Editorial
Basil wants to butter his bread on both sides?
Whether or not President Ranil Wickremesinghe took SLPP General Secretary Sagara Kariyawasam seriously when the latter publicly pronounced that his party cannot support the recently enacted 21st Amendment to the Constitution (introduced through the 22A Bill) because of provisions there that dual citizen cannot run for elected office, we do not know. But Kariyawasam, clearly went on record making that pronouncement, or more accurately threat. He also said that the SLPP would be discussing the matter with the president at a scheduled meeting. If that meeting was held, and if so what transpired there, is not in the public domain.
What we do know is that 22A (later dubbed 21A) was comfortably passed with the required two thirds majority with Admiral (Retd.) Sarath Weerasekera of the SLPP casting the only dissenting vote. Explaining his party’s stance, Kariyawasam said it was clear that the clause banning dual citizen from running for political office targeted former Finance Minister Basil Rajapaksa. This, he said, was totally unacceptable because laws are not meant to target individuals.
In the event many SLPP members, including three Rajapaksas, Namal, Chamal and Sasheendra, voted for the Bill. Party leader Mahinda Rajapaksa was among the many absentees at voting time. Basil Rajapaksa, the national organizer of the SLPP, widely credited to be the brains behind party and its eminence grise has been praised for the SLPP’s success at the 2018 local elections. This was the take-off point for Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s 2019 election as president with the frequently flaunted 6.9 million vote mandate. That paved the way for Mahinda Rajapaksa’s return to office as Prime Minister in 2020.
All that is now old hat. What is important right now is that Basil, more so than his siblings Gotabaya and Mahinda, is perceived as the genius behind the SLPP victory. Some party men have even sycophantically dubbed him as a “man with seven brains.” Brother Gotabaya renounced his U.S. citizenship to run for president in 2019. But Basil was not willing to do likewise and did not run for parliament in 2020 for the reason he was barred by provisions of 19A. While sections of the SLPP-led coalition that swept that election did not favour the removal of the constitutional prohibition of dual citizen from running, President Gotabaya was able to secure the enactment of 20A removing that barrier. He did so with the promise that the new constitution he promised would not include that provision. It was widely anticipated that this was done solely for Basil’s benefit. In eight months he was back in parliament on the SLPP National List assuming the finance ministry brother Mahinda long held both as president and prime minister.
Basil Rajapaksa was permitted by the courts to return to his U.S. homeland where his family lives, for medical attention on the promise he would return. He is now considered the SLPP puppeteer, pulling the strings from far away and setting his party’s agenda. If Basil engineered that some SLPP Member of Parliament, including ministers, were absent at voting time on 21A a few days ago, he did not secure blanket backing for his wishes. Even the Rajapaksas have broken ranks with only Mahinda, with no explanation offered up to now of his reasons for keeping away, remaining on Basil’s side with three other family members voting for the amendment. Does this signal cracks in the party and family? Only time can tell.
SJB, SLFP and dissident SLPP support was necessary for the amendment to get through with the required two thirds majority. The president understood that very well and he would have socked that into the SLPP that elected him president. Given that he only has the assured support of the solitary UNPer who succeeded him in his party’s single national list slot in parliament, Wickremesinghe remains a prisoner of the SLPP in the legislature until February next year when the constitution empowers him to dissolve parliament. Whether he has held out any assurances that he would not do that, and those MPs who would not qualify for a parliamentary pension if they do not have five years parliamentary service would be apprehensive of an early dissolution, he has levers to pressure sections of the SLPP if required.
Justifying his stand, Sagara Kariyawasam pointed out that a Briton of Indian origin has become the prime minister of the UK and urged that the world was now becoming or has become a global village. Implicit in that remark is “why can’t dual citizen Basil retain his U.S. and Sri Lanka citizenships and enjoy the rights of both?” Rishi Sunak was born in Britain, schooled there and graduated from Oxford. His parents immigrated to the UK from East Africa. But comparing Sunak’s case to Basil’s is like comparing chalk and cheese. Basil was born here and sought greener pastures in the U.S., possibly for economic reasons, and acquired citizenship there. He came back after this side of the fence became even greener with MR’s election. Unlike GR, he is unwilling to renounce that citizenship in return for elected office. He has not discussed the reasons for this stance. Reportedly he has a home in the U.S. but not in Malwana according to a court determination. Kariyawasam obviously wants to help Basil to butter his bread on both sides.
Editorial
Colombo Port drug bust: The plot thickens
Friday 2nd October, 2026
An inquiry conducted by the Police Special Investigation Unit (SIU) into some allegations concerning the circumstances that surrounded the 31 August drug detection at the Colombo Port has revealed that there may have been dereliction of duty on the part of Senior Deputy Inspector General of Police (SDIG) Ranmal Kodituwakku and several other officers, according to media reports. The plot thickens.
