Features
A Sri Lankan initiative to meet global challenges
By Neville Ladduwahetty
President Ranil Wickremesinghe eloquently outlined the current global economic crisis affecting the developing world, in particular the Global South, during his speech at the Berlin Global Dialogue. In the course of his presentation he conveyed the fact that while the developed countries may have the strength and resources to weather the challenges, the Global South is not equipped to meet them.
Attributing the current crisis as being due to a combination of systemic inadequacies in the global order and geopolitical rivalries among the major powers, he concluded by stating that if another crisis is to be avoided it is imperative that these powers engage in a constructive dialogue. His plea was that: “We require a constructive dialogue between the West and China. We need a constructive dialogue between the US and China. We need a constructive dialogue between the EU and China. Otherwise we will not move forward. So this is the stark reality. It is a question of how we get together and how we work, and who is going to take the lead in 2024” (Observer, October 1, 2023).
CURRENT GLOBAL LANDSCAPE
With regard to the global landscape he stated: “The Global economy has had many shocks in the past two decades. Starting from 2008, we went through the European debt crisis, then the Covid pandemic, the economic shocks that have come from it, the whole issue of funding for Climate Change, and the Sovereign Debt crisis”.
“In all these instances, it is the developing economies and the Global South that have suffered extremely. We are now faced with stubbornly high inflation in advanced countries, oil prices edging towards US$ 100 a barrel, and monetary tightening by global Central Banks”.
“One example is that Sri Lanka’s exports to Europe have not increased at all this year. That is an indication of how we are being affected as we try to recover from the crisis we face. The confluence of factors face serious risks for many developing countries. In the Global South, we are facing rising import costs, food, energy insecurity and the problem of our exports. The resulting Balance of Payment stress translates into a weaker economy for all of us”.
“The difference between the advanced economies and the developing nations is that you all have the buffers and reserves to deal with these chocks. We do not. It is from here that the sovereign debt crisis started” (Ibid).
SYSTEMIC INADDEQUACY to ADDRESS CURRENT CHALLENGES
Commenting on the existing financial architecture the President stated: “The many crises and shocks we have discussed today are interlinked. First, we all agree that the core of the international financial architecture today was designed almost 80 years ago. The world has seen dramatic changes since then with many emerging economies in Asia, Middle East, South America and Africa becoming global economic powerhouses…. The international financial architecture available makes the debt restructuring too complex…. The IMF has no mechanism to face this new situation…” (Ibid).
OPTIONS for DEVELOPING COUNTRIES
In the context of the global situation cited above, what options are open to the developing countries. Can they afford to wait until the existing financial architecture and institutional reforms are implemented in time to meet the impending challenges knowing that such reforms would be spearheaded by the developed countries to further their interests as it is with the existing financial architecture. Since the developed countries would be preoccupied with their own priorities, it is unlikely that the needed reforms would be developed in time to make a difference globally.
Under the circumstances since the developing countries cannot wait until the development of the needed reforms, the challenges are bound to overpower the developing countries which in turn would affect the developed world as well. Therefore, the only option for the developing countries is either to act collectively or individually, to develop the architecture needed to meet the challenges.
Since it is unlikely that the developing countries would engage in a dialogue to develop a collective framework that would enable them to survive the rigors of a potential crisis in time, it is most likely that each of the developing countries would opt to make their individual hard choice. Consequently, the choices made by some of the developing countries would be for non-alignment or hedge their fate with each of the major powers while others would opt to bandwagon, or connect with one of the major powers and become a vassal state. These policies would change with the political formations in the developing states; a tendency that would be induced by the major powers hoping to extend their spheres of influence.
As for Sri Lanka, its stated policy is to be Neutral in order to cope with the pressures arising from the rivalries among the major powers due to Sri Lanka’s strategic location in the Indian Ocean, while maintaining friendly relations with all States in respect of commercial and cultural endeavours.
OPTIONS FOR SRI LANKA
Since no country has been spared the impact of the global economic crisis, some more than others, Sri Lanka has to seriously revisit some of the policies it has been pursuing to revive its economy. One of the key policies to revive the economy is to focus on an export driven economy. In a background where Sri Lanka’s imports exceed exports, and it is hoping to relax import restrictions even further, such a policy depends on the success of not only adding value to imports but also finding markets for the exports. In view of the shrinking global markets such a policy could turn out to be a costly undertaking.
