Midweek Review

Corruption saga continues

Published

2 years ago

2022/08/31

Sahan Weerasooriya

A jubilant Rankan Ramanayake leaving Welikada prison (pic by Jude Denzil Pathiraja)

By Shamindra Ferdinando

The Sri Lanka Institute of Directors (SLID) and Transparency International Sri Lanka (TISL) recently declared corruption as the root cause of Sri Lanka’s current political and economic crisis. The declaration was made in a statement titled, “SLID and TISL launch ‘Business Against Corruption’ Initiative” issued to the media after the two organisations finalised an agreement on a three-year plan to address the issues at hand.

The statement described the contract as strategic collaboration between the two NGOs. Veteran banker Faizal Salieh and Attorney-at-Law Nadishani Perera signed the agreement for SLID and TISL, respectively.

TISL was launched in late 2002 whereas SLID came into being in April 2000. The assertion that corruption bankrupted the country underscored the failure on the part of successive governments (parliaments), the Finance Ministry, Monetary Board, CIABOC, Attorney General’s Department and the Auditor General’s Department, as well as apparent well-meaning bodies, like SLID and TISL. The way the political party system hindered and diluted the National Audit Bill and the Parliament moved court against the releasing of MPs’ asset declarations indicate the challenges faced in reforming the system.

No less a person than the Governor of the Central Bank Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe, in May this year, acknowledged Sri Lanka’s shameful status. Dr. Weerasinghe, who retired as Senior Deputy Governor, CBSL in January 2021, was requested to take over the CBSL in April this year in the wake of Ajith Nivard Cabraal’s resignation amidst an unprecedented deterioration of the country’s financial situation.

Nadishani Perera succeeded as TISL’s Executive Director from Asoka Obeysekera in January 2021. Salieh was unanimously elected as the Chairman, SLID for the year 2021/22 at a virtual AGM held on Aug. 11, 2021. It would be pertinent to mention that the then State Minister of Finance, Capital Markets and State Enterprise Reforms Cabraal was the Chief Guest at this meet held a month before Central Bank Governor Prof. W.D. Lakshman was unceremoniously asked to step down to pave the way for the State Minister to return to the Governor’s Office.

Cabraal previously served as the 12th Governor of CBSL from July 2006 to January 2015 and returned. His second stint as the 16th Governor, CBSL lasted just eight months. As the 16h Governor he was elevated to the Cabinet rank. As a result, the Governor’s rank in the Table of Precedence has gone up from 20th to fifth place. The Governor is now ranked below the President, Prime Minister, Speaker and the Chief Justice.

In joint fifth place, the Table of Precedence comprises the Leader of the Opposition, Cabinet of Ministers and the Field Marshal.

When Cabraal succeeded Prof. Lakshman the government was in serious difficulty. Having ignored the IMF’s advice in early 2020 to restructure the debt and drop plans to do away with a range of taxes, the then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s government caused immense damage to the national economy. But the economic fallout cannot be entirely blamed on corruption since the country had to fend off the worldwide pandemic and the 2019 Easter Sunday terror attacks by Islamic extremists, both of which crippled the country’s vibrant and vital tourism industry and worker remittances, coupled with the fallout from the war in Ukraine.

Nadishani Perera declared their primary objective was to eradicate corruption supported by the private sector. She said so in response to a query from us. They’ll be seeking required funding from the ADB, World Bank and other institutions such as the Centre for International Private Enterprise (CIPE).

A toxic combination of waste, corruption, irregularities, mismanagement and ill-advised decisions contributed to the worst-ever crisis post-independence Sri Lanka experienced. Both public and private sectors should accept responsibility for the crisis. Shocking disclosures made by the Auditor General and at proceedings of the Committee of Public Enterprises (COPE), Committee of Public Accounts (COPA) and Committee of Public Finance (COPF) over the years repeatedly proved culpability of Parliament for the financial crisis.

The SLID-TISL project is meant to enhance transparency, accountability and integrity by encouraging ethical business practices, fair market competition, fair pricing and credible leadership.

The joint statement quoted Salieh as having said: “We are mindful of the current state of affairs, the ground realities, and the challenges faced by companies in doing business. Therefore, our approach on this journey is pragmatic and practical and will enable businesses to proactively and progressively mitigate the corruption risk using preventive measures, checks and balances on a voluntary, ‘best efforts’ basis.”

Nadishani Perera was quoted as having said: “Businesses play a critical role in any nation’s efforts against corruption. At this unique and transformative moment in Sri Lanka’s history, as the citizens have risen against corruption, it is of utmost importance that the business community also commits to do its part towards this mission.”

Bond scams

In spite of high-profile projects reportedly meant to restore public confidence in public and private sectors, the situation continues to deteriorate. That is the undeniable truth. In late Nov 2016, the USAID in partnership with Sri Lanka Parliament launched USD 13 mn (Rs 1.92 bn) project to strengthen accountability, transparency and good governance.

Parliament owed the public an explanation as regards the success or utter failure of the three-year project. Did it achieve its objectives? Perhaps, the then Speaker Karu Jayasuriya, in his new capacity as the Chairman of the National Movement for Social Justice (NMSJ) will care to explain the outcome of the USAID project. The USD 13 mn project should be examined against the backdrop of the Treasury bond scams perpetrated in Feb 2015 and March 2016 under then yahapalana (good governance) rule. Then Speaker Jayasuriya and the US obviously didn’t care that the yahapalana government delayed investigations into the Treasury bond scams and actually nothing really was done about it until then President Maithripala Sirisena appointed a presidential Commission of Inquiry (CoI) that included two sitting Supreme Court judges in late January 2017 to carry out a public probe.

