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Champika Ranawaka accuses ‘political underworld’ of thriving on narcotics

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Patali Champika Ranawaka

Lurking danger from trained soldiers in want

by Saman Indrajith

United Republican Front leader, Patali Champika Ranawaka, MP, says that Sri Lanka faces the danger of becoming a ‘narco-state’ if immediate action is not taken to stop the growth of what he describes as the ‘political underworld.’

“There is a political underworld operating in this country in addition to the goon-run social underworld we are all aware of. This political underworld thrives on its nexus with drug cartels. It must be eliminated without further delay; otherwise, we will all suffer under a narco-state,” Ranawaka said during an interview with the Sunday Island on Thursday.

He said that there were around 100,000 ex-servicemen with arms training now in society facing financial problems. “There are also 10,000 to 15,000 ex-LTTE cadres. They could be lured easily into criminal activity because of their financial problems.

“On the other side, owing to the uncertainty and social unrest caused by the economic crisis, the youth are frustrated. They are easy prey for narcotic dealers, and this could be seen in the proliferation of synthetic drugs such as ICE among young people.

“Our geographical location between Afghanistan and the Golden Triangle of Cambodia-Thailand is ideal for this country to become a drug trading hub. With this conducive situation, we are facing the danger of becoming a narco-state soon. After that, to get rid of the grip of narco-lords will not be easy because with their drug money, they could buy political space, media space, religious space, and almost everything. We must get rid of the political underworld handled by a few new rich who have politicians in their p0ckets. Otherwise, we will all suffer in the clutches of drug lords,” Ranawaka said.

Excerpts of the interview:

Q: What are your comment on the present debates and concerns about holding an election this year? Some parties have already commenced their campaigns while others suggest a postponement. Certain political leaders claim that the president has the authority to delay elections. Do you think he has such powers?

A:No, that can’t be done. There are varied arguments. Due to various amendments introduced to the Constitution, some articles state that a president’s term is six years, while others say that if a president were to continue without an election, it must be approved by the people at a referendum. Many have taken bits and pieces of of these articles and interpreting them to suit themselves.

We must keep in mind that the Constitution is not interpreted solely based on the wording of articles but also according to judicial decisions that have already interpreted them regarding the term of a president. The intention of the amendment introduced during Maithripala Sirisena’s tenure was to reduce the term of a president from six to five years. There was a supreme court decision on the presidential when Chandrika Kumaratunga argued that she had six years in office until 2006 because she took oaths in 2000.

Article three of the constitution vests sovereign power in the people. We have two SC decisions on the presidential term – when Sirisena reduced the term of office from six to five years and when Kumaratunga tried to extend her term from 2005 to 2006 arguing that she had six years. The substance of these two decisions was that sovereignty of the people would be affected if any action deprived them of their right to elections. On such occasions, the government in power could remedy this by holding a referendum.

Drawing on these precedents, some argue that if Sirisena could change the term from six to five years by using a two-thirds majority in parliament, the same two-thirds could be used to extend the term of the incumbent president.

However, when we consider the judicial determinations and the people’s sovereignty article, the president cannot continue even one day beyond Oct 17 without obtaining the approval of the people in a referendum. There are no loopholes in these provisions. This matter can be referred to the SC to get a fresh interpretation.

If someone tries to continue without elections, it will result in a crisis. We saw the backlash of opposition and anger from people when UNP General Secretary Range Bandara opined that we should continue without elections. People need an election. The president and the government elected in 2019 and 2020 lost the confidence of the people in 2022 and were forced to step down.

That was not the result of a democratic election but a public uprising, direct action. It could be considered an occasion where people exercised their right to recall. So, we must accept that people need their democratic right to elect their rulers. That should not be obstructed because it would certainly lead to another uprising of the people.

Q: There is much talk of reforming the prevailing political culture. You have also made similar statements in and out of parliament. Everyone abhors the political culture that has prevailed over the past few decades. All parties have spoken of reforms. However, it seems that the very same politicians are preparing to continue under different party names and alliances. Where do you stand on this?

