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Visit to Brussels and quiet diplomacy with the Soviets in Colombo

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Sirimavo Bandaranaike

Person identified as KGB agent at embassy sent off sans publicity

(Excerpted from the autobiography of MDD Pieris, Secretary to the Prime Minister)

At the end of the (London security) course, High Commissioner Tilak Gooneratne, who had an appointment in the European Common Market in Brussels with Sir Christopher Soames, External Commissioner for the European Common Market, took me along with him. He knew Sir Christopher, who was the son-in-law of Sir Winston Churchill, quite well and was keen that I should meet him, and also see at first hand certain common market arrangements.

He telephoned the Prime Minister and obtained her permission for me to accompany him to Brussels. Generously, Tilak wanted me to have a larger experience, and therefore decided not to fly. Instead, we drove to Dover, took the channel ferry to Calais, and then drove on to Brussels. We had an interesting meeting with Sir Christopher and drove to Bonn for a late lunch, with C. Gunasingham who was acting for the Ambassador at the time. The next day, we took the ferry, this time from Ostend, and came back to Britain.

One has to be deeply grateful to people like Tilak, who always took such an interest, a great deal of trouble, and incurred personal expense in broadening the horizons of those who had to deal with him. His wife Pam, a cultured and refined lady, matched his generosity, by taking us to the theatre to see some excellent plays, whenever, we had a free evening. They were also willing hosts who opened their residence and their dining table and were genuinely happy when you came.

When I got back, I briefed the Prime Minister on the intelligence I had received, when in London. She got down WT Jayasinghe and instructed him to call the Soviet Ambassador to the Ministry and merely say that we would like the person concerned to leave the country within 10 days. He was further instructed to tell the Ambassador, if he asked for reasons, that we are in possession of information, that would make his further stay in Sri Lanka detrimental to the very good relations we enjoyed with the Soviet Union, and that it was in the interests of both countries that this whole thing was done quietly and without publicity. In the end, things were done very quietly indeed. The Soviet Ambassador, when confronted with our request, had merely stated that if this is what the Prime Minister wanted, he would comply. No reasons were asked.

Visit to the USSR

A few months after this episode, the Prime Minister had to visit the USSR. This visit was in the pipeline for sometime, and dates were finally fixed for November 1974. The Soviets sent a special four engine Turbo-prop plane to take the Prime Minister and party to the USSR and bring them back. These arrangements made it possible for a larger delegation than usual to accompany her.

The principal members of the delegation were myself, Tissa Wijeyeratne; Dr. Mackie Ratwatte; Elmo Seneviratne, Director Economic Affairs of the Foreign Ministry; Mr. A.B. Elkaduwe, Additional Secretary, Ministry of Industries and Scientific Affairs; Mr. Balasubramaniam, Director (West) of the Foreign Ministry; Mr. Austin Fernando, Director External Resources; and Mr. D.P. Amerasinghe, Additional Private Secretary to the Prime Minister. There was also an aide, Mr. M.M. Weerasena of the Prime Minister’s office and a representative of the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation.

The Prime Minister’s son Anura also accompanied us and Mr. Nishanov, the Ambassador for the USSR in Sri Lanka came on the flight. We took off on November 10, 1974 and flew direct to Tashkent, a journey of some seven hours 40 minutes. We were put up for the night in a state guest house. Our bedrooms were large and the furniture heavy. My bed was very large and with an iron frame. The mattress was hard and seemed designed more to produce straight and hard backs than afford comfort.

After dinner, when I went to sleep, I found the room grossly overheated and quite uncomfortable. On investigation I found that what we had was central heating with no possibility of regulation from the room. The guest house was a sprawling complex with long corridors, and when I opened the door of my room, to see whether I could bring this problem to someone’s attention, all was silent and there was no one in sight. There was no choice but to bear the discomfort for a few hours.

It was, however, much worse than I had anticipated. Sleep was out of the question. I was bathed in sweat. The windows appeared to be sealed. I tossed and turned with abandon, and sometime during the night, there was a loud crack and the bed broke and one side slumped and sagged at an angle! The satisfaction of breaking such a massive looking bed, somewhat compensated for the lack of sleep. There was nothing left to do now, but to collect some of the bedclothes and settle down on the floor.

