Features
After Anura, Namal?
“…if this isn’t happening, what is?” Carolina De Robertis (The President and the Frog)
José Mujica, the poorest president in the world, died this week. As a young activist he had joined the Marxist Tupamaros guerrilla movement and was imprisoned for 14 years, most of it in a hole in a ground where he befriended ants and a frog to stay sane. During his five years as Uruguay’s president, he continued to live in his ramshackle farmhouse-home with his wife and three-legged dog Manuela, went about driving his old Volkswagen car, and donated most of his salary to charities.
Since the Uruguayan constitution does not permit consecutive presidential terms, Mr. Mujica bowed out in 2015. Despite a 70% popularity rate, he didn’t consider another presidential run. In one of his final interviews, he criticised left-wing presidents of Nicaragua and Venezuela for clinging to power and wondered at comeback attempts by Cristian Kirchner of Argentina and Evo Morales of Bolivia. “How hard it is for them to let go of the cake,” he marvelled ((https://www.france24.com/en/live-news/20241129-we-re-messing-up-uruguay-icon-mujica-on-strongman-rule-in-latin-america).
Not wanting to ‘let go of the cake,’ is a political norm in today’s Sri Lanka. “Politicians never retire from politics,” Mahinda Rajapaksa said in 2024 (https://www.instagram.com/dailymirrorlk/reel/DBLMDBtsP82/). ). He had done more than most to set that trend in motion. Up until 2005, presidents retired after completing their two terms. President Rajapaksa removed the two-term provision in 2010, contested for a third term in 2015, lost, and, instead of retiring, contested the general election becoming an ordinary parliamentarian.
Anything to keep even a sliver of the cake.
“Attachment is the root of suffering,” The Buddha warned (https://suttacentral.net/mn105/en/sujato?lang=en&layout=plain&reference=none¬es=asterisk&highlight=false&script=latin). When political leaders become attached to power, the suffering becomes nationalised. For instance, had JR Jayewardene not been so intent on maintaining power, there would have been no 1982 Referendum and all the ills which followed.
Mr. Jayewardene wanted power for himself and his party. Mahinda Rajapaksa’s attachment to power is dynastic. He wants power, if not for himself, then for an immediate family member. In 2019, this gave us Gotabaya Rajapaksa. In 2029, it might give us Namal Rajapaksa.
Namal Rajapaksa replacing his father and uncles as the public face of the SLPP doesn’t mean any change in the feudal ethos underlying Rajapaksa politics. The party remains a fief and its activists continue to be vassals. A short You Tube video shot at a local government election meeting in Moneragala symbolises this continuity. In it, young Namal, dressed like his father, descends a long flight of stairs to be worshipped by two young men (possibly candidates). Their backs and heads are bent, their hands pressed together. Mr Rajapaksa is unembarrassed by this display of servility. On the contrary, he seems to be accepting it as his due, a crown prince being venerated by his future subjects (https://www.youtube.com/shorts/_BsTCv6H-bY).
Commenting on our economic prospects, the World Bank said, “Despite the recovery in 2024, medium-term growth is expected to remain modest, reflecting the scarring effects of the crisis…” (Sri Lanka Development Update 2025). That unprecedented crisis birthed two unimaginable outcomes, Ranil Wickremesinghe and Anura Kumara Dissanayake presidencies. Both outcomes were impossible under normal circumstances. At the 2020 general election, Ranil Wickremesinghe had lost his own seat and the NPP/JVP had gained just 3% of the vote. Without President Gotabaya, there wouldn’t have been a President Ranil or a President Anura.
Will the ineptitude of the Dissanayake administration open the door to another unthinkable – a Namal Rajapaksa presidency?
Underwhelming governance
The NPP/JVP administration is yet to spawn a major scandal on par with the innumerable Rajapaksa outrages or the bond scam. Most of its wrongs are of a relatively minor order, more peccadillos than crimes. Yet these delinquencies, together with an absolute genius for sloppiness, are earning for it a reputation of bumbling ineptitude.
Think of that monkey census. Or those May Day buses illegally parked on the Southern Highway. Or the silly sayings of Nalin Hewage, Chatura Abeysinghe, and Nilanthi Kottahachchi.