A:This is easier said than done. My party believes that the practical aspects of these reforms are not easy. You cannot bring about such changes overnight. Firstly, we are living in a bankrupt country. There is no magic wand to change this. At the same time, if we are pushed back to a situation of 14-hour power cuts, miles long petrol and gas queues, people will not tolerate it. They might put up with such a situation for a day or two, or at most a week, but they will not wait for months. They also have the experience of direct public action, where a president had to flee for his life. Therefore, we need a practical program to address this.

An argument is presented that President Ranil Wickremesinghe has resolved the crisis. If we look at it from one angle, it is true because we no longer see queues for gas or fuel, there are no power cuts, we have medicine in hospitals, and farmers have fertilizers. So, on the surface, there are no visible problems.

However, there have been price hikes – the price of a single unit of electricity has shot up from Rs 12 to 46, food prices have tripled, medicine prices have increased four to five times, fertilizer prices have gone up by seven to eight times, and the price of a kilo of rice has increased from Rs 80 to Rs 250.

When we consider this, it is evident that the weight of the economic crisis has been shifted to the shoulders of the people who have done nothing to create this crisis other than voting for the incumbent rulers.

The weight is not on the capitalist class but on the labor class.

You see the same thing in the economic restructuring process. The weight is not shifted to private investors who invested in banks but to the people. The burden of treasury bills and bonds was placed on the Central Bank – that means it’s on the people. Governor Nandalal Weerasinghe is not going to absorb that weight; it will be transferred to the people.

This manifests as an increase in taxes. As a result of reliefs and tax amnesties given by Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the country’s tax revenue dropped by seven to eight percent. The plan now is to increase this up to 15 percent. It is the people who are going to shoulder this burden.

VAT is imposed on all essential items, petrol, diesel, electricity, coal, sugar, flour, dhal etc., but at the same time, tax reliefs are given to businessmen. These reliefs amount to Rs 978 billion, according to the finance ministry’s tax expenditure statements.

BOI investors have been given reliefs in income tax, turnover tax, VAT, and customs duties. In the meantime, we have not collected taxes amounting to Rs 1,200 billion. Without collecting due tax revenue, the government imposes taxes on essential items such as sugar.

When a country faces a situation like this, economic solutions are proffered. It is like drinking kottamalli or swallowing Panadol when we get a common cold. For example, when there is an increase in commodity prices, meaning an increase in inflation, it means there is more money than goods and services available.

Economists will advise collecting the excess money through taxes and to stop printing money. These solutions are not magical. Argentina had a crisis more serious than ours. Their inflation was around 300 to 400 percent. Javier Milei, who is an economist, became the president and brought down that inflation to 15 percent within 100 days. That change could be identified as the smart work of Milei. Could we say the same regarding the situation here? Is this owing to some sort of talent of Ranil Wickremesinghe? His party men would say so.

The IMF offers formulae to countries to recover from crises. Such a formula helped Milei become the President in Argentina, Shahbaz Sharif to become the Prime Minister of Pakistan, and Ranil Wickremesinghe to become President of Sri Lanka. The IMF has now directed streamlining tax collection and to stop giving tax reliefs.

They also want to introduce professional administration to public institutions such as People’s Bank, Bank of Ceylon, National Savings Bank, Ceylon Electricity Board, Ceylon Petroleum Corporation, and the Water Board. Some countries do not follow the IMF prescriptions in toto but only do what they need to do.

We must not be hypocrites and must admit that Ranil Wickremesinghe has brought stability to the country and some industries. For example, the Petroleum Corporation that had been run down by Gotabaya, Cabraal, Gammanpila and Basil Rajapaksa. If they had acted wisely, they too could have brought about that stability.

Mahinda Rajapaksa, with the help of Sarath Amunugama handled the situation in 2008 while we were fighting a war. Ranil Wickremesinghe understands this crisis. He faced similar situations in 2002 and 2016. So, he acted with his experience. Other than that, there is no magic in this recovery. This very same stability could have been achieved by other means too.

Q: Are there alternatives to bring about stability without imposing taxes on people?