The next morning, at breakfast I proudly announced my feat of the previous night to a gathering which included the Prime Minister and the Soviet Ambassador. Everyone was quite amused except the Ambassador, who looked embarrassed. It appeared that all had suffered from the problem of over heated rooms during the night. Only I had the distinction of breaking the bed as a response.

After breakfast, we re-joined the flight and set out for Moscow. It took five and a half hours. As we got down in Moscow, it was bitterly cold. The wind cut through, what now appeared to be our inadequate protection, except for the Prime Minister and one or two others, who seemed to be more prepared. We were met at the airport by Prime Minister Kosygin, Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko and other Soviet dignitaries, and after the playing of National Anthems, were witnesses to a march past of smart goose-stepping troops.

We were housed in a large dacha, set in extensive wooded grounds. The rooms were once again large, but to our relief the heating system was much better. If at all, it was a little more on the cold side. Our hosts were very thoughtful and most of us were presented with heavy overcoats which were a great help. It was doubtful whether such heavy coats could have been obtained in many countries and certainly not in Sri Lanka. Wearing one of them and walking about provided protection and exercise at the same time.

From the time we settled in, there was work to do. We had a draft communique almost ready, to which we had to add a few finishing touches, and we knew the Soviets had one too. They fixed the unusual hour of 10.15 in the night, to start joint discussions on the communiques. Tissa, with his Communist Party training explained that this was not unusual at all. He said that these were all tactics to wear down the other side and get what they want. Once we knew this, it was possible to steel one’s mind and to evoke the mental strength and stamina that were necessary.

We met in the Soviet Foreign Ministry at 10 p.m. In addition to myself, our side included our Ambassador Dr. Soma Weeratunge; Tissa Wijeratne; Dr. Wiswa Warnapala, from the University of Peradeniya, who was on a few years attachment to our Embassy in a senior diplomatic position; and Mr. Balasubramaniam of the Foreign Ministry. First, there was the haggling about which draft to be used. Eventually, we agreed to use the Soviet draft as a basis, subject to discussions on the wording.

Here, it was our intention to bring in the wording from our draft, or wording as approximate as possible, into the main communique. This was not easy. The Soviets were attempting to get us to subscribe to at the time, their relatively new concept of Asian Collective Security, which was going to be under their auspices. We were on the other hand a country active in the Non-aligned Movement, and with an influence in the movement which was disproportionate to our size or population. We also had very good relations with the West. We were not willing to come under the tutelage of any power bloc.

The discussion dragged on till 1.15 a.m. and ended inconclusively on several important points. It was decided to meet again later in the day, the new day already having dawned.

Later, we had formal talks in the Kremlin with Prime Minister Kosygin and his team, which included Foreign Minister Gromyko and other important Ministers. This meeting followed a lunch hosted by the Soviet Prime Minister. During the official discussions, Mrs. Bandaranaike bargained closely on many issues pertaining to Soviet aid to Sri Lanka. She wanted to get the best terms and the best deal possible. At one stage, Mr. Kosygin banteringly wagged a finger and said, “you are a hard lady.” Mrs. Bandaranaike replied that if she was hard, it was on behalf of her country.

The discussions were cordial, and we were able to obtain assistance for the public industrial sector, as well as a commitment to preliminary studies relating to the Samanalawewa Hydro Electric Scheme. The meeting ended during the late afternoon. During the early evening the Soviet Prime Minister was taking the Prime Minister to the Bolshoi Ballet. The Ambassador, Mackie and I were also invited. But there was no question of my going. We had work to do on the communique with the Soviet side.

I told Tissa to lead the discussions. With his old Communist background, during which he had also had a stint of training in the Soviet Union, he was quite proficient on their negotiating techniques and general strategy. This also gave me the time to think, whilst Tissa talked. The meeting kept dragging on. The Soviets were defending every word of their draft as if their life depended on it. Perhaps, their careers did. We for our part were not prepared to alter our foreign policy to suit anybody. We had discussed matters with the Prime Minister after our first meeting, and we knew we had her full backing on the Issues we considered important for us.