The Asoka Ranwala saga is emblematic of the aura of maladroitness that is plaguing the NPP/JVP administration. Five months after that needless (indeed infantile) doctorate affair, Mr. Ranwala is yet to produce his PhD certificate from his supposed alma mater. His silence on the matter is understandable. Not so the silence of the government. He continues to be not just a parliamentarian but also a member of the NPP’s executive committee. In fact, the official NPP website continues to list him as Dr Asoka Ranwala! (https://www.npp.lk/en/about). If the NPP cannot update its own website, how can it change a system, let alone create a New Man who embodies civic virtues and humanitarian values?
From l’affaire Ranwala to the chaotic scenes at the Tooth Relic exposition, the missteps of the NPP/JVP government become magnified because of the glaring difference between the party’s promise and the administration’s reality. In its desire to win, the NPP/JVP generated unrealistic and unrealisable expectations, building a pedestal for itself high to the point of perfection. Its inability to live up to those expectations, to remain on that pedestal is causing immense damage to its credibility. Going by the government’s dismal performance at the LG polls so soon after its soaring victory at the parliamentary election, voters feel disillusioned, even cheated. For a six-month old government, that is not a good place to be.
Add to this the government’s inexplicable inefficiency on matters large and small, despite having both the presidency and more than a two-thirds majority in parliament. The rice crisis is an obvious case in point. President Dissanayake went so far as to threaten rice oligopolists in public, on TV. Yet the oligopolists continue to retain the upper hand. Minister Saroja Paulraj’s insensitive attitude to the suicide of a 16-year old student is atrocious; even more unforgivable is the government’s inability to take any action against the tuition class owner (and NPP member) whose alleged public shaming was, reportedly, the immediate cause of that young girl’s suicide.
The missteps continue to multiply, from the prime minister’s intemperate remarks about breaking election laws ‘shape eke’ to limiting government’s weekly media briefings to those journalists registered with the Media Ministry (that ban kept out Shantha Wijesooriya despite his accreditations from the International Federation of Journalists and the Sri Lanka Working Journalists Association).
None of these needed to happen since they were not necessary for the government to maintain power. All of these could have been quenched with a few simple acts, starting with an apology. But they remain unattended and continue to fester, causing government serious reputational damage.
Little wonder the NPP/JVP lost 2.3million votes in under six months. Vote-haemorrhaging on such a scale is probably unprecedented in Lankan electoral history. The NPP/JVP not only lost the 1.2million votes it gained between presidential and parliamentary election; it also lost 1.1million votes from its presidential election score. If not staunched soon, this sort of bleeding cannot but lead to a dismal electoral death in 2029.
Perhaps the NPP/JVP’s greatest defeat is the stunning loss of confidence it suffered among Tamil and Muslim voters. Both communities abandoned the NPP/JVP and gravitated to their traditional parties in substantial numbers at the LG polls.
The government’s insensitivity and arrogance would have played a seminal role in this fall from electoral grace. Take, for instance, the March 2025 gazette stating that close to 6,000 acres of land in the Northern province will be taken over by the government if ownership is not confirmed within three months. The injustice and the discrimination of this proposed measure are palpable. The population in the Northern districts suffered grievously from the war, including destruction of property and displacement. Giving such a people just three months to prove ownership of land is a violation of natural justice. And such an unjust gazette targeting the Sinhala majority is unlikely to be issued by this or any other government. Little wonder Tamils felt disenchanted and a substantial number of them reverted to their traditional party loyalties.
The persecution of Muslims for opposing the war in Gaza was probably a key reason for the erosion of Muslim support. The arrest of 21-year-old Mohammad Rusdi for pasting an anti-Israeli sticker was obviously not an isolated incident. According to SJB parliamentarian Mujibur Rahman, a 31-year-old Muslim man in Eravur has been questioned for writing, Allah will protect Palestine, in a poem. And in Colombo, the police had gone to the house of an organiser of an anti-Israel demonstration, a Muslim, and asked him such question as why do you call Netanyahu a terrorist (he is worse, a genocider) and why demonstrate here when Palestinian children are killed? (Perhaps the new head of SL-Palestine Parliamentary Friendship Association Dr Sunil Senevi can give the police a brief lecture as to why the murder of children in their tens of thousands in Palestine or elsewhere touches us all?).