A:Yes. For example, look at what Shahbaz Sharif did in Pakistan. He froze the bank accounts of tax defaulters and their properties. He even went as far as suspending their SIM cards. We could have done the same and begun the cleaning process with tax defaulters in the cabinet. We could have taken similar action against liquor producers.

We have been repeatedly asking for the names of those who defaulted on their loans and taxes, but it has not been provided. We also called for the names of those who benefited from tax reliefs, but that also has not been given. We also called for the digitization of the tax process so that everyone can see where taxes are collected and where exemptions are given.

Q: You’re talking about digitizing reforms that are needed to streamline administration. But we live in a country where we can’t even pay a traffic fine using our debit cards. What’s holding us back from these reforms?

A:The first of these is opposition from institutions against change. The Customs is the prime example. Consider a scenario where an individual is caught smuggling a prohibited item. According to the general rule, the perpetrator should be fined three times the value of the items brought in. However, a recent audit report revealed that only six percent of such fines have been collected. Out of this six percent, four percent is allocated to Customs as rewards. This negligence has resulted in the loss of billions of rupees for the country.

This could be resolved. We could enable the police to charge fines using a QR code. Didn’t we use QR codes to purchase fuel several months ago? It’s feasible. All we need is political will. Unfortunately, that’s something we lack even in the face of such crises. Our leaders worry about winning or losing votes whenever they implement reforms. We should learn from India. When Modi became Prime Minister, he implemented demonetization without worrying about potential electoral losses. When people realized the benefits, they re-elected him.

In Sri Lanka, what we often see is blame-shifting, with accusations of theft against one another. However, these accusations are merely aimed at appeasing the public. Corruption has pervaded society like a giant octopus, and we’ve all become victims. It operates in a vicious cycle, with many opposing efforts to eradicate it.

We need political will for change. Mere speeches and promises to capture thieves and recover stolen money won’t suffice. What we need is a practical plan and reforms. Under the existing system, it takes around two years to file a case and another 10-15 for the hearing. Justice cannot be expected from such a system.

Q: Last week, there were reports indicating that you met with Basil Rajapaksa to discuss a political alliance. Could you elaborate?

A: There was no such occurrence. Those reports were false. There will be no alliance with them. On February 14 this year, when we unveiled our manifesto, ‘A United Step for the Country,’ we clearly stated that anyone willing to accept it could join us, while categorically asserting that we would not align ourselves with those who bankrupted this country.

However, we refuse to form alliances with anyone responsible for ruining our nation. We have not engaged in any political discussions with those who have bankrupted our country. These reports are part of a campaign aimed at targeting me. They are perturbed by our recent progress; hence, they deploy their social media to spread such falsehoods. Another reason for the spread of these lies against me was my standing up against the VFS Global visa scam.



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People’s mandate and judicial legitimacy

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BASL public forum held last Saturday

Sri Lanka is witnessing the dismantling of the culture of impunity that dominated public life for decades. This is happening through the courts, police investigations and legal process. It is not an easy task and requires strong leadership as it is generating strong resistance. The ongoing revelations about the nexus between politicians, including those at the highest levels, and criminal networks show that the government’s electoral mandate with regard to corruption and crime is now being translated into action through the legal system. The vote of the people at the last national elections was for a corruption free country and an end to the climate of impunity that had prevailed for decades. They voted for a system change that would replace impunity with accountability under the rule of law. They expected those who had looted the country and brought it to the point of bankruptcy to be held accountable through the due process of law.

The cases that are being investigated by the police, in tandem with the Attorney General’s Department, and adjudicated by the judiciary are based on hard evidence. Much of the evidence that is now receiving publicity had been available several years ago and had even entered the legal process. In the past those cases failed to reach fruition. Investigations lost momentum, prosecutions failed to marshal the available evidence and many cases were dismissed, some on technical grounds. Between 2019 and 2024, a total of 102 cases were withdrawn from the courts by the government authorities. The public knew, or strongly believed, that corruption and serious crimes had taken place. The inability to establish wrongdoing before a court of law and hold those responsible accountable created a climate in which political power appeared to provide protection from legal accountability.

