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To be realistic, there are only two options

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by Kumar David

There are only two political options (for want of a better word, though “trepidation” highlights another side of the matter) worth taking seriously – the President Ranil Wickremesinghe (RW) led outfit and the National Peoples’ Power (NPP) public face of the JVP. The RW-outfit may manifest itself in many forms such as a UNP-Sajith (SJB) alliance under some tactical leadership plan that may or may not include a Rajapaksa rascally rump. Whatever be their specific expositions, there are only two “camps” that matter up to and including the next election cycle. Let me call them the RW-outfit and the JVP-outfit – the Sinhala “kandavuru deka” captures the sense better. All other options (Champika, Sarath Fonseka, small left, and ethnic minority platforms) will have negligible electoral impact if they do not align with one of these big outfits. This is in respect of a presidential election; in parliamentary or provincial polls ethnic minority platforms will, of course, have a substantial impact in the areas of domicile of their communities.

It is necessary to state these encampment options prior to dealing with programmes and strategies. I will call the broad manner in which each camp presents itself to the people its National Strategy and this includes an ‘ideological orientation’, economic development plans, foreign trade priorities, and relationships with the IMF and ADB/IBRD to escape the stranglehold of debt. Approaches will need to be formulated by each side for state-owned enterprises. Foreign policy, especially in respect of India and the US is absolutely crucial. When I say ‘ideological orientation’ I am referring to democracy, militarisation, curbing Sinhala-Buddhist excesses and the democratisation of state-power. All this is a big canvas and strategists, planners and scholars will contribute to this discourse in the next 12 months. I will only make a simple start here; not in any particular order.

RW is a capitalist-roader in the sense that he subscribes to the view that “by letting market-forces run their course, to enhance their own gain capitalists, will as though by an invisible hand, promote the public good”. (Adapted from Adam Smith’s ‘Theory of Moral Sentiments”). Faith in the free-market with minimal state intervention is gospel among modern bourgeois ideologues and that RW belongs here is no surprise. Unconstrained by other pressures, this is where RW will lead the nation as JR did and Felix tried. However, I refrain from calling RW a neo-liberal (neo-conservative extremist) despite his penchant for using the military to subdue political dissent because he is influenced by liberal intellectuals in his personal and political entourage. The obscenity of outright dictatorship is best practised by Generals (gorillas); vide Chile, Pakistan, Argentina, Burma, and Indonesia and so on and so on. A military regime in Sri Lanka will not fail to string-up RW alongside the left, the intelligentsia, the liberals and the feckless Fourth Estate. Having said this it is frightening to observe that Netanyahu and his simple majority in Parliament are driving Israel (of all countries) in a neo-fascist direction less than 70 years after the fall of Nazism. I will deal with extremism and global threats to liberal values in my next essay in September – I intend to write less than weekly from now on.

The other camp, the JVP/NPP; how shall we designate it? It is not Stalinist in the sense that it harks to the discredited Soviet-style all-embracing central plan, it no longer subscribes to any variant of Maoist dementia (Cultural Revolution); it acknowledges that 1971 and 1989-90 were wild excesses unrelated to real world possibilities. This is what the JVP now is not; but what IS it? It, itself doesn’t know yet, but the demands of approaching electoral challenges will force the JVP/NPP to define and declare its programme; to define its ideology, to publish an economic programme and to declare what it proposes to do about pesky minorities and pestilential Sinhala-Buddhism.

Allow me to move to a few economic topics. It’s a no brainer that exports need to be an engine of growth. There is a huge amount of experience in other developing countries (Korea, Mexico and South Africa to quote at random from three continents) and indeed in Sri Lanka in the past before Rajapaksa era sleaze snuffed it out. Both the private sector and government agencies were coordinated in the past and this needs to be revived. It may already be on the move behind the scene, but why behind the scene? Participants, product lines (industrial, fruit, marine products etc.), benefit from agreements between countries and future plans should be made explicit. If we intend to give the invisible hand a leg up (sorry, bad pun) let us make it more visible. Neither the RW-camp nor the JVP-camp have published or made their proposals explicit.