Another stark reality is that Internal expenditure exceeds Revenue. In such a background how realistically possible is it to attract Foreign Direct Investments or Investors? In order to address this deficit, it is reported that the Government hopes to lift the ban on imports in order to increase revenue concerns of the IMF (The Morning, October 3, 2023). Implementing such a policy would mean a drain on Dollar reserves to raise Rupee revenue and in the process tempt further corruption; a charge already associated with Imports. Exploring such options in the current context is unthinkable unless the imports are only for value addition.
On the other hand, and considering the global situation it would be more prudent to focus not on exports, but instead on reducing imports. For instance, exports from India to Sri Lanka in 2022 were around $4.5 Billion whereas exports from Sri Lanka to India was only $850 Million. If the imports from India were to decrease, it is imperative that Sri Lanka focuses on reducing imports which translates into developing Internal Strengths
SELF-RELIANCE as the MEANS to DEVELOP INTERNAL STRENGTHS
Self-Reliance is a civilizational core value of Sri Lanka. The essence of self-reliance is to develop internal strengths through which the dignity of an independent Nation State is restored. Therefore, as a nation all citizens of the Sri Lankan Nation should pledge to respect and honour the dignity, heritage and identity of all Sri Lankans in order to create a stable and peaceful society as a united endeavor. In addition, the three major communities should engage in a comprehensive dialogue committed to explore arrangements that offer greater dignity and respect for all in preference to current arrangements. Such an arrangement would be for all three communities to share power at the Center and participate in governance processes with the Districts under District Development Committee made up of Public Servants, Chairmen of Local Governments and Members of Parliament in the District becoming the peripheral instruments to implement Government policies.
SUGGESTED FIELDS TO BUILD INNER STRENGTH:
The focus of Agriculture and Irrigation should be to produce all agricultural, horticultural, dairy and poultry products including inputs needed to sustain food security within Sri Lanka, and for export. While high yield varieties of paddy together with inorganic fertilizer for reasons of compatibility are needed for food security, indigenous varieties of paddy using organic fertilizer should be cultivated and marketed as health products for local consumption and exported at premium prices to compensate the cultivator for the lower yields. Irrigation Department to restore ancient tanks in preparation of the consequences of Climate Change.
Instead of divesting Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs), their ownership should remain with the State while Management is offered to the Private Sector with selection being based on the effectiveness of the proposals submitted.
The performance of each SME should be reviewed regularly by the relevant Parliamentary Oversight Committee. Local investors to be provided with incentives for investment in renewable energy. The Government should take steps to double the generation capacity of Victoria Hydro Power Facility. Review the rationale of the logic to transfer water from Randenigala to the North via the Upper Elahera Canal at an enormous cost and implement alternatives suggested in previous articles. Allocate unused land acquired by the Land Reform Commission to restore lost ground cover in order to increase precipitation and control runoff to minimize flooding and landslides.
All Acts of Parliament relating to fishing, exploration and exploitation of marine resources in the Exclusive Economic Zone should be updated to include provisions of the UN Convention of the Law of the Sea in other to maximize benefits from these resources and impose penalties for illegal activities such as bottom trawling in the Exclusive Economic Zone.
Regulation of mines and mineral development to be under the Direct Control and Operation of the Government with the guidance of the Geological Survey and Mines Bureau using resident labour of the area to ensure maximum value addition prior to export. Call for Expressions of Interest to add value to the mineral sands that are being exported.
All projects that could be executed with the capabilities and resources within Sri Lanka to be implemented with locally raised funds arranged by the Developer with the Local Banks and underwritten by the State. Projects that are beyond the technological capabilities of Sri Lanka to be implemented on the basis of Expressions of Interest called for by Sri Lanka on the basis of Domestic Policy priorities.
Encourage and facilitate the development of Indigenous Crafts and Cottage Industries. Government to promote community based cultural activities as part of fostering a common Sri Lankan heritage.
CONCLUSION
In light of the global landscape presented by President Ramil Wichremesinghe at the Berlin Global Dialogue, where the developed countries have the reserves and the resources to meet forthcoming challenges while the developing countries do not, it is imperative that most developing countries explore and prepare themselves how best to face the challenges and survive. What is presented herein is an opinion as to how Sri Lanka could adapt itself to meet the challenges bearing in mind that what is needed is not reform and revitalization of existing outdated formulations and structures that have made Sri Lanka vulnerable to shocks, but a paradigm shift, in thinking because the prevailing political and economic global landscape has no known historical parallel.