Once the other side realized that we were unlikely to yield on some matters, and that we were in no hurry to reach agreement, although according to the programme we had to leave for Tibilisi-Georgia the following afternoon, after a luncheon signing of some agreements by the Prime Ministers, and the release of the communique, they became more accommodating. Some progress was made. There were still a very few important matters about which we were deadlocked.

At this stage, the Russians called to their aid Deputy Foreign Minister, Firyubin. He strode into the room complaining that he had been disturbed at the ballet and that this was the first time in his career that he had to be dragged out from the ballet for a matter such as this. Tissa Wijeratne, sweetly replied “Excellency, you can see the ballet tomorrow. But we are leaving tomorrow and we will never be able to see it.” The Deputy Foreign Minister grunted testily.

“What is all this?” he inquired. We politely told him. He realized that we meant business, and that we were not ready to agree on a communique at any cost. Things proceeded better thereafter, and we were eventually able to agree. By this time, it was very late, and the Prime Minister who had returned from the ballet had been wondering what had happened to us. She sent a message that she was waiting for us to return in order to have dinner. This also would have helped to expedite matters with the Russians.

When we got back finally at about 10 p.m.. the Prime Minister was pleased that we had successfully defended our positions. The discussions had gone on for some six hours, and this with very little translations required, because most of the discussions were conducted in English. We worked as a team and enjoyed working together. The Prime Minister fostered this team spirit. She was, though the leader and at a much higher level, very much a part of the team. Her refusal to have dinner without us underlined this, and proved to be a great boost to us.

There was an interesting sequel to our prolonged discussions. That night I was fast asleep, quite fatigued, well tucked under the blankets against the cold, when as if in a dream I heard the distant sound of knocking on what appeared to be my door. Soon, the knocking became quite loud, and I realized that it was indeed my door someone was knocking on. Put up suddenly from a deep and tired sleep, I took some time to get out of bed and reach the door. I was half shivering having suddenly emerged from under cosy blankets. The knocking continued.

When I finally opened the door there was a young man from the Soviet Foreign Ministry sporting a broad grin and with a sheaf of papers in his hand, which he thrust into mine saying that this was the final version of the communique and would I check it, because they had to finalize everything by 7 a.m. and have it ready for signing at lunch. By this time, I was wide awake, and suspected that this was a piece of harassment aimed to teach us a lesson for being stubborn in the negotiations.

I now wide awake therefore said, “Come in. Come in, let’s order some coffee and go through this together.” There was near panic in his face. His job seemed to be to disturb my sleep and get away. He said “No”, he had to report back to the Foreign Ministry. I said, I will telephone the Ministry and say, that in view of the obvious urgency that I want to go through the communique right now and hand it over to their official. But he mumbled some excuses, and virtually fled.

Now that I was up and alert, I thought I would go through the draft straightaway. The time was 4.30 a.m, and that’s what I did. There were just a couple of matters I wanted to clarify with the Ambassador, Tissa and Professor Wiswa Warnapala in the morning. But substantially, almost everything was in order. The next morning Tissa, said that my nights disturbance was typical Soviet tactics, and that he was not at all surprised. If they really were tactics, I fail to understand what they sought to gain by them. Certainly, it could not have been goodwill.

This whole episode, including the long drawn out negotiations on the joint communique appeared to me to illustrate the rigidity and the almost surreal nature of the system. Much time and effort were spent on relatively minor issues and any kind of compromise was hard to achieve. One felt that preoccupation with sheer process had taken a life of its own, and that the end result, which should have included the creation of respect and goodwill was lost to them.

Most of the matters addressed in the communique should not have been those which should have kept a Foreign Ministry’s chandeliers burning all night. One really wondered how a great country like the Soviet Union could function in this way. In fact, the contrast between the Soviet Union and the West was brought out subsequently when the Prime Minister visited West Germany on a State visit. I did not go on this visit. But colleagues who did told me that the two sides exchanged their drafts of the communique at the airport on arrival, and subsequently at an informal twenty minute discussion, everything was finalized! These experiences were clearly illustrative of two very different systems, one, process oriented, cumbrous and bureaucratic, and the other pragmatic, practical and expeditious.