A countrywide study titled Factors Guiding Voter Preference in Elections in Sri Lanka was commissioned by the National Peace Council prior to the 2024 elections under the European Union funded project Active Citizens for Elections and Democracy and conducted by researchers Dr Mahesh Senanayake and Ms Crishni Silva of the University of Colombo. It found overwhelming public support for accountability and good governance. While 93 percent of respondents identified resolving the economic crisis as their foremost electoral concern, an equally striking 83 percent said they prioritised candidates committed to fighting corruption. The mandate given to the government can, therefore, be interpreted to mean to restore integrity to public life and end the long standing culture of impunity.

Different Approach

Today, it can be seen that the police, the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption, the Attorney General’s Department and the judiciary are approaching matters of impunity in respect of corruption and crime in a manner that is markedly different from the past. Several persons who formerly occupied high office have now been subjected to due legal process and, in a number of cases, convicted after judicial scrutiny at different levels of the court system. This is an important difference from earlier years when cases involving politically prominent persons frequently failed to proceed or collapsed before reaching their conclusion. The strength of the present accountability process lies not only in the convictions that have been secured but also in the growing public confidence that no one is above the law. It is in this context that reports of a government proposal to extend by two years the retirement age of judges of the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal have generated support from those who wish to see the present accountability process continue and opposition from those who see it as an attempt to influence the judiciary.

Many countries have increased judicial retirement ages in recognition of longer life expectancy and the value of retaining experienced judges. This has not only been limited to the judiciary but also the academia and the public service. However, the controversy in Sri Lanka is due to the context and as the proposal for an extension of the period of service of judges of the superior courts comes at a time when the courts are hearing politically significant corruption and criminal cases. The Bar Association of Sri Lanka has taken the lead in questioning the proposed constitutional amendment. The BASL has stated that it “notes with grave concern” reports that the government is considering increasing the retirement age of judges of the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal. It has warned that extending the tenure of sitting judges at this point of time is likely to be viewed by the public as an attempt to interfere with the independence of the judiciary.

The main issue raised by the BASL is therefore one of preserving public confidence in the administration of justice. A discussion organised by the BASL also highlighted that this issue has implications beyond Sri Lanka. Representatives of the Commonwealth Lawyers Association and LAWASIA acknowledged that many countries have increased the retirement age of judges in recognition of greater life expectancy and the value of retaining experienced judges. Their concern was not with increasing the retirement age itself but with changing the tenure of sitting judges while politically significant corruption cases are before the courts. In such circumstances, even well intentioned reform could create a public perception that the judiciary is being influenced to take forward the government’s mandate in a partisan manner.

Maintain Confidence

The challenge before the government is to preserve two equally important objectives. The first is to continue implementing the people’s mandate to hold the corrupt and those responsible for grave crimes accountable before the law. The second is to ensure that nothing is done which could diminish public confidence in the independence and impartiality of the judiciary that is entrusted with carrying out that responsibility. The strength of the present accountability process lies in the confidence it has generated among the public that investigations, prosecutions and judicial decisions are being made according to law as in the convictions that have been secured. Sri Lanka has come a long way from the days when politically sensitive cases rarely reached a successful conclusion. It would be unfortunate if doubts regarding the independence of the judiciary were to overshadow what has otherwise been a significant institutional achievement.

In the face of the concerns expressed by the BASL, opposition political parties and international legal organisations, it would be prudent for the government to widen the discussion on the proposed amendment. If there is a compelling case to increase the retirement age of judges of the superior courts, that case should be placed before the public and parliament and debated openly. Such a constitutional amendment should not rest solely on the government’s parliamentary majority, even if it has the numbers to secure its passage. Simply utilising the numbers that the government on its own to make changes to the constitution will not increase its legitimacy or credibility. Those values will be strengthened if they were preceded by public consultation and supported across party lines in Parliament. Bipartisan political support can be expected from those in the opposition, of whom there are many, who have shown an inclination to practice responsible politics in the national interest.