For instance, all in Sri Lanka are focused on devolution in the form of the 13th Amendment in full or in a diluted form because of the insistence of India. Consequently, the reaction from most would be to reject any other option. Despite such a response, what is proposed herein instead, is to share powers of governance among the three major communities at the Center. Therefore, the decision that has to be made in particular by the Tamil community is whether their aspiration for “dignity and respect” as referred to by Prime Minister Modi, would be fulfilled by managing one of the nine provinces in an agreed form whether to be associated meaningfully in the governing processes of the whole of Sri Lanka.
When making that choice it should not be forgotten that divesting Central power to the periphery often results in disparities within peripheries and among peripheries as has happened in India and the USA. So long as the choice is made by the Tamil Community in Sri Lanka, it should not matter to India because the Tamil Nadu State would accept the choice made by their kin in Sri Lanka. Since no attempt has thus far been made to explore such an option, President Wickremasinghe should invite the political leadership of both Tamil and Muslim Communities and have a comprehensive dialogue as to how Power Sharing at the Center could be arranged in a form that would be acceptable to all in preference to the 13th Amendment.
These proposals to revive the economy are based on Self-Reliance as the means to develop internal strengths. The most recent living example of developing internal strengths is the building of the East Container Terminal. This project was to be implemented jointly by Japan and a Local Agent. The strong protests by the Unions forced the Government to reverse its decision and award it to be constructed by Sri Lanka Port Authority. The initial phase of this project would be commissioned in 2024. This reflects what can be achieved by having confidence in the abilities of Sri Lanka’s own Peoples backed by the power of the core civilizational value of self-reliance to develop internal strengths. This approach should be initiated to meet current and future global challenges.
Neville Ladduwahetty
October 4, 2023.
Features
The NPP’s Dilemma: Arresting Politics and Unarresting Progress
by Rajan Philips
The 22nd Amendment has given the government’s critics a convenient cudgel to beat up the government. But there has been no crushing blow by any effective opponent. Too many people have been taking too many turns and striking too many blows, but no one has landed anything to shake the government in any way. The whole drama is the new Sri Lankan parody of Lilliputians taking on Gulliver. Nonetheless, the critics have found an opening to keep haranguing the government. There are two prongs to their exertions.
One is the pre-NPP past of the old JVP. In political years, the chasm is as wide as that between the Old Testament and the New Testament. This provides the basis for claiming that 22A is the NPP government’s first step towards ending parliamentary democracy. The hilarity of this accusation is matched by its hypocrisy inasmuch as the current chief accuser was also the high priest of the 18th Amendment that was set up to envision a third term for Mahinda Rajapaksa. Who else – but GL Pieris. One good thing the Bar Association did was to keep GL Pieris entirely out of its entourages.
The second front of attacks on the government is based on the JVP-NPP’s cohabitation in the Yahapalanaya diarchy of Sirisena and Wickremesinghe. Indeed, the question has been asked: Is Malimawa heading to be the second Yahapalanaya? If that were so, GL Peiris and others should be able to feign a sigh of relief that parliamentary democracy is indeed safe owing to the NPP’s incompetence. But the absurdity of the Malimawa – Yahapalanaya allusion is a different laugh. Perhaps, more than one laugh.
One is in the table-talk suggestion that “due to the misdeeds of Pohottuwa that followed Yahapalanaya, voters gave an overwhelming mandate to Malimawa…” Sanitizing the disaster that was Gotabaya presidency as misdeed is quite a feat. A more serious look is about the voters who gave the “overwhelming mandate to Malimawa.” Most of the Malimawa voters were peeled off the Pohottuwa vote block, while Yahapalanaya voters were left to choose between Sajith Premadasa and Ranil Wickremesinghe. Namal Rajapaksa who was supposed to stand down in support of Ranil Wickremasinghe in the hope of diverting Pohottuwa votes to RW. Instead, the Rajapaksa scion decided to get big race experience, fared badly in the race and caused another serial defeat for RW.
Arresting Politics
Now the political wheels are turning differently. Namal Rajapaksa has become the latest martyr of the government’s arresting politics. Illusorily or not, the young Rajapaksa believes that he’s finding political traction in the country and that the government is putting him behind bars to slow him down. Coming to his defence is of course the inscrutable (even to himself) Ranil Wickremesinghe.