Probably, Sirisena, now an SLPP MP (Polonnaruwa district) must have quite conveniently forgotten how he dissolved Parliament at midnight on June 26, 2015 to prevent the then COPE Chairman D.E.W. Gunasekera from tabling in Parliament his report on the first Treasury bond scam. At the behest of the UNP leadership, the then lawmaker Attorney-at-Law Sujeewa Senasinghe moved court to thwart the releasing of the COPE report. Senasinghe, an Attorney-at-Law even had the audacity to write a book denying the scam.

Regardless of Perpetual Treasuries Limited (PTL) being under the spotlight over the Treasury Bond scams, the Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL) had no qualms in receiving sponsorship amounting to Rs 2.5 mn in support from the tainted firm for its project, Law Asia 2016. The Colombo Port City and the USAID had been among the BASL’s sponsors for its other events.

Eight years after the first Treasury Bond scam, what is the current status of the investigations and Sri Lanka’s efforts to convince Singapore to extradite Arjuna Mahendran, under whose watchful eyes as the Governor, CBSL the Treasury Bond scams took place? Can the Attorney General and the Justice Ministry explain measures taken by them since the change of government in July to have Mahendran extradited? Against the backdrop of assurances given by the Justice Minister Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakse, PC, that a Bill to combat fraud and corruption would be enacted soon, the public have a right to know how the new government intended to handle Treasury Bonds scams probe/prosecutions.

Singapore-based Mahendran challenged The Island editorial (‘Cops and Robbers’) of Friday August 19, 2022. Denying he fled the country, the Singaporean revealed that his Counsel Romesh de Silva, PC secured the permission of Supreme Court justice K.T. Chitrasiri for him to leave the country. Justice Chitrasiri headed the CoI. The issue at hand is whether Mahendran through his learned Counsel gave an assurance to Justice Chitrasiri that he would return to the country in case the Attorney General initiated legal action over the Treasury Bond scams. Perhaps, Mahendran’s Counsel should set the record straight.

The question is when President’s Counsel Romesh de Silva made the request on behalf of Mahendran and secured approval as the former CBSL Governor claimed, did he give an assurance to the CoI that he would return within a specific period or did the CoI sought such a pledge from him.

Vidanapathirana Associates, on behalf of Ranil Wickremesinghe, several weeks after the last presidential election in Nov 2019, responded to a spate of allegations pertaining to Treasury Bond scams et al directed at the former Premier by yahapalana regime President Maithripala Sirisena. Responding to specific allegation that Wickremesinghe helped Mahendran to escape Sri Lankan justice, Vidanapathirana Associates stated (verbatim): “Mr. Arjuna Mahendran gave evidence before the Presidential Commission and therefore obtained its permission to leave Sri Lanka. He has not returned since then.”

The Attorney General’s Department should inquire into the circumstances under which Mahendran left the country.

Controversy over privatization

Restructuring/privatization of loss-making state enterprises has received attention as part of the overall economic recovery efforts. However, rebel SLPP lawmaker Dr. Nalaka Godahewa recently raised the possibility of the new government exploiting the current economic crisis to privatize profit-making ventures, such as Sri Lanka Insurance Corporation (SLIC) and Sri Lanka Telecom. The former Viyathmaga activist was responding to President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s recent declaration as regards privatization.

Declaring his whole hearted support for the proposed restructuring of loss-making enterprises, Dr. Godahewa however questioned the move to privatize the profitable ventures. Such privatizations will further weaken the public sector due to the Treasury being deprived of much needed cash. Dr. Godahewa assertion that the vast majority of 94 state enterprises privatized between 1990-2003 during the tenure of late President Ranasinghe Premadasa and ex-President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga were profitable ventures reveals how the powers that be gradually deprived the Treasury of wherewithal.

The lawmaker while making reference to the controversial circumstances China secured the Hambantota port on a 99-year-lease for USD 1.2 bn in 2017, questioned the move to privatize SLIC and SLT.

Commenting on what he called Sri Lanka’s infamous privatization policy, Dr. Godahewa mentioned a few interesting facts regarding the privatized enterprises though he refrained from naming them. (1) The Supreme Court in 2009 reversed the sale of SLIC for Rs 6 bn during the tenure of Kumaratunga’s regime. At the time of the transaction, the SLIC had assets estimated to be worth over Rs 30 bn (2) The Supreme Court also in the same year reversed two more corrupt transactions, namely Waters Edge and Lanka Marine Services (3) A person who bought a plantation company earned a 100 percent profit within 24 hours after he sold the same property for double the amount he paid for (4) Those who acquired a company that dealt with food much more cash they paid for that particular state enterprise. That enterprise had more money in its bank accounts and the safes than what was received by the government from the buyer and (5) Some of those buyers earned massive profits by selling machinery and equipment.

So, no wonder she was dubbed Chaura Regina (bandit queen) by her one-time political soulmate Victor Ivan in a book he published and to this date ex-President Kumaratunga has not dared to challenge the accusations either in a court of law or by word.