The people voted not only to change a government but to change a system. They expected those who abused public trust to be held accountable through institutions that commanded public confidence. That expectation is beginning to be fulfilled. It should not be placed at risk by constitutional change that lacks broad public acceptance. If the government believes there is a compelling case to extend the retirement age of the judges of the superior courts, it should first make that case to the people and seek bipartisan support in Parliament with those in the opposition who are also sincere about anti-corruption and good governance. The challenge is to protect the independence of the judiciary while ensuring that no one is above the law. Overcoming this challenge is the surest way to make Sri Lanka’s transition from a culture of impunity to one of accountability a lasting one.

by Jehan Perera

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Intelligence-led governance: the strategic path to a sovereign nation

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In an increasingly volatile and interconnected world, the strength of a nation is no longer determined solely by the size of its military, the abundance of its natural resources, or the growth of its economy.

In an increasingly volatile and interconnected world, the strength of a nation is no longer determined solely by the size of its military, the abundance of its natural resources, or the growth of its economy. The true measure of national strength lies in the resilience of its institutions, the confidence of its people, the effectiveness of its governance, and its ability to anticipate and respond to emerging challenges before they become national crises.

The twenty-first century has introduced a security landscape that is far more complex than ever before. Nations today confront not only conventional military threats but also terrorism, organised crime, cyber-attacks, economic instability, disinformation, climate change, pandemics, energy insecurity, irregular migration, financial crimes, and geopolitical competition. These challenges are interconnected and demand integrated responses rather than isolated solutions.

To navigate this evolving environment successfully, every nation requires a shared strategic vision supported by strong institutions working in harmony. At the centre of this vision should be a modern, professional, and intelligence-led system of governance that enables informed decision-making, protects democratic values, and promotes sustainable national development.

A Shared Strategic Vision

Every successful nation should aspire towards a common national vision:

A Sovereign Nation Happy People Peaceful Society Prosperous Economy A Respected Global Partner

These are not independent aspirations but interconnected national outcomes. Achieving them requires every State institution to work collectively under a common strategic framework rather than as isolated entities pursuing individual objectives.

A sovereign nation is one that possesses not only secure borders but also strong institutions, economic resilience, social cohesion, and the confidence to make independent national decisions. Sovereignty today extends beyond territorial integrity to include economic security, cyber resilience, energy security, food security, environmental sustainability, and protection against external influence.

Good Governance: The Cornerstone

The foundation of every successful nation is good governance.

Transparency, accountability, integrity, professionalism, and efficient public administration create an environment where citizens trust their institutions and investors have confidence in the country’s future. Corruption, political interference, inefficiency, and weak institutions undermine national resilience and weaken sovereignty from within.

Good governance is not merely an administrative principle; it is a national security imperative.

When public institutions function efficiently, public services improve, economic opportunities expand, and social grievances diminish. This reduces vulnerabilities that extremist groups, organised criminals, and foreign actors often exploit.

The Rule of Law and Judicial Independence

An independent judiciary is one of the strongest pillars of democracy.

Justice must be administered impartially and without fear or favour. Citizens must have confidence that the law applies equally to everyone, regardless of social status or political influence.

Judicial independence strengthens public confidence, attracts foreign investment, and reinforces national stability. Investors are more likely to invest in countries where contracts are enforceable, disputes are resolved fairly, and property rights are protected.

Likewise, professional law enforcement agencies play a vital role in safeguarding public order. Intelligence-led policing, supported by modern investigative techniques, community engagement, and technological innovation, enables law enforcement to prevent crime rather than merely react to it.

Human Rights: A Strategic Asset

There is often a misconception that national security and human rights exist in opposition. In reality, they reinforce one another.

Respect for human dignity, equality before the law, freedom of expression, religious freedom, and constitutional rights strengthens national unity and social cohesion. Citizens who trust their institutions are more willing to cooperate with authorities, report suspicious activities, and participate in community safety initiatives.

Communities become the first line of defence against extremism, organised crime, and social unrest when mutual trust exists between citizens and the State.

Human rights should therefore be viewed not as obstacles to security but as essential components of sustainable national security.

Intelligence: The Strategic Nerve Centre

At the heart of modern governance lies an effective national intelligence network.