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Features

Cricket and the National Interest

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The appointment of former minister Eran Wickremaratne to chair the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee is significant for more than the future of cricket. It signals a possible shift in the culture of governance even as it offers Sri Lankan cricket a fighting possibility to get out of the doldrums of failure. There have been glorious patches for the national cricket team since the epochal 1996 World Cup triumph. But these patches of brightness have been few and far between and virtually non-existent over the past decade. At the centre of this disaster has been the failures of governance within Sri Lanka Cricket which are not unlike the larger failures of governance within the country itself. The appointment of a new reform oriented committee therefore carries significance beyond cricket. It reflects the wider challenge facing the country which is to restore trust in public institutions for better management.

The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne brings a professional administrator with a proven track record into the cricket arena. He has several strengths that many of his immediate predecessors lacked. Before the ascent of the present government leadership to positions of power, Eran Wickremaratne was among the handful of government ministers who did not have allegations of corruption attached to their names. His reputation for financial professionalism and integrity has remained intact over many years in public life. With him in the Cricket Transformation Committee are also respected former cricketers Kumar Sangakkara, Roshan Mahanama and Sidath Wettimuny together with professionals from legal and business backgrounds. They have been tasked with introducing structural reforms and improving transparency and accountability within cricket administration.

A second reason for this appointment to be significant is that this is possibly the first occasion on which the NPP government has reached out to someone associated with the opposition to obtain assistance in an area of national importance. The commitment to bipartisanship has been a constant demand from politically non-partisan civic groups and political analysts. They have voiced the opinion that the government needs to be more inclusive in its choice of appointments to decision making authorities. The NPP government’s practice so far has largely been to limit appointments to those within the ruling party or those considered loyalists even at the cost of proven expertise. The government’s decision in this case therefore marks a potentially important departure.

National Interest

There are areas of public life where national interest should transcend party divisions and cricket, beloved of the people, is one of them. Sri Lanka cannot afford to continue treating every institution as an arena for political competition when institutions themselves are in crisis and public confidence has become fragile. It is therefore unfortunate that when the government has moved positively in the direction of drawing on expertise from outside its own ranks there should be a negative response from sections of the opposition. This is indicative of the absence of a culture of bipartisanship even on issues that concern the national interest. The SJB, of which the newly appointed cricket committee chairman was a member objected on the grounds that politicians should not hold positions in sports administration and asked him to resign from the party. There is a need to recognise the distinction between partisan political control and the temporary use of experienced administrators to carry out reform and institutional restructuring. In other countries those in politics often join academia and civil society on a temporary basis and vice versa.

More disturbing has been the insidious campaign carried out against the new cricket committee and its chairman on the grounds of religious affiliation. This is an unacceptable denial of the reality that Sri Lanka is a plural, multi ethnic and multi religious society. The interim committee reflects this diversity to a reasonable extent. The country’s long history of ethnic conflict should have taught all political actors the dangers of mobilising communal prejudice for short term political gain. Sri Lanka paid a very heavy price for decades of mistrust and division. It would be tragic if even cricket administration became another arena for communal suspicion and hostility. The present government represents an important departure from the sectarian rhetoric that was employed by previous governments. They have repeatedly pledged to protect the equal rights of all citizens and not permit discrimination or extremism in any form.

The recent international peace march in Sri Lanka led by the Venerable Bhikkhu Thich Paññākāra from Vietnam with its message of loving kindness and mindfulness to all resonated strongly with the masses of people as seen by the crowds who thronged the roadsides to obtain blessings and show respect. This message stands in contrast to the sectarian resentment manifested by those who seek to use the cricket appointments as a weapon to attack the government at the present time. The challenges before the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee parallel the larger challenges before the government in developing the national economy and respecting ethnic and religious diversity. Plugging the leaks and restoring systems will take time and effort. It cannot be done overnight and it cannot succeed without public patience and support.