Sajith Premadasa has apparently remained quiet so far, and so has the SJB. Neither has made any statement or expressed concern over the arrest of Namal Rajapaksa on Friday, September 4. It is not that Mr. Premadasa is becoming what Ranil Wickremesinghe was to Mahinda Rajapaksa – the government’s Minister of the Opposition, but the man has no political fire in his belly. If his passion is for wildlife, he should ask the government to put him in charge of running the Yala National Park. He can have a better animal farm there than what he seems to be suffering within his Party and in parliament.
Mr. Rajapaksa has been arrested over the Airbus purchase scandal that goes back to 2012 and 2013. The details of the scandal are known, and allegations of payoffs have been rumoured for quite a while. Yet it is the of pattern of Friday morning questioning, evening arrest and arraignment, and weekend incarceration – that has become all too familiar and fodder for cynical misgivings. There have been too many arrests but too few trials, let alone convictions. All arrests and no trials not only erodes public confidence in the process, but also let the criminals and their beneficiaries go Scot-free.
For his part, Namal Rajapaksa is claiming that the government timed his arrest to scuttle the political rally that he and the SLPP have scheduled for Saturday, September 12, in Anuradhapura. Their claim seems to that the Anuradhapura rally will mark the scion’s coming of age as a viable presidential candidate. The claim gets some credence in the context of the government’s own political planning for holding a series of pro-government public rallies where President Dissanayake will be both the show and substance. The first of the NPP rallies is coincidentally scheduled for Sunday, September 13, and also in Anuradhapura.
Next week, we will have all the commentaries and comparisons about the two rival rallies in Anuradhapura. Future rallies will show whether Mr. Rajapaksa is actually surging in the public recognition of his political abilities, and whether the government is actually concerned about this apparent surge and mounting a counter surge of its own. If all this were true, the irrelevance of Sajith Premadasa will become even more entrenched, and the personal relevance of Ranil Wickremesinghe will become even more real.
For the pundit theory is that while the NPP might view Namal Rajapaksa as a growing threat in popular politics, its more substantive fear is about Ranil Wickremesinghe and what he says about the economy. To wit, the government’s full throttled response to Mr. Wickremasinghe’s casual remark at a political book launch that the government may not be having enough forex reserves when foreign creditors come collecting in 2028.
The Real Question
The real question is apart from the show and tell of political rallies there is still not much to write home about government performance on the substance of the economy. The government has so far been quite good at keeping the economic house in order. Keeping order is not too difficult a task once you start keeping corruption out of the door. But there are no signs of the government doing anything substantial on the economic front, especially the export sector for without significantly increasing export earnings it will be impossible to carry out debt repayment.
The government has been commended for identifying 33 State-Owned-Enterprises (SOEs) for closure or restructuring. Yet there are a few biggies left, including the debt burdened Sri Lankan Airlines with about $ 2 billion estimated to be its accumulated losses. The government has also announced a slew of mega projects in highways and the energy sector. At the same time, there are ethno-economic criticisms that the government is delaying work on the KKS Harbour and the Palaly Airport projects that have Indian funding.
Highway projects can be a curse dressed up as blessing, and they are coming out of the same Rajapaksa economic playbook. There are rumours that would be corporate beneficiaries of mega highway projects have found an inside track to government decision makers. It is up to the government to prove that such allegations are untrue and to demonstrate that it will not be bought over in contract awards. Highway construction is also import heavy even with local contractors. The economic worry should be that with too many highway projects, all going on at the same time, there will be a drain on the limited forex reserves to bring in equipment and materials. That was the experience of the highway robberies under the Rajapaksas and the NPP government can forget the lessons from that era only at its peril.
On a positive note, there is commendable activity in the renewable energy sector, amidst warnings by the Public Utilities Commission (PUSCL) about new power cuts under El Niño weather conditions. The PUSCL recently approved new feed-in tariffs for electricity from renewable energy sources and has directed the newly minted National System Operator (NSO) to expedite the implementation of Battery Energy Storage System with sufficient capacity to accommodate solar energy. There is some and back-and-forth between the two agencies about implementation details, but that is a good disagreement to have as opposed to the prolonged agreement about doing nothing on renewable energy.