The government’s only remaining advantage is the opposition’s weakness. That weakness will enable the government to complete its five years. But it will not save the government from defeat in 2029.
Renaissance for the Rajapaksas?
According to the IHP’s SLOTS poll, electoral support for Gotabaya Rajapaksa began to diminish in January 2022. Initially, the beneficiary of this disenchantment was Sajith Premadasa, as the leader of the largest opposition party. By June, public opinion began to shift again, in the NPP’s favour. At first, a party with a mere 3% base beating the main opposition to win presidential and parliamentary polls seemed hardly credible. But as the NPP continued to shore up its support, that outcome began to look inevitable.
The possibility of a repeat performance in 2029 cannot be ruled out. Not with the SLPP more than tripling its vote haul and nearing the one million mark at the local government election in under six months.
The SLPP that might win in 2029 would be not just a Rajapaksa party but also a party which normalises corruption, again. Corruption was not a Rajapaksa creation. Far from it. But it was under Rajapaksa rule that corruption became accepted as an integral part of development itself, an acceptable price we citizens pay for development. Going by a recent public statement by SLPP heavyweight Janaka Tissakuttiarachchi, development through corruption would become a signature trait of a Namal Rajapaksa administration just as it was of Mahinda and Gotabaya Rajapaksa administrations. “There is nothing to hide,” Mr Tissakuttiarachchi told a campaign meeting proudly. “Some local government members would build a road with their friends and would take a profit of 5,000, 10,000 from those contractors. They didn’t buy a packet of milk for their children with that 5,000, 10,000. They took that 5,000, 10,000 to the funeral and the wedding in the village. And that person built himself. He used the development work given by Mr. Mahinda to build himself up, contest the next election, and win.”
As Canadian-American political commentator (and one-time speech-writer for the second President Bush) said of the Trump administration, bad character will become a job qualification under a president Namal just as it was under presidents Mahinda and Gotabaya.
According to the Democracy Perception Index 2025, Sri Lankans believe that the main purpose of democracy is to improve living standards ((https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_nypzC0gt5c). This is a test the NPP government seems to be failing. If it cannot prevent a salt shortage and the skyrocketing of salt prices, there’s not much chance it can cause a real improvement in the living standards of ordinary Lankans. The promise to bring corrupt politicians to justice is beginning to seem like empty words, as does the boast to suppress underworld gangs and end the drug menace. If the government fails to upgrade its performance substantially by September, its image as ‘incompetent Tarzans’ (weda beri Tarzanla) will become set in stone.
When disenchantment leads to anger (and desire to teach the government a lesson for its false promises), the pendulum will swing as wildly as it did in 2024. It will stop not with Sajith Premadasa (whose verbosity conceals rather than reveals what he actually stands for) but move past him towards the anti-New Man and the natural guardian of the old system, Namal Rajapaksa.
by Tisaranee Gunasekara
Features
The Easter investigation must not become ethno-religious politics
Representatives of almost all the main opposition parties were in attendance at the recent book launch by Pivithuru Hela Urumaya leader Udaya Gammanpila. The book written by the PHU leader was his analysis of the Easter bombing of April 2019 that led to the mass killing of 279 persons, caused injuries to more than 500 others and caused panic and shock in the entire country. The Easter bombing was inexplicable for a number of reasons. First, it was perpetrated by suicide bombers who were Sri Lankan Muslims, a community not known for this practice. They targeted Christian churches in particular, which led to the largest number of casualties. The bombing of Sri Lankan Christian churches by Sri Lankan Muslims was also inexplicable in a country that had no history of any serious violence between the two religions.
There were two further inexplicable features of the bombing. The six suicide bombings took place almost simultaneously in different parts of the country. The logistical complexity of this operation exceeded any previously seen in Sri Lanka. Even during the three decade long civil war that pitted the Sri Lankan military against the LTTE, which had earned international notoriety for suicide attacks, Sri Lanka had rarely witnessed such a synchronised operation. The country’s former Attorney General, Dappula de Livera, who investigated the bombing at the time it took place, later stated, upon retirement, that there was a “grand conspiracy” behind the bombings. That phrase has remained central to public debate because it suggested that the visible perpetrators may not have been the only planners behind the attack.