The whole privatisation/restructuring programme appeared to have been carried out at the expense of the national economy while successive governments packed the public enterprises with their supporters. But the massive expansion of the public sector took place at the behest of Mahinda Rajapaksa, who served as the President from Nov 2005 to January 2015.

Public Administration Secretary Priyantha Mayadunne didn’t mince his words a few months ago when he declared how the public service had become an unbearable burden to the taxpayer. But why didn’t he speak up earlier? Mayadunne explained how the public service had been recklessly expanded to nearly 1.5 mn whereas the requirement was 500,000. One-time Justice Ministry Secretary Mayadunne emphasized the need to restructure the public service. Mayadunne’s warning to political parties represented in Parliament, state and private sector trade unions and the civil society that they will soon be categorized as traitors unless they agreed to far reaching economic reforms appeared to have fallen on deaf ears.

Regardless of consequences, the government and the Opposition seemed still struggling to score petty political points than reaching a consensus on workable solutions to address grave political, economic and social issues. Their failure to agree on urgently needed reforms agenda is evidence that the public cannot depend on political parties represented in parliament. Instead of addressing issues at hand, particularly the internationally supervised debt restructuring plan, those who are responsible for the economic fallout seemed determined to consolidate their positions while pursuing the same old strategies.

The government owed an explanation as regards accusations pertaining to the planned privatization of the SLIC and SLT.

TISL’s corruption index

According to TISL’s most recent Corruption Perception Index (2021) Sri Lanka is ranked 102nd out of 180 countries and territories by their perceived levels of public sector corruption. This assessment is certainly questionable. If corruption allegations directed at decision-makers, both in and outside Parliament, are properly examined taking into consideration the responsibilities of the executive, members of the legislature as well as the judiciary, Sri Lanka must be among the worst lot. The proceedings of the parliamentary watchdog committees, periodic reports released by them as well as the Auditor General’s reports paint a bleak picture. The SLID and TISL should inquire into public enterprises as the former represents nearly 1,000 personnel at top management level at state and private sectors. Instead of taking tangible measures to tackle waste, corruption, irregularities and mismanagement, the anti-corruption project could become yet another lucrative trade.

Former Samagi Jana Balavegaya lawmaker Ranjan Ramanayake declared as he left Welikada prison last Friday (26) that Justice Minister Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakse, PC, asked for a guarantee from him that he would continue his anti-corruption campaign. The declaration was made after Ramanayake serving a four-year term of RI for contempt of judiciary received a presidential pardon after he publicly acknowledged there was no basis for accusations, he directed at the judiciary on Aug 21, 2017 outside Temple Trees. The former MP apologized to the judiciary while promising not to say anything inimical to the judiciary ever again. Obviously, those who had gathered outside Welikada prison to welcome Ramanayake didn’t really comprehend the implications of the politician going back on his much-publicized declarations. During his tenure as a UNP MP, Ramanayake twice lashed out at the judiciary. In respect of the second case the Supreme Court sentenced him to two years RI suspended for five years.

There had never been a proper inquiry into Ramanayake’s audio tapes though they captured the attention of the public. The releasing of audio tapes of conversations among SSP Shani Abeysekara (he hadn’t been appointed Director CID then), the then Deputy Minister of Social Empowerment Ranjan Ramanayake, the then High Court judge Mrs. Padmini Ranawaka and President Maithripala Sirisena, in the wake of the 2019 Presidential Election, sent shock waves through political parties, the judiciary, the police and the civil society.

Controversy still surrounds the circumstances under which the police received the recordings, secretly made by Ramanayake. Selected tapes were released to both the print and electronic media. Attempts to hush up the shocking revelations, pertaining to the Himbutana killings (Bharatha Premachandra killing), and the subsequent judgment failed.

Those in authority conveniently refrained from conducting a proper investigation into the scandalous interventions made by Ramanayake, as well as the conduct of HC judge Mrs. Ranawaka, and Abeysekara, though the police recorded some statements, including that of Mrs. Ranawaka.

Parliament suppressed the matter. The then Speaker Karu Jayasuriya should explain what really happened. Jayasuriya was among those who called for presidential pardon for Ramanayake. The failure to examine Parliament’s pathetic response to the disturbing revelations and the suppression of CDs is a matter for concern.

Did Ramanayake speak to High Court Judge Mrs. Ranawaka to influence the murder conviction against Duminda Silva, sans permission from the party leadership? Did the then top UNP leadership tell him to approach judges in respect of various cases?

Ramanayake is also on record phoning High Court judge Gihan Pilapitiya and Magistrate Dhammika Hemapala. Following the disclosure of a fraction of the tapes, the police recorded statements from Mrs. Ranawaka (retired), Pilapitiya and Hemapala.

Let me focus on the conversations involving Mrs. Ranawaka, Ramanayake, Abeysekara and President Sirisena (now SLPP Polonnaruwa district MP. Sirisena also remains the SLFP leader).