Traditionally, intelligence was associated primarily with military operations and counter-terrorism. Today, its responsibilities extend much further.

Modern intelligence supports political leadership by providing timely, accurate, objective, and actionable information that enables informed decision-making. It anticipates threats, identifies opportunities, and supports strategic planning across all sectors of government.

An effective intelligence system should be:

*  Predictive rather than reactive.

*  Preventive rather than investigative alone.

*  Integrated rather than fragmented.

*  Technology-driven rather than paper-based.

*  People-centred rather than institution-centred.

Artificial intelligence, big data analytics, cyber intelligence, financial intelligence, geospatial intelligence, satellite imagery, behavioural analysis, digital forensics, and open-source intelligence are transforming the intelligence profession worldwide.

Countries that fail to modernise their intelligence capabilities risk strategic surprise and reduced competitiveness in an increasingly data-driven world.

Intelligence Beyond National Security

Modern intelligence should no longer be confined to counter-terrorism or espionage.

Its role should extend to supporting national development through the protection of critical infrastructure, monitoring economic trends, securing supply chains, safeguarding maritime interests, protecting natural resources, and assessing climate-related risks.

Intelligence should assist policymakers in areas such as:

*  Economic planning

*  Public health preparedness

*  Disaster risk reduction

*  Cybersecurity

*  Energy security

*  Food security

*  Environmental protection

*  Artificial intelligence governance

*  Foreign policy

*  Investment protection

An intelligence-led government anticipates future challenges instead of merely responding after crises emerge.

Whole-of-Government Cooperation

One of the greatest weaknesses in many developing nations is institutional fragmentation.

Government agencies often collect valuable information independently but fail to share it effectively. This creates duplication, delays, and missed opportunities.

A National Intelligence Fusion Centre should integrate information from intelligence services, police, armed forces, immigration, customs, financial intelligence units, cyber security agencies, disaster management authorities, health services, and environmental agencies.

Such integration provides decision-makers with a comprehensive national picture and significantly improves crisis management and strategic planning.

Economic Prosperity Through Security

Economic development depends fundamentally upon stability.

Foreign investors seek countries where governance is predictable, corruption is controlled, contracts are enforceable, infrastructure is secure, and political stability is maintained.

An effective intelligence system quietly protects these conditions by identifying threats to investment, monitoring organised crime, preventing financial fraud, protecting critical infrastructure, and safeguarding strategic industries.

Security and economic development are therefore mutually reinforcing.

Investment creates employment.

Employment reduces poverty.

Reduced poverty strengthens social stability.

Social stability reinforces national security.

International Partnerships

No nation can successfully confront modern threats alone.

Transnational organised crime, cybercrime, narcotics trafficking, terrorism, money laundering, illegal migration, and environmental crimes operate across borders.

Regional and global intelligence cooperation has therefore become indispensable.

Information sharing, joint investigations, coordinated maritime surveillance, and collaborative cyber defence significantly enhance national capabilities while strengthening diplomatic relationships.

Strong intelligence supports effective diplomacy.

Effective diplomacy enhances trade, investment, tourism, education, and technological cooperation.

Ultimately, international confidence contributes directly to national prosperity.

The Relationship Between National Stakeholders

National success depends upon collaboration among all stakeholders.

Government provides leadership and policy direction.

The judiciary safeguards justice.

Law enforcement protects public safety.

The intelligence community provides foresight and early warning.

Civil society strengthens social cohesion.

Educational institutions develop future leaders.

The private sector generates investment and innovation.

International partners facilitate trade, cooperation, and knowledge sharing.

Citizens themselves remain the most important stakeholders.

When these institutions operate with mutual trust, shared objectives, and effective coordination, they create a resilient State capable of responding confidently to both domestic and international challenges.

The Strategic Path Forward

Every nation requires a long-term vision rather than short-term political agendas.

That vision should place national interest above partisan interests and institutional collaboration above bureaucratic competition.