The other inexplicable factor was that intelligence services based in India repeatedly warned their Sri Lankan counterparts that the bombings would take place and even gave specific targets. Later investigations confirmed that warnings were transmitted days before the attacks and repeated again shortly before the explosions, yet they were not acted upon. It was these several inexplicable factors that gave rise to the surmise of a mastermind behind the students and religious fanatics led by the extremist preacher Zahran Hashim from the east of the country, who also blew himself up in the attacks. Even at the time of the bombing there was doubt that such a complex and synchronised operation could have been planned and executed by the motley band who comprised the suicide bombers.
Determined Attempt
The book by PHU leader Gammanpila is a determined attempt to make explicable the inexplicable by marshalling logic and evidence that this complex and synchronised operation was planned and executed by Zahran himself. This is a possible line of argumentation in a democratic society. Competing interpretations of public tragedies are part of political discourse. However, the timing of the intervention makes it politically more significant. The launch of the PHU leader’s book comes at a critical time when the protracted investigation into the Easter bombing appears to be moving forward under the present government.
The performance of the three previous governments at investigating the bombing was desultory at best. The Supreme Court held former President Maithripala Sirisena and several senior officials responsible for failing to act on prior intelligence and ordered compensation to victims. This judicial finding gave legal recognition to what victims had long maintained, that there was a grave dereliction of duty at the highest levels of the state. In recent weeks the investigation has taken a dramatic turn with the arrest and court production of former State Intelligence Service chief Suresh Sallay on allegations linked directly to the attacks. Whether these allegations are ultimately proven or disproven, they indicate that the present phase of the investigation is moving beyond negligence into possible complicity.
This is why the present moment requires political sobriety. There is a danger that the line of political division regarding the investigation into the Easter bombing can take on an ethnic complexion. The insistence that the suicide bombers alone were the planners and executors of the dastardly crime makes the focus invariably one of Muslim extremism, as the suicide bombers were all Muslims. This may unintentionally narrow public attention away from the unanswered questions regarding intelligence failures, possible political manipulation, and the allegations of a broader conspiracy that remain under active investigation. The minority political parties representing ethnic and religious minorities appear to have realised this danger. Their absence from the book launch was politically significant. It suggests an unwillingness to be drawn into a narrative that could once again stigmatise an entire community for the crimes of a handful of extremists and their possible handlers.
Another Tragedy
It would be another tragedy comparable in political consequence to the havoc wreaked by the Easter bombing if moderate mainstream political parties, such as the SJB to which the Leader of the Opposition belongs, were to subscribe to positions merely to score political points against the present government. They need to guard against the promotion of anti-minority sentiment and the fuelling of majority prejudice against ethnic and religious minorities. Indeed, opposition leader Sajith Premadasa in his Easter message said that justice for the victims of the 2019 Sri Lanka Easter Sunday attacks remains a fundamental responsibility of the state and noted that seven years on, both past and present governments have failed to deliver accountability. He added that building a society grounded in trust and peace, uniting all ethnicities, religions and communities, is vital to ensure such tragedies do not occur again.
Sri Lanka’s post war history offers too many examples of how unresolved security crises become vehicles for majoritarian mobilisation. The Easter tragedy itself was followed by waves of anti-Muslim suspicion and violence in some parts of the country. Responsible political leadership should seek to prevent any return to that atmosphere. There are many other legitimate issues on which the moderate and mainstream opposition parties can take the government to task. These include the lack of decisive action against government members accused of corruption, the passing of the entire burden of rising fuel prices on consumers instead of the government sharing the burden, and the failure to hold provincial council elections within the promised timeframe. These are issues that touch the daily lives of citizens and the health of democratic governance. They offer the opposition ample ground on which to build credibility as a government in waiting.
The search for truth and justice over the Easter bombing needs to continue until all those responsible are identified, whether they were direct perpetrators, negligent officials, or political actors who may have exploited the tragedy. This is what the victim families want and the country needs. But this search must not be turned into a partisan and religiously divisive matter such as by claiming that there are more potential suicide bombers lurking in the country who had been followers of Zaharan. If it is, Sri Lanka risks replacing one national tragedy with another. coming together to discredit the ongoing investigations into the Easter bombing of 2019 is an unacceptable use of ethno-religious nationalism to politically challenge the government. The opposition needs to find legitimate issues on which to challenge the government if they are to gain the respect and support of the general public and not their opprobrium.
by Jehan Perera
Features
China’s new duty-free regime for Africa: Implications for Global Trade and Sri Lanka
* The new duty-free regime for Africa, announced by Chinese President Xi Jinping in February, is the most generous unilateral nonreciprocal trade concession offered by any country to developing countries since the beginning of the modern rule based international trading system.