Mrs. Ranawaka had no qualms in declaring that she had no confidence in President Sirisena though she subsequently directly pleaded with him to promote her to the Court of Appeal. Mrs. Ranawaka expressed doubts about President Sirisena when Ramanayake phoned her on July 14, 2016, in the wake of Abeysekara expressing serious concerns over the way the Duminda Silva matter, and related issues, were proceeding to their dislike. Nearly two dozen conversations, involving Ramanayake and Abeysekara, should have been examined without taking them in isolation. According to conversations now in public domain, Mrs. Ranawaka asked Ramanayake to intervene on her behalf when the latter pressed her on the pending judgment on the Himbutana killings. The judge also made reference to the then lawmaker and Attorney-at-Law Ajith P. Perera during her conversation, initiated by Ramanayake. The way the conversation continued, clearly indicated that the call taken by Ramanayake, on July 14, 2016, couldn’t have been the first and they knew each other very well. Mrs. Ranawaka, obviously exploited Ramanayake’s intervention to explore the possibility of moving up the ladder with unbridled political patronage.

Let there be a thorough inquiry into matters of concern. A genuine effort is needed.

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Midweek Review

Impact of US policy shift on Sri Lanka

Published

5 days ago

2025/02/19

Sahan Weerasooriya

Early honeymoon period after mission accomplished with toppling of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Julie Chung shares a light moment with Ranil Wickremesinghe during a three-day visit to Nuwara Eliya and Ella in early July 2023. Ella Odyssey was part of Sri Lanka’s commemoration of 75 years of independence. Colombo-based foreign heads of missions and nine heads of mission, based in New Delhi, joined the journey (pic courtesy PMD)

President Trump has unceremoniously overturned US foreign policy. His decision to deport illegal Indian migrants just ahead of a summit with Premier Narendra Modi, underscored the tough stance taken by the new US admiration. The much-touted US-India strategic partnership didn’t deter Trump from carrying out the much-publicized humiliating deportations of Indians. US Vice President J.D. Vance’s speech at the Munich Security Conference, recently, indicated that Trump has terminated his special relationship with Europe and is charting his own course. The upcoming Trump and Russian leader Putin’s meeting stressed that the US policy wouldn’t be shaped by European concerns over Russia. Against that background, the US is very much unlikely to pursue the Biden policy as regards bankrupt Sri Lanka. Actually, Sri Lanka’s political leadership will have to do some serious thinking and re-examining our position as Trump redraws US foreign policy.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Since the successful conclusion of the war in mid-May 2009, despite all the naysayers, and even the likes of the then British Foreign Secretary David Milliband and French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner, rushing here at the eleventh hour with the hope of getting President Mahinda Rajapaksa to halt the offensive to enable them to evacuate the LTTE supremo, his family and their surviving fanatical terrorist band to safety abroad, the US appointed five Ambassadors to Colombo. Of them four were women, namely Patricia A. Butenis, Michele J. Sison, Alaina B. Teplitz and incumbent Julie J. Chung. Between the tenures of Sison and Teplitz, the only male Atul Keshap, of Indian origin, served here for a period of four years (Aug. 2015-July 2018) during the Yahapalana administration.

Ambassador Chung oversaw President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s forced ouster in 2022. In spite of her denial, Amb. Chung’s role in President Rajapaksa’s removal is clear and cannot be disputed. Amb. Chung will soon be replaced by Elizabeth Kathryn Horst, currently the Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary and Deputy Assistant Secretary responsible for Pakistan, yet another country in which Washington is mired in regime change operations in the region.

Amb. Chung presented her credentials on Feb. 25, 2022, to President Rajapaksa, at the Janadhipathi Mandiraya. The President was flanked by State Foreign Minister Tharaka Balasuriya and Presidential Secretary Gamini Senarath. The new US envoy took office close on the heels of a major crisis within the government that compelled the President to ask for his Secretary Dr. P.B. Jayasundera’s resignation. Just five weeks after Amb. Chung took over the mission, the ‘GotaGoHome’ campaign got underway and a President, elected with over 6.9 mn votes on the SLPP ticket, was thrown out of office within four and half months by violent mobs armed with meticulous intelligence as to which politicians’ houses were to be ransacked and torched, along with those of their close supporters in a matter of a few hours, especially on May 09, 2022. Exactly two months later they completed their despicable mission by storming the Presidential palace.

The SLPP, both in and outside Parliament, accused Amb. Chung of staging the ouster of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Award-winning author Sena Thoradeniya (Galle Face Protest: System Change or Anarchy) and (Nine: The Hidden Story) by National Freedom Front (NFF) leader Wimal Weerawansa, MP, dealt with Amb. Chung’s sordid involvement.

However, the writer believes that the whole exercise should be examined as another arrogant US intrusion rather than Amb. Chung’s private agenda. Her job was to do the bidding of Washington. Let me stress that the US made a serious but an abortive attempt to bring President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s reign to an end in 2010. Thanks to Wikileaks we know how the US used a UNP-led coalition, that included the wartime LTTE ally the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), and the JVP, to back retired General Sarath Fonseka at the presidential election. That gamble failed. The war-winning Army Chief ended up with egg on his face with an unforgettable thrashing from the overwhelming southern electorate.

Eyebrows were raised when the outgoing American envoy recently expressed her desire to meet Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) leaders at the Nelum Mawatha party office as she never bothered to do so since her arrival in early 2022.

Contrary to speculation, the outgoing US Ambassador had sought a meeting about two weeks ago before the unprecedented public exposure about the USAID’s (United States Agency for International Agency) sinister operations here and worldwide in the wake of the new US administration deciding to curtail drastically its operations for being a white elephant as America itself is being confronted with a fast developing and yet to be fully fathomed economic crisis, which might even exceed the worldwide Great Depression that came with the 1929 stock market crash. On her arrival at Nelum Mawatha last Friday (14) Amb. Chung was received by SLPP General Secretary and Attorney-at-Law Prasad Kariyawasam. The SLPP delegation was led by its National Organizer Namal Rajapaksa and one of the three lawmakers in the current Parliament. Having accused her of being in the thick of the regime change, the SLPP’s readiness to meet Amb. Chung, too, is a mystery.