The pathway is straightforward:

Good Governance Independent Judiciary Professional Law Enforcement Protection of Human Rights Effective National Intelligence Network Political Stability Investor Confidence Economic Growth Foreign Direct Investment Peaceful Society Happy People A Sovereign Nation

This strategic chain demonstrates that sovereignty is not achieved through military strength alone. It is the cumulative outcome of good governance, justice, intelligence, economic resilience, and public confidence.

The future belongs to nations that can anticipate change, adapt rapidly, and make informed strategic decisions. Intelligence must therefore evolve from being viewed solely as a security function to becoming a central pillar of national governance and development.

A modern intelligence network should serve as the strategic nervous system of the State—connecting governance with justice, justice with security, security with economic prosperity, and prosperity with international respect.

A sovereign nation is ultimately one where institutions are trusted, citizens are protected, rights are respected, opportunities are created, and decisions are guided by knowledge rather than assumption. When all stakeholders work in harmony under a shared strategic vision, the result is a nation that is secure, prosperous, peaceful, and respected on the global stage.

The challenge before every developing nation is therefore not simply to strengthen its security apparatus but to embrace Intelligence-Led Governance as a national philosophy—one that integrates good governance, rule of law, human rights, innovation, and strategic foresight into a unified framework for sustainable national development. Such a vision will not only safeguard sovereignty but also ensure that future generations inherit a nation defined by stability, prosperity, and enduring peace

By Mahil Dole, SSP (Rtd.)

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The perfect victim: How institutions respond

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Nils Christie

It has been almost two months since the judgement of Abeyasinghe v Tilakaratne and others by the Supreme Court. Since then, I have often been asked a simple question, which I, too, have asked myself. “Has anything actually changed?” My answer is both yes and no. Judgements can uphold the law, direct institutions and clarify principles. But they cannot, by themselves, change cultures.

I shall take the liberty of writing this piece because, in the weeks following the judgment, I have found myself reflecting less on the outcome of the case and more on what it reveals about our institutions. Yet institutions do not change simply because a court has spoken. They change only when they are willing to question long-held assumptions, reflect honestly on their procedures and practices, learn from their shortcomings and act decisively to foster a culture that places accountability at its centre.

The myth of the perfect victim

One such assumption is about the conduct of the Ideal or Perfect victim. The concept of the “ideal victim” was first articulated by the Norwegian criminologist Nils Christie in 1986. Interestingly, Christie was not concerned with identifying those most likely to become victims of crime. Instead, his question was who is most readily recognised and accepted by society as a “real” victim? Society is often more willing to extend sympathy and credibility to victims who fit a particular stereotype. According to Christie, the “ideal victim” is someone perceived to be weak and vulnerable, engaged in a respectable activity, in a place where they have every right to be, harmed by someone clearly viewed as “big” or “bad,” and, importantly, a stranger rather than someone they know. These characteristics continue to influence how victims are perceived today. Although we may not consciously apply such criteria, they often shape our instinctive judgments about who deserves to be believed.

In the context of sexual violence within universities, the assumptions surrounding the ideal victim quickly begin to unravel. Power relationships within universities are often complex, and professional relationships may have existed before the misconduct. The alleged perpetrator may not be a stranger but a lecturer, supervisor, colleague, or fellow student. The complainant may continue interacting with the alleged perpetrator because academic progression or employment leaves little choice. When a victim does not fit the mould of the “perfect victim,” attention shifts away from the conduct of the alleged perpetrator and towards the conduct of the complainant.

What should be kept in mind is that victims respond to trauma differently. Some report immediately; many do not. Some become emotional; others appear composed. Some resign from their workplace, while others continue to work because they have no realistic alternative or because they wish to confront the violence head on. Some preserve every piece of evidence; others delete messages simply because they cannot bear to see them again. Yet these perfectly human responses are often interpreted as reasons to doubt credibility.

Universities provide a particularly complex setting for this phenomenon. Most complainants do not initially seek justice. More often, they simply want the harassment to stop so that they can continue their education or employment in an environment where they feel safe. Sometimes victims make anonymous complaints, not because they wish to avoid accountability, but because anonymity provides the only sense of security they have. During preliminary inquiries/ fact finding processes, confidentiality can often be maintained. However, if the matter proceeds to a formal disciplinary process, complainants are usually required to reveal their identities. It is at this point that many decide not to proceed further, not because the harassment did not occur, but because the personal cost of pursuing justice becomes overwhelming.