There is a new green light for the once controversial 350 MW LNG power project in Kerawalapitiya. The project is being undertaken by Sahasdhanavi Limited on a Build-Own-Operate-Transfer (BOOT) basis, and will be implemented in two phases. The unfortunate snag is that in both phases, initial operations will be based on diesel with expectation to switch to Regasified Liquefied Natural Gas (RLNG) which will require additional infrastructure and supply arrangements. One would hope that diesel generation will not become a permanent feature in Kerawalapitiya.
To its credit, the government launched Sri Lanka’s largest renewable energy project, the ‘Rividanavi’ Solar Power Park project, in September 2025, in the Monaragala District, as part of the target to generate 70% of the country’s electricity from renewable energy sources by 2030. Sooner the country reduces its reliance on thermal energy, the better for its economy and the environment.
The government seems to be wanting in messaging its achievements, big or small, to the public in consistent and convincing ways. The mode of messaging through presidential rallies may not have much benefit except during an election campaign. At the same time, the government is getting caught up in controversies of its own making. The exertions on all sides over the 22nd Amendment is a case in point. In the upshot, it is the judiciary that has been badmouthed and diminished. The lure of arresting politics could be appealing in the short term, but can come back to haunt one if no one gets convicted.
For all intent and purpose, the government has missed the bus on constitutional reforms. I would be the first to applaud if my prediction turns out to be incorrect. But the government cannot walk away from the economy the way it seems to have abandoned its promise on the constitution. And the challenge of managing even a small national economy is not getting any easier with all the havoc that the Trump Administration is wreaking on America and the world.
Features
Remembering Nihal Rodrigo: A friendship extending over 50 years
Nihal Passed away on 14th August, a few days after his 86th birthday. Nandi, Raffi and Anouk, his granddaughter, had been with him from New York till just a week before he died. In the weeks after he passed away, there have been glowing tributes to Nihal by his professional colleagues and from organisations in which he served. My tribute is personal, of friendship over decades with a multi-talented and kind-hearted gentleman, with a delightful sense of humour, who wore his talents so lightly.
I cannot speak of Nihal without talking of his wife Chitra. To me, they were an ideal union. They shared the same values of kindness, generosity, commitment, professionalism, humility and unquestionable integrity. They also shared many interests – in art, theatre, film, classical music (both oriental and western), literature and world affairs, to name a few. They were equal partners, each respecting the other’s views and looking out for the other. They had their arguments, but with never a loud, rude, harsh or unpleasant word.
I first met Nihal and his family nearly 50 years ago in Manhattan, New York. I had moved to Cornell University in Ithaca, New York, as a graduate student in January 1978. I had an introduction to them from my close friend Radhika Coomaraswamy, who had known them since her student days in New York. Nihal was Counsellor at the Sri Lanka Mission to the UN. He and Chitra, together with their 6-year old twins, Nandi and Satya, graciously opened their home to me. From the beginning, I was made to feel a part of this delightful family and I considered their apartment in Manhattan as my “home away from home”. I regularly dislodged one of the twins from a bed to a sleeping bag on the floor, whenever I turned up in the “Big Apple” on the six-hour greyhound bus ride from Ithaca, comfortable enough to occasionally bring a friend along as well!
I have such happy memories of walking in Central Park eating ice-cream with the foursome, or going to movies and Broadway shows with Chitra. Our friendship never wavered over the next several decades and geographical distances, as they moved from one diplomatic post to another. I remain ever-grateful to Radhika for that initial introduction.
My father (Sam Wijesinha) had befriended them before me, when he had accompanied a Parliamentary delegation to Australia in 1970, in his capacity as Secretary General of Parliament, and he was a great fan. Nihal was then acting High Commissioner and they had brought him to their home for a chat and informal dinner after an official party they had all three attended. When they got home, both Nihal and Chitra realized that neither had taken their keys with them and they were locked outside their own home with their guest! Undeterred, Nihal managed to prise open the kitchen window and climb into the house to let the other two in. My father remained a great admirer of Nihal and Chitra forever after!
From Counsellor in New York, Nihal rose to Ambassador status, SAARC Secretary-General and Foreign Secretary, and finally as our Ambassador in China. They were such fun and gracious hosts when my husband and I visited them in both Kathmandu and Beijing and made their home our base while travelling in Nepal and China. They were the perfect diplomatic couple, able to converse with, and entertain royalty, presidents, the literary, arts and business communities and regular citizens, with equal ease, grace and dignity. It certainly did not harm the Sri Lankan image that they were also an extraordinarily good-looking couple!