It would be pertinent to briefly explain the USAID’s global objectives as the vast majority wrongly believed the agency is meant for humanitarian work. It is definitely not a charity. Its main objective is to strengthen capabilities of US agents, or assets, at local and regional levels regardless of the status of Washington’s relationship with the targeted country.

These agents, or assets, are available for the US at any time as Washington desired. Pentagon, the State Department or even the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) used its resources under whatever circumstances. If we closely examine the pattern of USAID operations, as well as other related organizations that had been active here over a period of time, even our legislature is within the sphere of their influence. In other words, they obviously have direct access to politicians and officials who wield power over key institutions. The private sector, too, became part of the US operation carefully expanded countrywide.

By the time Amb. Chung arrived here. US assets were in place at different levels ready to carry out directives. Those who pointed a finger at Amb. Chung never bothered to examine the background and comprehend the gradual build-up that allowed the gathering of all elements, under the social media fuelled ‘GotaGohome’ campaign.

The US mission here had done a tremendous amount of work, especially beginning with the Amb, Keshap’s time, to enhance the capacities of their existing assets and identify and develop new assets.

What really prompted Amb. Chung to suddenly seek a meeting with the SLPP? Did National List MP Namal Rajapaksa’s call for the setting up of a Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) to probe USAID funding, influence her decision? But that cannot be as the US Embassy made the request before the USAID controversy. Perhaps, SLPP General Secretary Kariyawasam expressed concern over Amb. Chung’s frequent visits to the JVP headquarters at Pelawatte, whereas she ignored the SLPP.

Appearing on a live television programme, Kariyawasam pointed out that Amb. Chung had plenty of time for the JVP, a party with just three MPs, while the SLPP, in spite of being represented by 145 MPs, never received the US envoy’s attention.

Perhaps Amb. Chung didn’t really feel the requirement to visit Nelum Mawatha as she maintained a close contact with the SLPP founder Basil Rajapaksa.

Ambiguity over objectives

It would be pertinent to ask both the sponsors and recipients whether various foreign-funded projects achieved their objectives.

The following are some of the USAID-funded projects launched, beginning 2017: [1] USD 19 mn social cohesion and reconciliation project implemented by Global Communities (July 2018-Dec, 2023) [2] Analysis of social cohesion and reconciliation implemented by US Institute of Peace at a cost of USD 700,000 (Aug. 2018-Feb. 2024) [3] USD 15 mn project implemented by Chemonics International Inc. to strengthen the justice sector, including the Justice Ministry and Office of Attorney General (Sept. 2021-Sept. 2026) [4] USD 17 mn project carried out by National Democratic Institute, International Republican Institute and International Foundation for Electoral System in support of Parliament and other government institutions, including the Election Commission (June 2020 – June 2024) [5] USD 14 mn worth project in support of civil society meant to achieve good governance reforms and strengthen accountability. Implemented by Management Systems International (Feb. 2018-Aug. 2024) [6] USD 7.9 mn scheme to strengthen media implemented by International Research and Exchanges Board Inc. (Aug. 2017-April 2023) [7] SAFE Foundation implemented a programme at a cost of USD 3.9 mn aimed at combating human trafficking (Oct. 2021-Sept. 2026) [8] USD 1.6 mn project to enhance protection for those threatened by gender-based violence (Oct. 2021-Sept. 2026). Implementing agency Women-in-Need [9] USD 3.6 mn project for the benefit of plantation community implemented by Institute of Social Development (June 2022-June 2027) and [10] a staggering USD 19 mn project meant to strengthen the civil society by unnamed private agencies (Sept. 2022-August 2027).

Interestingly, high profile USAID operations implemented in collaboration with successive governemnts covered the Justice sector (Justice Ministry and Office of Attorney General), Parliament as well as the Election Commission.

Over the years USAID with a massive budget that even exceeded the CIA’s and allied organizations have built up a system that served the interests of the US. That is the truth. Sri Lanka has cooperated not only with the US but other organizations, such as the UNDP, to allow them influence in Parliament. The USAID and UNDP have ‘secured’ Parliament by lavishly spending funds on various projects. In spite of spending millions in USD with the 2016 agreement between Parliament and USAID being the single largest project, what they have achieved here is nothing but a mystery.

Successive governments have encouraged USAID, UNDP and other interventions. They felt happy as external sources provided the funding. Let me give an example of how the UNDP stepped-in for want of sufficient public funding for vital government initiatives. Sometimes, they advanced their political project in the guise of helping the government of the day.

On May 13, 2021, the then Attorney General Dappula de Livera, PC, opened the USAID funded state-of-the-training facility that included a boardroom, auditorium, computer laboratory, and other facilities. The outspoken AG also launched an electronic system to track cases and legal files. The launch of the training facility, electronic diary and file management system, and the Attorney General’s Department website were also attended by Supreme Court Judge Justice Yasantha Kodagoda P.C., Acting Solicitor General Sanjay Rajaratnam P.C., the Secretary of the Ministry of Justice M.M.P.K. Mayadunne, and virtually by DCM Kelly and USAID Mission Director Reed Aeschliman.