Acting on information reportedly received from the US Drug Enforcement Administration, the Central Crime Investigation Bureau (CCIB) searched a shipping container, bound for Cameroon, at the Colombo Port, and detected a large quantity of crystal methamphetamine weighing about 471 kg. The intelligence that led to the drug detection had been conveyed to SDIG Kodithuwakku, who was overseeing the CCIB. It was reported that the officers of the CCIB had obtained a search warrant from a Magistrate before opening the container, with the help of some personnel from the Police Narcotics Bureau and Sri Lanka Customs. Now, there is another version of how the drug detection was made.
SIU is reported to have found that both SDIG Kodithuwakku and the Police Narcotics Bureau received information about the drug consignment, on 14 August, but no action was taken immediately. On 22 August, a sub Inspector of the CCIB also received the same information. He subsequently took action and on 31 August, the container was opened in the presence of the Customs officers. The SIU investigators are reported to have found that some officers of the Police Narcotics Bureau were also present at the scene, but the initial detection of the drug consignment was carried out primarily by officers of the CCIB. SIU has recommended that in addition to the internal inquiry a criminal investigation should be conducted, according to media reports. But was the opening of the container strategically delayed, as has been claimed in some quarters? There have been numerous such instances around the world. The SIU investigators therefore ought not to rush to conclusions before establishing whether the delay, if any, formed part of a deliberate investigative strategy.
It has been reported that French Customs found 139 kg of cocaine in a shipping container at Marseille last year but instead of seizing the drug consignment immediately, it resorted to a controlled delivery of the big box to Barcelona, where a stevedore, two recipients and a transporter were arrested.
In 2023, after detecting 240 kg of methamphetamine in a 40-foot-container, Hong Kong Customs arranged for an international controlled delivery to Australia, where the box was bound for, and several arrests were made there. In May 1985, U.S. Customs allowed a drug-laden shipping container arriving at Port Newark to proceed under surveillance in a controlled-delivery operation in order to identify the people who would take delivery of it.
Police investigations have not always inspired public confidence in this country. There have been many instances where they conducted investigations hurriedly and arrived at the wrong conclusions. In 2015, the CID arrested two suspects, including a schoolboy, over the abduction, rape and murder of a little girl in Kotadeniyawa. It was later found that the perpetrator was someone else. Another striking example is the arrest of two former LTTE cadres after the execution-style killing of two policemen in Vavunathivu in 2018. But after the Easter Sunday terror attacks the following year, the CID found that the two policemen had been murdered by the National Thowheed Jamaath, which carried out the 2019 carnage.
So, one can argue that there is nothing inherently implausible about the claim that the opening of the container carrying narcotics at the Colombo Port was postponed in a bid to catch all those responsible for the illegal operation. Only a thorough probe will reveal whether this method was actually adopted in the case of the port drug bust.
Editorial
Drug busting, transfers and trust deficit
Thursday 1st Octobber, 2026
Media reports about a Police Headquarters decision to transfer Senior Deputy Inspector General of Police (SDIG) Ranmal Kodithuwakku, who oversees the Central Crime Investigation Bureau (CCIB), and several other senior police officers involved in uncovering a massive drug haul recently have raised many an eyebrow. The Police Department is reported to have sought the National Police Commission’s approval for their transfers, citing organisational/service requirements. The news about the proposed transfers has come while an inquiry is underway into the recent seizure of a large quantity of crystal methamphetamine (Ice) at the Colombo Port. Kodithuwakku has already made a statement to the Criminal Investigation Department in connection with that inquiry. The sequence of events is noteworthy.
On 31 August 2026, the police, acting on intelligence passed by the US Drug Enforcement Administration, searched a shipping container at the Colombo Port and seized a large quantity of crystal methamphetamine weighing about 471 kg. The intelligence had been received by SDIG Kodithuwakku. Officers of the CCIB had obtained a search warrant from a Magistrate before opening the container, together with some officers of the Police Narcotics Bureau and Sri Lanka Customs. The drugs were concealed among towels or body wipes.
The Police Special Investigation Unit lost no time in commencing the inquiry under discussion into alleged shortcomings, omissions and possible lapses in the handling of the drug investigation. However, it is generally believed that those who carry out successful operations of this nature deserve praise and rewards. The challenge for the police therefore is to prove that the ongoing inquiry and controversial transfers are not aimed at taking the gloss off the successful anti-narcotics operation.
Police have also claimed that the internal inquiry will not interfere with the main criminal investigation being conducted by the CCIB. However, it may be recalled that the leaders of the incumbent administration accused the SLPP government of having disrupted investigations into the Easter Sunday terror attacks and other major cases by transferring the then CID Director SSP Shani Abeysekera in late 2019. So, how can the police top brass convince the public that the transfers of SDIG Kodituwakku and others will not adversely impact the ongoing probe into the port drug haul?
One can argue that the reasons given by the police for the inquiry and the transfers in question are not plausible, for it is widely believed that whenever senior officers conduct investigations or operations that are not to the liking of their superiors or politicians in power, they face inquiries and transfers. The National Police Commission is also widely perceived as a rubber stamp for the Executive. It is therefore hardly surprising that the media and the discerning public do not readily accept the explanations offered by the Police Spokesman and his superiors about internal inquiries and lightning transfers. There is a huge trust deficit.