New Recognition

There is also a need for realism. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee does not guarantee success. Reforming deeply flawed institutions is always difficult. Besides, Sri Lanka is a small country with a relatively small population compared to many other cricket playing nations. It is also a country still recovering from the economic breakdown of 2022 which pushed the majority of people into hardship and severely weakened public institutions. The country continues to face unprecedented challenges including the damage caused by Cyclone Ditwah and the wider global economic uncertainties linked to conflict in the Middle East. Under these difficult circumstances Sri Lanka has fewer resources than many larger countries to devote to both cricket and economic development.

When resources are scarce they cannot be wasted through corruption or incompetence. Drawing upon the strengths of all those who are competent for the tasks at hand regardless of party affiliation or ethnic or religious identity is necessary if improvement is to come sooner rather than later. The burden of rebuilding the country cannot rest only on the government. The crisis facing the country is too deep for any single party or government to solve alone. National recovery requires capable individuals from across society and from different sectors such as business and civil society to work together in areas where the national interest transcends party politics. There is also a responsibility on opposition political parties to support initiatives that are politically neutral and genuinely in the national interest. Not every issue needs to become a partisan battle.

Sri Lanka cricket occupies a special place in the national consciousness. At its best it once united the country and gave Sri Lankans a sense of pride and international recognition. Restoring integrity and professionalism to cricket administration can therefore become part of the larger task of national renewal. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee, while it does not guarantee success, is a sign that the political leadership and people of the country may be beginning to mature in their approach to governance. In recognising the need for competence, integrity and bipartisan cooperation and extending it beyond cricket into other areas of national life, Sri Lanka may find the way towards more stable and successful governance..

by Jehan Perera

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From Dhaka to Sri Lanka, three wheels that drive our economies

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Court vacation this year came with an unexpected lesson, not from a courtroom but from the streets of Dhaka — a city that moves, quite literally, on three wheels.

Above the traffic, a modern metro line glides past concrete pillars and crowded rooftops. It is efficient, clean and frequently cited as a symbol of progress in Bangladesh. For a visitor from Sri Lanka, it inevitably brings to mind our own abandoned light rail plans — a project debated, politicised and ultimately set aside.

But Dhaka’s real story is not in the air. It is on the ground.

Beneath the elevated tracks, the streets belong to three-wheelers. Known locally as CNGs, they cluster at junctions, line the edges of markets and pour into narrow roads that larger vehicles avoid. Even with a functioning rail system, these three-wheelers remain the city’s most dependable form of everyday transport.

Within hours of arriving, their importance becomes obvious. The train may take you across the city, but the journey does not end there. The last mile — often the most complicated part — belongs entirely to the three-wheeler. It is the vehicle that gets you home, to a meeting or simply through streets that no bus route properly serves.

There is a rhythm to using them. A destination is mentioned, a price is suggested and a brief negotiation follows. Then the ride begins, edging into traffic that feels permanently compressed. Drivers move with instinct, adjusting routes and squeezing through gaps with a confidence built over years.

It is not polished. But it works.

And that is where the comparison with Sri Lanka becomes less about what we lack and more about what we already have.

Back home, the three-wheeler has long been part of daily life — so familiar that it is often discussed only in terms of its problems. There are frequent complaints about fares, refusals or the absence of meters. More recently, the industry itself has become entangled in politics — from fuel subsidies to regulatory debates, from election-time promises to periodic crackdowns.

In that process, the conversation has shifted. The three-wheeler is often treated as a problem to be managed, rather than a service to be strengthened.

Yet, seen through the experience of Dhaka, Sri Lanka’s system begins to look far more settled — and, in many ways, ahead.

There is a growing structure in place. Meters, while not perfect, are widely recognised. Ride-hailing apps have added transparency and reduced uncertainty for passengers. There are clearer expectations on both sides — driver and commuter alike. Even small details, such as designated parking areas in parts of Colombo or the increasing standard of vehicles, point to an industry slowly moving towards professionalism.

Just as importantly, there is a human element that remains intact.

In Sri Lanka, a three-wheeler ride is rarely just a transaction. Drivers talk. They offer directions, comment on the day’s news, or share local knowledge. The ride becomes part of the social fabric, not just a means of getting from one point to another.

In Dhaka, the scale of the city leaves less room for that. The interaction is quicker, more direct, shaped by urgency. The service is essential, but it is under constant pressure.