* Yet, it is a clear violation of the cornerstone of the multilateral trade law, the Most-Favoured-Nation (MFN) principle.
* Hence, its implications on developing countries, without duty-free access to China, will be extremely negative. Sri Lanka is one of the few developing countries without duty-free access to China.
On 14 February, 2026, Chinese President Xi Jinping announced that China will grant zero-tariff treatment to 53 African nations, effective 01 May, 2026. Under this new unilateral policy initiative, China would eliminate all import tariffs on all goods imported from all the countries in Africa, except Eswatini. China already enforces a zero-tariff policy for 33 Least Developed Countries (LDCs) in Africa. Now this policy would be extended to non LDCs as well. This policy initiative clearly aims at reducing the continuously expanding trade deficit between China and Africa. In 2024, China’s trade surplus against Africa was recorded at US $ 61 billion.
This trade initiative, a precious gift amidst ongoing global trade tensions, is the most generous unilateral nonreciprocal trade concession given by any country to developing countries, since the beginning of the modern rule based international trading system.
Though this landmark announcement has far-reaching implications on global trade, as much as President Trump’s “Liberation Day” tariffs, it was almost overlooked by the global media.
Implications for Global Trade
This Chinese policy initiative, though very generous, is a clear violation of the Most-Favoured-Nation (MFN) principle and the “Enabling Clause” of the International Trade Law. The MFN principle is the cornerstone of the multilateral trading system under the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and is enshrined in Article I of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). It mandates that any trade advantage, privilege, or immunity granted by a WTO member to any country must be extended immediately and unconditionally to all other WTO members. Though, the GATT “Enabling Clause” allows developed nations to offer non-reciprocal preferential treatment (lower tariffs) to developing countries without extending them to all WTO members, this has to be done in a non-discriminatory manner. By extending tariff concessions only to developing countries in Africa, China has also breached this requirement.
This deliberate violation of the MFN principle by China occurs less than 12 months after the announcement of “Liberation Day” tariffs by President Trump, which breached Article I (MFN) and Article II (bound rates) of the GATT. However, it is important to underline that the objectives of the actions by the two Presidents are poles apart; the US objective was to limit imports from all its trading partners, and China’s objective is to increase imports from African countries.
Though the importance of the MFN principle of the WTO law had eroded over the years due to the proliferation of preferential trade agreements and unilateral preferential arrangements, the WTO members almost always obtained WTO waivers, whenever they breached the MFN principle. Now the leaders of the main trading powers have decided to violate the core principles of the multilateral trading system so brazenly, the impact of their decisions on the international trading system will be irrevocable.
Implications for Sri Lanka
China’s unilateral decision to provide zero-tariff treatment to African countries will have a strong adverse impact on Sri Lanka. Currently, all Asian countries, other than India and Sri Lanka, have duty-free access, for most of their exports, into the Chinese market through bilateral or regional trade agreements, or the LDC preferences. Though Sri Lanka, India and China are members of the Asia Pacific Trade Agreement (APTA), preferential margins extended by China under APTA to India and Sri Lanka are limited.
The value of China’s imports from Sri Lanka had declined from US$ 650 million in 2021 to US$ 433 million by 2025. However, China’s exports to Sri Lanka increased significantly during the period, from US$ 5,252 million to US$ 5,753 by 2025. This has resulted in a trade deficit of US$ 5,320 million. Sri Lanka’s exports to China may decline further from next month when African nations with duty-free access start to expand their market share.
Let me illustrate the challenges Sri Lanka will face in the Chinese market with one example. Tea (HS0902) is Sri Lanka’s third largest export to China, after garments and gems. Sri Lanka is the largest exporter of tea to China, followed by India, Kenya and Viet Nam. During the last five years the value of China’s imports of tea from Sri Lanka had declined significantly, from US$76 million in 2021 to US$ 57 million by 2025. Meanwhile, imports from our main competitors had increased substantially. Most importantly, imports from Kenya increased from US$ 7.9 million in 2021 to US$ 15 million in 2025. For tea, the existing tariff in China for Sri Lanka is 7.5% and for Kenya is 15%. From next month the tariff for Kenya will be reduced to 0%. What will be its impact on Sri Lanka exports? That was perhaps explained by a former Ambassador to Africa, when he urged Sri Lankan exporters to “leverage duty free access from Kenya” to expand their exports to China!