Meanwhile, one may recall that nobody was transferred over the Colombo Port container scandal. As many as 323 red-flagged freight containers were released from the Colombo Port without mandatory Customs inspections, in January 2025, and what those big boxes carried is anybody’s guess. The Customs made a shameful attempt to defend the indefensible, and its Spokesman who trotted out lame excuses in a bid to mislead the media and the public became the Customs Chief and received a top position at the Presidential Secretariat after his retirement.
Sri Lankans are familiar with the local folk-story character, King Kekille, who invariably let wrongdoers off and punished the innocent in cases brought before him. Going by the way Sri Lankan politicians have been handling crucial issues under successive governments, one wonders whether King Kekille actually lived in this country and whether the present-day rulers are his descendants. Kekille once punished a goldsmith over a defect in a newly built wall around his palace. When questioned by the king, the mason who built the wall claimed that he had been distracted, during construction work, by a good-looking woman, who passed the worksite several times a day. The woman, summoned by the king, said she had been forced to visit the goldsmith frequently as he had not finished making her jewellery. So, the king shifted the blame to the goldsmith and punished him.
One need hardly be surprised even if those who smuggled drugs into the country through the Colombo Port walk free while the police officers who conducted the successful operation find themselves in the dock. Anything is possible in this country. The onus is on the police top brass to provide a credible justification for the controversial internal inquiry and transfers ordered by them.
Editorial
When crime bosses rise above law and shrines
Wednesday 30th September, 2026
Underworld death squads are in overdrive, eliminating their rivals. On Sunday, a gunman armed with an assault rifle opened fire on a trishaw, killing its driver and a woman in Baddegama. Another woman, injured in the attack, died in hospital. A video of the attack shows the assassin, who arrives in a car, using controlled, individual shots rather than a burst. Such killings carried out by professional hitmen remind us of Hollywood blockbusters depicting street violence in Chicago of the 1920s. Close on the heels of Sunday’s killings, a man suffered serious injury in a shooting incident at Rathgama. The police have attributed these attacks to underworld rivalries.
About 25 people have perished in 35 shooting incidents so far this year. Two children were killed in a grenade attack in Dehiwala about three weeks ago. The increasing number of underworld attacks shows that criminal gangs remain strong despite the ongoing operations against the underworld. Several hardcore criminals have been arrested and remanded, but their gangs are still operating, making one doubt the effectiveness of the much-advertised offensives against the netherworld of crime and drugs.
Crime syndicates have emerged so powerful that they do not spare even holy shrines. One of the women killed in Baddegama on Sunday is believed to have aided and abetted the killing of a trustee of a famous devale in the Ambalangoda area, where another shrine reportedly cannot hold its annual procession due to underworld threats.
In July, Kanjipani Imran, a drug dealer operating from overseas, threated to attack the historic Devinuwara Devale perahera unless the shrine lifted a ban on a kavadi dance group sponsored by him. The police asked the shrine to hold the procession without the kavadi segment, accusing kavadi dancers of improper conduct. But the government intervened, directing the shrine to allow all kavadi groups, (including the one supported by Kanjipani Imran), to participate in the perahera. Thus, the political authority, devale officials and the police danced to Kanjipani Imran’s tune, as it were.
The underworld is often described as a criminal subculture separated from mainstream society, but criminologists point out that criminal networks are rooted in mainstream society and can have links with business and political elites. This may explain why the underworld has become so powerful in this country.
When Kanjipani Imran was arrested in Dubai and brought back in 2019, it was widely thought that he would not be able to secure bail because Sri Lanka police and their UAE counterparts had worked tirelessly for months to arrest him and Makandure Madush, another notorious criminal, who was also extradited. Madush was shot dead while in police custody, and the then government claimed that he had been caught in the crossfire between police and an underworld gang while being taken to a place where a haul of narcotics was believed to have been buried. But Kanjipani Imran obtained bail in 2024 and fled the country. Janith Madushanka de Silva (Podi Lasi), another drug dealer, also escaped to India after being released on bail in 2024.
Kavadi
dancers are not the only ones who have benefited from the largesse of drug dealers and other criminals. Following the assassination of High Court Judge Sarath Ambepitiya, this newspaper revealed that Kudu Nauffer, the drug dealer who ordered the killing, had sponsored food and beverages at a judicial officers’ function through a front. The police could not arrest Kudu Lal, the main supplier of heroin in Colombo, because of his political connections. In 2010, he left for London, with the help of a Cabinet minister in the UPFA government. Strangely, this incident has gone uninvestigated. There is a pressing need to monitor campaign funds of politicians and political parties closely.
It is hoped that the government and the police will stop bellowing rhetoric and step up their crime-busting operations to neutralise the underworld once and for all. Otherwise, the day may not be far off when powerful criminal gangs run a parallel government.
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