The US Embassy, in a statement issued on that quoted AG Livera as having said: “This is another first in the 136-year history of the Attorney General’s Department. The opening of the training centre is a notable, salutary achievement that meets a long-felt need for continuous learning and professional development.” The AG was further quoted as having said these new tools would “drive the institution from strength to strength.”

If such facilities were so important why on earth the Attorney General’s Department failed to take tangible measures to meet that particular requirement.

Those who demand investigations into USAID must realize that their role is much more complicated than alleged and reported in some sections of the media. Among the beneficiaries were the Sri Lanka Judges’ Institute.

American Corner in Jaffna

The US Embassy established an American Corner in Jaffna with the collaboration of Jaffna Social Action Centre (JSAC), an NGO that particularly promoted women and children rights. Formed in 2003 in the North as the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) was preparing to launch Eelam War IV, JSAC, over the years, developed into a recipient of US funding. JSAC is among the groups promoting LGBTQ in the Northern and Eastern Provinces. JSAC annually participates in the much-touted 16 Days of Activism Against Gender Based Violence campaign. The then US Ambassador Butenis attended the opening of the American Corner. JSAC, in its website, has revealed an impressive list of partners and donors.

Perhaps JSAC should explain how it served the interests of ordinary people, especially during the 2003-2009 period when the LTTE stepped up forcible recruitment of children, including girls. Forced conscription continued unabated as the military slowly but steadily rolled back the LTTE fighting formations, towards the east coast, until they were trapped in a sliver of land in the Mullaitivu district.

Sri Lanka should be grateful for US assistance over the past decades. The ordinary people benefited from such help but later Washington weaponized the setup as various interested parties queued up to secure lucrative contracts.

Amb, Chung, in late Sept. 2022, moved the American Centre in Colombo, that had been in existence for over seven decades, to the new US Embassy building. This was a couple of months after Aragalaya (March – July 2022) forced Gotabaya Rajapaksa out of office. The American Centre in Colombo had been first located at the Millers Building in Colombo, then at Galle Face Court, followed by Flower Road, before moving to the Sri Ramya at 44, Galle Road.

The American Corner in Kandy was established in 2004. In addition to Jaffna, Colombo and Kandy, there are similar facilities in Matara and Batticaloa.

The recent declaration by Bharatiya Janata Party MP Nishikant Dubey, in the Indian Parliament, that the USAID had been funding organisations with a view to creating unrest cannot be ignored. The BJP’s declaration underscored the gravity of the situation. Those who discarded repeated accusations by National Freedom Front (NFF) leader Wimal Weerawansa as regards US interventions here must take a fresh look at the developments taking place since Donald Trump’s return for a second term.

Dubey alleged the USAID funded organizations that carried out protests against the Agniveer initiative of the government, backed caste census, and supported Naxalism in India.

On behalf of the BJP, Dubey asked for a probe into whether Congress and the Gandhi family-controlled Rajiv Gandhi Foundation had received USAID funds through George Soros’ Open Society Foundations (OSF) for conducting activities, including the campaign for a caste census and against the Agniveer scheme introduced by the government. The MP claimed OSF received ₹5,000 crores from USAID to “break up India”. He raised the issue during zero hour.

The BJP MP’s accusations seemed somewhat surprising as India, under Narendra Modi’s leadership, established close relations with Washington and is a member of the four-country Quad, comprising the US, Australia, Japan and India meant to counter Chinese expansion.

Why subvert India? Is the question in everybody’s mind? President Trump, during a joint press conference with Premier Modi, speculated about the possibility of USAID role in the Lok Sabha elections last year. Perhaps Trump is playing politics even at the expense of the US as he sought to dismantle USAID.

The Trump administration has imposed a global stop-work directive on USAID, suspending most aid initiatives, except for critical food relief programmes.

However, India, too, had been blamed for interfering in internal affairs of other countries. Recently Canada alleged that India intervened in its electoral process. Canada named China as the other offender. India has strongly refuted the Canadian allegation. It would be pertinent to mention that Canada had been playing politics with Sri Lanka for many years as major political parties sought to exploit the post-war developments for their advantage. New Delhi also accuses Canada of encouraging Khalistan separatists operating from there.

Canadian Parliament, in May 2022, unanimously declared that Sri Lanka perpetrated genocide in a bid to appease Canadian voters of Sri Lanka origin.

The expansion of the USAID project here should be examined against the backdrop of Geneva adopting a US accountability resolution, co-sponsored by the treacherous Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government in 2015. The US backed Sirisena’s candidature at the 2015 presidential election. That was in line with their overall strategy to end the Rajapaksas rule, perceived to be China-friendly. The US funded the 2015 UNP-led campaign that involved the TNA and JVP as well. A group of civil society groups, led by the National Movement for Social Justice (NMSJ), backed Sirisena’s candidature, who switched sides at the last moment having been in the Rajapaksas camp throughout his political career and it was done after having a hopper feed with them the previous night.

Having betrayed his own party in 2014, Sirisena has ended up politically irrelevant. That is the price the one-time SLFP General Secretary had to pay for switching sides for personal gain. The former President is most unlikely to get an opportunity to re-enter Parliament ever again.