What stands out, across both countries, is that the three-wheeler is not a temporary or outdated mode of transport. It is a necessity in dense, fast-growing Asian cities — one that fills gaps no rail or bus system can fully address.

Large infrastructure projects, like light rail, are important. They bring efficiency and long-term capacity. But they cannot replace the flexibility of a three-wheeler. They cannot reach into narrow streets, respond instantly to demand or provide that crucial last-mile connection.

That is why, even in a city that has invested heavily in modern rail, Dhaka still runs on three wheels.

For Sri Lanka, the lesson is not simply about what could have been built, but about what should be better managed and valued.

The three-wheeler industry does not need to be politicised at every turn. It needs steady regulation — clear fare systems, proper licensing, safety standards — alongside encouragement and recognition. It needs to be seen as part of the solution to urban transport, not as a side issue.

Because for thousands of drivers, it is a livelihood. And for millions of passengers, it is the most immediate and reliable form of mobility.

The tuk-tuk may not feature in grand policy speeches or infrastructure blueprints. It does not run on elevated tracks or attract international attention. But on the ground, where daily life unfolds, it continues to do what larger systems often struggle to do — show up, adapt and keep moving.

And after watching Dhaka’s streets — crowded, relentless, yet functioning — that small, three-wheeled vehicle feels less like something to argue over and more like something to get right.

(The writer is an Attorney-at-Law with over a decade of experience specialising in civil law, a former Board Member of the Office of Missing Persons and a former Legal Director of the Central Cultural Fund. He holds an LLM in International Business Law)

 

by Sampath Perera recently in Dhaka, Bangladesh 

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Dubai scene … opening up

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Seven Notes: Operating in Dubai

According to reports coming my way, the entertainment scene, in Dubai, is very much opening up, and buzzing again!

After a quieter few months, May is packed with entertainment and the whole scene, they say, is shifting back into full swing.

The Seven Notes band, made up of Sri Lankans, based in Dubai, are back in the spotlight, after a short hiatus, due to the ongoing Middle East problems.

On 18th April they did Legends Night at Mercure Hotel Dubai Barsha Heights; on Thursday, 9th May, they will be at the Sports Bar of the Mercure Hotel for 70s/80s Retro Night; on 6th June, they will be at Al Jadaf Dubai to provide the music for Sandun Perera live in concert … and with more dates to follow.

These events are expected to showcase the band’s evolving sound, tighter stage coordination, and stronger audience engagement.

With each performance, the band aims to refine its identity and build a loyal following within Dubai’s vibrant nightlife and event scene.

Pasindu Umayanga: The group’s new vocalist

What makes Seven Notes standout is their versatility which has made the band a dynamic and promising act.

With a growing performance calendar, new talent integration, and international ambitions, the band is definitely entering a defining phase of its journey.

Dubai’s music industry, I’m told, thrives on diversity, energy, and audience connection, with live bands playing a crucial role in elevating events—from corporate shows to private concerts. Against this backdrop, Seven Notes is positioning itself not just as another band, but as a performance-driven musical unit focused on consistency and growth.

Adding fresh momentum to the group is Pasindu Umayanga who joins Seven Notes as their new vocalist. This move signals a strategic upgrade—not just filling a role, but strengthening the band’s front-line presence.

Looking beyond local stages, Seven Notes is preparing for an international tour, to Korea, in July.

Bassist Niluk Uswaththa: Spokesperson for Seven Notes

According to bassist Niluk Uswaththa, taking a band abroad means: Your sound must hold up against unfamiliar audiences, your performance must translate beyond language, and your discipline must be at a professional level.

“If executed well, this tour could redefine Seven Notes from a local band into an emerging international act,” added Niluk.

He went on to say that Dubai is not an easy market. It’s saturated with highly experienced, multi-genre bands that can adapt instantly to any crowd.

“To stand out consistently you need to have tight rehearsal discipline, unique sound identity (not just covers), strong stage chemistry, audience retention – not just applause.”

No doubt, Seven Notes is entering a critical growth phase—new member, multiple shows, and an international tour on the horizon. The opportunity is real, but so is the pressure.

However, there is talk that Seven Notes will soon be a recognised name in the regional music scene.

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