(The writer is a retired public servant and a former Chairman of WTO Committee on Trade and Development. He can be reached at senadhiragomi@gmail.com)
by Gomi Senadhira
Features
Daughter in the spotlight …
Jeevarani Kurukulasuriya was a famous actress and her name still rings a bell with many. And now in the spotlight is her daughter Senani Wijesena – not as an actress but as a singer – and she has been singing, since the age of five!
The plus factor is that Senani, now based in Australia, is also a songwriter, plays keyboards and piano, dancer, and has filmed and edited some of her own music videos.
Says Senani: “I write the lyrics, melody and music and work with professional musicians who do the needful on my creations.”
Her latest album, ‘Music of the Mirror’, is made up of 16 songs, and her first Sinhala song, called ‘Nidahase’, is scheduled for release this month (April) in Colombo, along with a music video.
‘Nidahase’,
says Senani, is a song about Freedom … of life, movement, love and spirit. Freedom to be your authentic self, express yourself freely and Freedom from any restrictions.
In fact, ‘Nidahase’ is the Sinhala translated version of her English song ‘Free’ which made Senani a celebrity as the song was nominated for a Hollywood Music in Media Award in the RnB /Soul category and reached the Top 20 on the UK Music weekly dance charts, as well as No. 1 on the Yes Home grown Top 15, on Yes FM, for six weeks straight.
Senani went on to say that ‘Nidahase’ has been remixed to include a Sri Lankan touch, using Kandyan drums and the Thammattama drum, with extra music production by local music producer Dilshan L. Silva, and Australia-based Emmy Award winning Producer and Engineer Sean Carey … with Senani also in the scene.
The song was written (lyrics and melody) and produced by Senani and it features Australian musicians, while the music video was produced by Sri Lanka’s Sandesh Bandara and filmed in Sri Lanka.

First Sinhala song scheduled for release this month … in Colombo
Senani’s music is mostly Soul, Funk and RNB – also Fusion, using ethnic sounds such as the tabla, sitar, and sarod – as well as Jazz influenced.
“I also have Alternative Music songs with a rock edge, such as ‘New Day’, and upcoming releases ‘Fly High’ and ‘Whisper’“, says Senani, adding that she has also recorded in other languages, such as Hindi and Spanish.
“As much of my fan base are Sri Lankans, who have asked me to release a song in the Sinhala language, I decided to create and release ‘Nidahase’ and I plan to release other original Sinhala songs in the future.
Senani has a band in Australia and has appeared at festivals in Australia, on radio and TV in Australia, and Sri Lanka.
She trained as a vocalist, through Sydney-based Singing Schools, as well as private tuition, and she has 5th Grade piano music qualifications.
And this makes interesting reading:
“I graduated from the University of Newcastle in Australia with a Bachelor of Medicine and I work part time as a doctor (GP) and an Integrative Medicine practitioner, with a focus on nutrition, and spend the rest of the time dedicated to my music career.”
Senani hails from an illustrious family. In addition to her mum, Jeevarani Kurukulasuriya, who made over 40 films, including starring in the first colour movie ‘Ranmuthu Duwa’, her dad is Dr Lanka Wijesena (retired GP) and she has two sisters – all musical; one is a doctor, while the other is a dietitian/ psychotherapist.
-
News5 days ago2025 GCE AL: 62% qualify for Uni entrance; results of 111 suspended
-
Features2 days agoRanjith Siyambalapitiya turns custodian of a rare living collection
-
News2 days agoGlobal ‘Walk for Peace’ to be held in Lanka
-
Business6 days agoHour of reckoning comes for SL’s power sector
-
Editorial5 days agoSearch for Easter Sunday terror mastermind
-
Opinion4 days agoHidden truth of Sri Lanka’s debt story: The untold narrative behind the report
-
Editorial6 days agoIdeological confusion and identity crisis
-
Opinion5 days agoIs there hope for Palestine?