The NPP will have to be cautious how it handles the situation against the backdrop of developing political and economic upheaval in Washington as we may have never seen hitherto. The way the new administration addressed much more complicated issues, such as the Russia-Ukraine war in a manner seriously inimical to the European powers and pullout from the Geneva-based UNHRC and WHO meant that Trump has already turned US foreign policy upside down.

Midweek Review

Revisiting Humanism in Education:

Published

5 days ago

2025/02/19

Sahan Weerasooriya

Tagore

Insights from Tagore – III

by Panduka Karunanayake

Professor in the Department of Clinical Medicineand former Director, Staff Development Centre,

University of Colombo

The 34th J.E. Jayasuriya Memorial Lecture

14 February 2025

SLFI Auditorium, Colombo

(Continued from18 Feb.)

Tagore had an important answer to the question of whether the economic or the political should enjoy the primacy of place, in designing educational policy. He said: “Economic life covers the whole base of society, because its necessities are simplest and the most universal. Educational institutions, in order to obtain the fullness of truth, must have close association with this economic life.”

Sometimes I have difficulty understanding why Tagore, in spite of his appreciation of science and disdain for superstition, still lavishly exalted his traditional dieties and the scriptures. I think he did so because he saw a remarkable practical utility in them for the organisation of society and because they carried innumerable lessons for human conduct – for which science and technology, or even modern administration, had not yet furnished any suitable alternative.

Besides, it is clear that he admired religion’s potential to bring peoples together. In The Religion of Man, he wrote: “On the surface of our being we have the ever-changing phases of the individual self, but in the depth there dwells the Eternal Spirit of human unity beyond our direct knowledge.” But of course, religion seldom brought humanity together. And whenever it played the divisive role, he did not blindly follow its precepts.

The stickiest issue in India for the modern philosopher is probably its caste system, and Tagore had no qualms about repudiating it:

“…differentiation and separation of vocations and trades, professions and callings on which the caste system originally rested has become totally extinct and it is altogether impossible to maintain it any longer. Yet all the taboos, external restrictions and customs associated with the varna system are still in place, static and intact. It seems we must put up with the cage with all its iron bars and fetters though the bird for which it was made is dead and gone. We provide bird feed every day but no bird feeds on it. In this way, due to the cleavage between our social life and social customs, we are not only being inhibited and obstructed by unnecessary, outmoded arrangements, we cannot live up to our professed social ideals, either.”

Prof. Carlo Fonseka / Dr. Abrahm T. Kovoor

I wish that for our country, we could replace the phrase ‘caste system’ with our own ‘outmoded arrangements’ – such as astrology, superstitious rituals and harmful so-called healing practices – and carefully re-read that quote. Sadly, our populace is filled with superstition, myth and pseudoscience – as a cursory glance at the supplements of any weekend Sinhala newspaper would show. Here, the high literacy rate actually works against the nation! Our public intellectuals must also take the blame, because they have failed to sustain the good work that had been done in the 1970s by intellectuals like Dr E.W. Adikaram, Abraham Kovoor and Professor Carlo Fonseka.

Another interesting point in his ideas is his desire to see education as a tool for everyone, not just the educated few. Reminding us on ancient Indian education and learning, he said:

“There was a regular traffic between specialised knowledge and ordinary knowledge. Scholars, pundits or learned society did not have an antithetical relationship with the less learned segments of society…There was hardly a place in the country where the Ramayana, the Mahabharata, the Puranic myths and religious discourse did not spread in a variety of ways. Even the theoretical philosophical issues which were rigorously, relentlessly discussed and debated in philosophy and metaphysics always filtered down to the mind of the people…In those days learning was the asset of the entire society and not the acquisition of the learned few.”

In our own country, in contrast, I wonder whether expanded access to education has had a similar effect. In spite of decades of education in swabhasha and wide access to education, knowledge is a tool of separation, seclusion and self-aggrandisement for the few who win the lottery. Is this the fault of the education or the educated? Perhaps both. The educated use their learning as a weapon rather than as a tool to serve, a manifestation of the fierce competitiveness and the fixed mindset that pervades the successful products of our education. At the same time, as Tagore pointed out, it is the fault of education too:

“The rains of our education are falling a long distance away from where the roots of our whole life lie…Our ordinary daily life has no use for the education we acquire…It is unjust to blame this on students. Their world of books and the world in which they live everyday are poles apart…That is why it is seen that the same person who has formidable erudition in European philosophy, science and ethics tenaciously clings to the age old superstitions…We are no more amazed when we see that on the one hand he is separately enjoying literature full of varied sentiments while on the other he is busy only with making money…”

These are a few fundamentals that can be gleaned from Tagore’s second phase. They aren’t many, and perhaps they aren’t as earth-shattering as one might expect. But I feel that they are exactly what we are lacking today and prevent education from playing a nation-building role. If we can get these right, we actually need to get very little else right.

Phase 3: ‘Freedom from bondage’

Tagore’s role and position as an unrepentant internationalist at the time when India was demanding swaraj is well known. He was opposed to nationalism, and in fact correctly identified colonialism itself as a manifestation of the nationalism of the British – so he asked, if one were anti-colonialist, how could one be nationalist also?