Perhaps this should prompt us to ask a different question. Instead of asking why anonymous complaints exist or why complainants don’t come forward (sooner), should we not ask why so many complainants feel unsafe engaging with the institutional process?

The subject of scrutiny

When survivors do come forward, they frequently encounter another familiar phenomenon, victim blaming.

“Why didn’t you complain earlier?”

“Why didn’t you go to the police?”

“If you were sexually harassed, why are you still working there?”

“Why did you continue interacting with him?”

“The reason this happened is because you showed positivity towards him.”

“There is no smoke without fire.”

Although these questions appear different, they have something in common. They all examine the behaviour of the complainant. Very few begin by asking why the alleged perpetrator behaved in the way described. The familiar proverb, “There is no smoke without fire,” is often used to suggest that the complainant must have done something to invite the misconduct. Yet perhaps we have misunderstood where the fire lies. The fire is not the complainant’s behaviour. The fire is the conduct of the alleged perpetrator. The complaint is the smoke that finally becomes visible.

These responses also reveal another contradiction. If a victim complains immediately, some might question their motives. If they delay, the delay becomes the issue. If they resign, they may be described as unstable or unable to cope. If they remain in employment, their continued presence is taken as evidence that the misconduct could not have been serious or that it never had happened. If they show emotion, they risk being dismissed as irrational. If they remain composed, they may be accused of exaggerating. In truth, there is often no version of events in which a complainant can satisfy every expectation placed upon them. If our systems only work for the “perfect victim,” then they were never truly designed for victims at all.

The silence that speaks

The recent judgment also prompted me to reflect on another aspect of institutional culture, silence. Within academia, even discussing judgments concerning one’s own institution may be framed as bringing the institution into disrepute. Such framing places academics in an impossible position. Those who speak are sometimes portrayed as being disloyal or as failing to respect the institution they serve. Yet genuine respect for an institution should not require silence in the face of injustice. Universities are places that encourage academic freedom, critical inquiry, evidence-based reasoning, and intellectual debate. They should, therefore, be places where uncomfortable conversations are not avoided but embraced.

The relative silence surrounding the judgment in academia raises important questions. Does silence reflect satisfaction that justice has been served? Does it reflect concern about damaging the reputation of one’s university? Does it reflect uncertainty about whether difficult institutional conversations are welcome? Or does it reflect a real or perceived fear of professional consequences for speaking openly? These are questions that deserve thoughtful reflection.

Post judgement reflections

At the same time, my experience in the weeks following the judgment has also been one of hope. Individuals who have experienced different forms of abuse have quietly come forward to share their own stories with me. Some have sought legal advice. Others have simply wanted someone to listen. Their experiences remind me that judgments do more than resolve disputes between parties. They send messages to those who have remained silent, that seeking justice remains possible. Perhaps that is one answer to the question I posed at the beginning of this article. Has anything actually changed? For some victims, I believe the answer is yes. A judgement can restore hope and encourage those who had previously felt that their voices would never be heard.

Yet judgments alone cannot erase trauma, restore lost years, or undo the personal and professional consequences that many victims endure. Courts can interpret the law, but they cannot, by themselves, transform institutional culture. Culture changes only when institutions and university communities are willing to learn from judgments rather than merely comply with them. It changes when realities of power imbalances are recognised, when credibility is assessed through evidence rather than stereotypes, and when the question “Why did the victim not come forward sooner?” is replaced with “What conditions made it so difficult for the victim to come forward?” Ultimately, the true value of a judgement lies not only in the orders it makes, but also in the conversations it inspires and the institutional self-reflection it demands. Whether anything truly changes will not depend on the judgement itself, but on whether institutions have the courage to learn from them.

(Udari Abeyasinghe is attached to the Faculty of Dental Sciences at the University of Peradeniya)

Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.

by Udari Abeyasinghe

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