Nihal and Chitra met as students at Peradeniya University in its golden years. They enjoyed Ediriweera Sarachchandra’s plays at the famous open-air theatre, while Nihal was also President of the English Drama Society. On my return to Sri Lanka in the mid-‘80s, it was Chitra who introduced me to Sinhabahu and Maname, as well as all the glorious ballets performed by the Chitrasena and Vajira dance troupe.
As mentioned by others, Nihal was an authority on art and a painter himself. Nihal, Chitra and fellow students were befriended by George Keyt, then living in Kandy. Canvasses in their home showcase Nihal’s artistic talents, as well as early Keyt paintings, gifts from the artist himself. Later, Nihal served on and supported the George Keyt Foundation in many ways. He was also a lover of, and an authority on film. I remember especially the Audrey Hepburn and Humphrey Bogart classics. If one wished to watch, one had only to visit the Rodrigos and ask- Nihal had an entire collection of those DVDs.
Nihal could speak with authority, in language a lay person could understand, on geopolitics, especially the power changes taking place in an increasingly volatile world. His astuteness on Sri Lanka’s diplomatic relations was ahead of his time.
In the early 1990s, Nihal was Secretary to a high-level Foreign Affairs Study Group (FASG) appointed by President Premadasa and chaired by Dr. Gamani Corea, with Mervyn de Silva, Lakshman Kadirgamar and S.K. Wickremesinghe among its members.
As the Cold War had ended and Asia began emerging as an economic force, Nihal saw that, along with two economically awakening giants China and India, fast developing countries in East and South East Asia would become increasingly important to Sri Lanka for its own future development. He therefore officially co-opted me, from the Central Bank’s Economic Research Department, to provide the FASG with regular statistical updates of Sri Lanka’s economic and trade links with those very countries.
His thinking has proved correct, although I do not think successive Sri Lankan governments gave such astuteness the importance it warranted.
His final diplomatic posting, as Ambassador to China, reflected the enormous respect in which he was held. His time there was invaluable to Sri Lanka. Since his return to Sri Lanka in 2007, he was one of the most sought-after authorities on China in the region. He lectured in academic institutions and was a popular speaker on Sri Lanka’s foreign policy for well over a decade after his retirement.When his health began to deteriorate, he led a quieter life, meeting friends and family in their home, ably cared for by his devoted wife through the years that followed.
Nihal’s and Chitra’s interest in world issues and the arts have been inherited by, and nurtured in both Nandi and Satya, and most likely, Anouk too. Today, where are those delightful six-year olds whose beds I took over all those years ago?
Nandi is Head of Research at the New York Times Magazine, married to Raffi, a senior writer for the New Yorker, and Satya, a senior diplomat in Sri Lanka’s Foreign Service, currently serves as our Ambassador in Rome, with the same charm and professionalism as his father. So, to me, Nihal and Chitra were also role-model parents, giving their twins space to grow and develop their own individual personalities.
Nihal had many admirable qualities, but what I admired most was how his intellect and creative abilities sat so lightly on him. He shared of his knowledge, experience and wisdom without ever acting superior or talking down to anyone; he could turn a tense moment in a discussion and lighten the mood in a wink, with a delightfully witty remark or joke, and always had time to chat and joke with us younger adults, however busy his work schedule.
But Nihal was not all-perfect! It was Chitra, his soul-mate, he relied on so completely for all matters practical and financial, including hosting, entertaining and maintaining their homes all over the world, and for companionship, comfort, peace and harmony, in their own home in Colombo, in the final years of his life.
He will be missed by all who knew him, but we will all treasure memories of a talented, humane individual who made this world a better place. May he rest in peace.
Anila Dias Bandaranaike
Features
The Essence of the Notion of ‘Father’: A short review of Piyasara Gedara by Liyanage Amarakeerthi
By Ashanthi Ekanayake
There has been a trend in social media in inquiring of its users what their favourite literary works are and I took some time to explore which poem I might single out as the best of its kind written in English which is of personal significance. I immediately thought of the poem “Daddy” by Sylvia Plath. I made the choice quickly because I had been thinking of it since I began to read Amarakeerthi’s latest novel. The notion of the father and the larger metaphor of the patriarch or the arch patriarch has been something all societies have grappled with since the beginning. Plath declares in the second verse Daddy, “I have had to kill you.” This act of parricide has been a strong metaphor in many literary works and also in the etiological myths of many peoples.
