initiating my own offspring they were not so gullible. They were appalled and not impressed. They said in one voice “what ignominy to trace one’s beginning to parricide, bestiality and incest.” Fortunately for me I know some “Classics.’ So, my rejoinder was that even the Greeks and Romans have similar accounts and reminded them of Oedipus. Oedipus and Sinhabahu both have to kill their fathers to come into their own, regardless of the fact that Oedipus meets with tragedy. The notion of the patriarch and succession through parricide has been a historical reality and a literary strategy explored by many and has an etiological function.
In this sense the narrative of Piyăsara Gedara by Amarakeerthi Liyanage makes the reader question this accepted notion of the patriarch and also the role of the father/father figure by their presence and absence in the novel itself. Not stopping there Amarakeerthi uses the shadowy and unnamed yet unmistakable character of “sir,” in the novel as a parasitic dramaturge who has a rather overbearing personality. This shadowy figure is mirrored by the introduction of fathers who are not quite fathers in the later chapters. Amarakeerthi has been committed to writing novels experimenting with different styles while touching on themes which are current and relevant. His unhurried creative exercise has always managed to keep the reader engaged in questioning social norms and accepted values and exploring the very politics of the creative enterprise and also recent events. The metaphor borrowed from a renowned stylized stage play is an extended metaphor with the heart room of the Dias home gaining an importance as a significant space. (I refrain from exploring the obvious nationalist aspect because the readers will come to these assumptions on their own.)
Just as there are many fathers, Dias appears to be just like the youngsters in the narrative, lost in the ruminations of what his father might have achieved had he not been in the shadow of the dramaturge who himself remains a shadowy figure in the narrative rather like the murder instrument which is not one. His realisation that his father was not unique and not deserving of many of the accolades that Dias had wanted as a son for his father gives the novel a certain bildungsroman/coming of age quality even though Dias appears to be relatively old. A rather late coming of age for Dias because he has to see that his father was not all that he believed him to be. This aspect of the novel also resonates with the notions of anxiety of influence/anxiety of authorship because Dias whom the playwright wants to rename is in fact doing much of the groundwork in research for the work the person referred only as “sir.” The other fathers are of a variety of types that we encounter in our everyday relationships. The absence of one father encourages one character to become vigilante like. The introduction of the manikin/mannequin or “womannequin” provides an alter-ego to one of the characters who is also described as doll-like.
As always Amarkeerthi’s latest creation is packed with metaphors which keep the reader alert in piecing together the story. He opens the novel using a technique resonant with the ultra-performativity of the current day and age. His narrative has a cinematic quality which is in keeping with the modern experience of a drone capturing the action as it takes place. This makes the novelist appear very powerful, even godlike and the experience makes the reader a viewer in a sense. He ties this narrative strategy in the final few pages and carries it on to the acknowledgement which is rather like watching movie credits roll at the end where he names the cast and crew.
In addition to the dramatic/cinematic quality, the novelist also uses onomatopoeia as a narrative strategy which I will not spoil for those who are yet to read the novel. Among the many themes explored are the
There is an irony in the notion of the patriarch because the very patriarch we challenge literally or figuratively is the one who gives us our name and our being and makes us into who we are, and ultimately renders himself a figure we have to destroy in order to come into our own. All the characters in the novel, main and the relatively insignificant are all used in exploring this metaphor of the father.
Plath says at the end of the poem “Daddy, daddy, you bastard, I’m through.” The irony of the presence or absence of the father and the notion of bastardy and the stigma involved and the social necessity of the presence of a father, is an aspect of our lives we will continue to explore in our creative enterprise.
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