But his internationalism was not a rootless existence floating aimlessly in the air. He was clear that one must be rooted in one’s own soil, strongly and firmly – it is from here that one must reach out to the wealth of the world. In another beautiful simile, he urged us not to fear the wind, and to open the windows of our house to let that wind in. He would assure us that we would be able to retain the good that the wind blew in and get rid of the bad. He also said that as long as our house had a firm foundation, the wind will not blow it away. So for him, the first step of being an internationalist is studying one’s own soil and placing a firm foundation for one’s existence. He admired and studied tradition without being a traditionalist.

With regard to Indian universities of his day, he lamented the fact that these were European grafts and nothing like India’s ancient intellectual heritage, such as Nalanda, Wikramshila or Takshasila. He lamented the type of intellectual this would produce. He wrote in 1932:

“We receive European learning as something static and immutable and consider it the height of modernity to cull and recite sentences from it. For this reason we lack the courage to reconsider it or think about it from a new angle. Our universities have nothing to do with and are cut off from the acute questions, dire necessities and extreme hardship facing the people of the country…Like parasites our mind, attached to text books, has lost its ability to find its food and invent by itself.”

These words seem no less relevant to our own universities, 90 years after they were written.

Tagore’s belief in internationalism and its effect on his philosophy of education is captured by his description of Visva-Bharati, the higher education institute he set up in 1921 using the Nobel Prize money: “Visva-Bharati represents India where she has her wealth of mind which is for all. Visva-Bharati acknowledges India’s obligation to offer to others the hospitality of her best culture and India’s right to accept from others their best.”

Conclusion

Prof. J. E. Jayasuriya / Dr. E. W. Adhikaram

Ladies and Gentlemen: I am afraid time would not permit me to cover the whole breadth of Rabindranath Tagore’s complete educational philosophy, and I wouldn’t even pretend to cover it in depth. For example, I didn’t touch on other important aspects that Tagore spoke of, such as school administration, advice for teachers, maintaining discipline without corporeal punishment, carrying out research and promoting creativity, women and education and so on. Forgive me for only scratching the surface. But the topic of Tagore’s educational philosophy is so vast that nothing wider would be possible in a short time.

You will also note that my talk was not filled with anecdotes of incidents and peculiarities at Santiniketan – like how classes were conducted under trees or how the gurudev once conducted a class in the rain for cattle when the students didn’t want to come out and get wet. These are not the timeless substance of the tale; they are only its time-sensitive ornaments.

If, on the other hand, I have been able to whet your appetite for his educational philosophy, and also convinced you that he had patiently worked on and presciently invented an antidote to today’s problems of education, I would be content for now. Balance was his antidote. My goal this evening was to place the seeds of his ideas in your minds, and hope that they will grow, be nourished and be pruned and manicured into a contextually appropriate shape in the months or years to come.

Selected bibliography

Dasgupta, U. (2013). Rabindranath Tagore: A Biography. Oxford University Press. (Translated by hiisß ckl l=udr- mßj¾;l (2024).rúkaøkd;a ;df.da¾-udkj ksoyi iy úúO;ajh kqf.af.dv iriú m%ldYlfhdaව)

Dore, R. (1976). The Diploma Disease: Education, Qualification and Development. London: George Allen & Unwin (republished in 1977 by Institute of Education, University of London).

Gunasekara, P. (2013). moaud .=Kfialr – kkaofiak .%duSh wOHdmk l%uh^1932-1939) lkakka.r;=udf.a wu;l l< fkdyels w;ayod ne,Sula fld<U iQßh m%ldYlfhda: කන්නunasekara, S.P. (2012). iuka mqIamd .=Kfialrම(2012). rúkaøkd;a ;df.da¾ fld<U tia f.dvf.aසහiyifydaorfhda(Basedon Rabindranath Tagore: The Myriad Minded Man (1995) by Krishna Dutta and Andrew Robinson, and other works.)

Illich, I. (1970). Deschooling Society. USA: Harper & Row (republished in 1973 by Penguin Education, Harmondsworth, England).

Iyengar, K.R.S. (1987). Rabindranath Tagore: A Critical Introduction. London: Oriental University Press.

Kripalani, K. (1961). Tagore: A Life. New Delhi: National Book Trust, India (author publication, republished in 1971 by National Book Trust, India).

Maithra, S., translator (2014). Education as Freedom: Tagore’s Paradigm. New Delhi: Niyogi Books.

Navaratnam, R. (1958). New Frontiers in East-West Philosophies of Education. Calcutta: Orient Longmans.

Neogy, A.K. (2010). Santiniketan and Sriniketan: The Twin Dreams of Rabindranath Tagore. New Delhi: National Book Trust, India.

Samuel Ravi, S. (2024). Philosophical and Sociological Bases of Education (2nd edn). Delhi: PHI Learning. (Chapter 13: ‘Rabindranath Tagore’, pp. 163-179.)

Sarathchandra, E.R. de S. (1942). ‘Through Santiniketan eyes’. Kesari People’s Weekly (Jaffna) serialised from 2(9) to 2(17) and compiled by Goonetileke, H.A.I., also available translated to Sinhala ^iqpß; .ï,;a-mßj¾;l ප(2001). ශYdka;s ksfla;kfha weiska fld<U tia f.dvf.a iy ifydaorfhda).

Venn, G. (1965). Man, education and work. In, Cosin, B.R., editor: Education: Structure and Society. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books. (Chapter 6, pp. 97-107.)

Venn, G. (1971). Preparation for further preparation (editorial). Educational Leadership 1: 339-341.