I was initiated to the history of our race and nation as a young child and I remember that I had no qualms about accepting that I came from a lineage which had a certain “lion” in the beginning and that the lion had two children and that they “married” to start our race. Firstly, I heard this story as a young child and “marriage” did not mean much to me, secondly, I was from a generation which was not allowed to question and challenge my “elders and betters.” I was also a somewhat passive and placid child. When it was (unfortunately) my turn to do the honours in initiating my own offspring they were not so gullible. They were appalled and not impressed. They said in one voice “what ignominy to trace one’s beginning to parricide, bestiality and incest.” Fortunately for me I know some “Classics.’ So, my rejoinder was that even the Greeks and Romans have similar accounts and reminded them of Oedipus. Oedipus and Sinhabahu both have to kill their fathers to come into their own, regardless of the fact that Oedipus meets with tragedy. The notion of the patriarch and succession through parricide has been a historical reality and a literary strategy explored by many and has an etiological function.
In this sense the narrative of Piyăsara Gedara by Amarakeerthi Liyanage makes the reader question this accepted notion of the patriarch and also the role of the father/father figure by their presence and absence in the novel itself. Not stopping there Amarakeerthi uses the shadowy and unnamed yet unmistakable character of “sir,” in the novel as a parasitic dramaturge who has a rather overbearing personality. This shadowy figure is mirrored by the introduction of fathers who are not quite fathers in the later chapters. Amarakeerthi has been committed to writing novels experimenting with different styles while touching on themes which are current and relevant. His unhurried creative exercise has always managed to keep the reader engaged in questioning social norms and accepted values and exploring the very politics of the creative enterprise and also recent events. The metaphor borrowed from a renowned stylized stage play is an extended metaphor with the heart room of the Dias home gaining an importance as a significant space. (I refrain from exploring the obvious nationalist aspect because the readers will come to these assumptions on their own.)
Just as there are many fathers, Dias appears to be just like the youngsters in the narrative, lost in the ruminations of what his father might have achieved had he not been in the shadow of the dramaturge who himself remains a shadowy figure in the narrative rather like the murder instrument which is not one. His realisation that his father was not unique and not deserving of many of the accolades that Dias had wanted as a son for his father gives the novel a certain bildungsroman/coming of age quality even though Dias appears to be relatively old. A rather late coming of age for Dias because he has to see that his father was not all that he believed him to be. This aspect of the novel also resonates with the notions of anxiety of influence/anxiety of authorship because Dias whom the playwright wants to rename is in fact doing much of the groundwork in research for the work the person referred only as “sir.” The other fathers are of a variety of types that we encounter in our everyday relationships. The absence of one father encourages one character to become vigilante like. The introduction of the manikin/mannequin or “womannequin” provides an alter-ego to one of the characters who is also described as doll-like.
As always Amarkeerthi’s latest creation is packed with metaphors which keep the reader alert in piecing together the story. He opens the novel using a technique resonant with the ultra-performativity of the current day and age. His narrative has a cinematic quality which is in keeping with the modern experience of a drone capturing the action as it takes place. This makes the novelist appear very powerful, even godlike and the experience makes the reader a viewer in a sense. He ties this narrative strategy in the final few pages and carries it on to the acknowledgement which is rather like watching movie credits roll at the end where he names the cast and crew.
In addition to the dramatic/cinematic quality, the novelist also uses onomatopoeia as a narrative strategy which I will not spoil for those who are yet to read the novel. Among the many themes explored are the
There is an irony in the notion of the patriarch because the very patriarch we challenge literally or figuratively is the one who gives us our name and our being and makes us into who we are, and ultimately renders himself a figure we have to destroy in order to come into our own. All the characters in the novel, main and the relatively insignificant are all used in exploring this metaphor of the father.
Plath says at the end of the poem “Daddy, daddy, you bastard, I’m through.” The irony of the presence or absence of the father and the notion of bastardy and the stigma involved and the social necessity of the presence of a father, is an aspect of our lives we will continue to explore in our creative enterprise.
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