Moribund state-owned enterprises need an action plan and this is likely to be contentious between the two camps. There are rotting corpses like Sri Lankan Airlines that it is universally agreed must be cremated. Mahinda’s recklessness and Gota’s witlessness have brought it to the crematorium and the point now is quick disposal. But there are other cases which are complicated, the CEB for example. The government, for social and political reasons, offers electricity at heavily subsidised prices to low income households. The burden has to be borne by the CEB which does not receive corresponding compensation on imported fuel costs (coal, furnace oil and diesel). Therefore, on the books it appears that the CEB is a huge loss making enterprise but this impression is incorrect. This ambiguity is true though to a lesser extent in the petroleum corporation and the railways. A distinction has to be made between culling white elephants like Sri Lankan Airlines and other state-owned enterprises for each of which separate plans must be prepared.

A crucial matter for heavily indebted countries like Sri Lanka is debt restructuring. I will summarise a Reuters report datelined June 2023 about a deal to restructure debt owed by Zambia to other governments and private creditors around the world. The biggest slab, $6.3 billion owed to China’s Export-Import Bank, underlines the importance of Beijing’s agreement to support the plan. The agreement calls for Zambia’s debt to be rescheduled over 20 years with a three-year grace period during which only interest payments will be made. Private creditors too are expected to likewise restructure the $6.8 billion owed to them. The exercise is viewed by the Group of 20 wealthy nations as a test case. I will make no further comment but ask whether the RW-side or the JVP-side is actively following up the Zambian example

The most significant advantage of the Zambian plan will be a sharp recovery of the value of the Kwacha against international currencies. This will impact prices of imported goods and domestic production. Here in Sri Lanka prices of essential goods and inflation are driving the poor and the middle-classes to desperation. The one matter about which every political actor agrees is prices of food and essentials (medicines, cooking fuel, school uniforms and so on) must be addressed. A debt restructuring programme supported by the IMF and other multilateral agencies is essential. Is it unrealistic to imagine the value of the LKR appreciating to 200 to 250 to the US dollar within a year?

The government (Central Bank and Treasury) from all reports is in thick of it. The RW-camp therefore is involved, but I doubt if JVP/NPP policy makers are giving their minds to these concerns. Since the JVP/NPP is a contender for state power there will be persons of intellectual ability and professional experience who will be willing to cooperate, but the trouble is that it is foolishly dragging its feet.

There are several such policy matters deserving a short discussion in a draft programme. For example a new constitution, inflation targeting, price control of essentials, state-owned enterprises, sovereign wealth funds, and energy policy. I will devote the rest of this essay to energy pricing and policy because a draft programme for the electricity sector is before parliament right now.

The Ceylon Electricity Board is called a huge loss-making enterprise. How fair is that allegation? For social and political reasons the government provides low income households with heavily subsidised electricity. The average generation price is far higher. If the government hands out electricity to low income households at X rupees per kWh but the average generating (net of cross subsidy from affluent customer) is say Y rupees (average generation costs depends on coal, fuel oil and diesel prices), and if the energy so handed out is Z billion kWh per year, the CEB will unavoidably incur a “loss” of (Y-X)*Z billion rupees annually. If Y is 20, X is 5 and Z is 20, it will appear that the CEB is a public sector enterprise “losing” Rs350 billion per annum. This of course is bollocks! Will the energy ministry make available a detailed breakdown of X, Y and Z? Given the data a child can do the calculations on the back of a postage stamp.

The term that echoes across the government’s thought processes is “privatisation”; anything that moves or breathes, grab it, privatise it. While there is a case for handing over some failing state enterprises to private management, the experts on the government’s lobby have little knowledge of the concept of Public Goods. There are some things which by their intrinsic nature belong to the public domain, to the people; scenic beauty, forests, the courts of law, the military, the police, a nation’s communications backbone and the transmission grid and system control infrastructure. The concept of Public Goods has not been discussed or understood in Sri Lanka or for that matter in many countries.

A related matter pertains to privatisation of the electricity distribution systems which like the transmission backbone and system control facilities should remain under public ownership. In the UK for example where the distribution system was privatised, terrible complications have arisen. Once a private owner acquires control it has the right to sell onward into markets where it is chopped, spliced with bits and pieces of other financial assets and sold onward into a maze. Since the financial crisis of 2008 these instruments called ‘derivatives’, and other speculative and ‘leveraged’ financial products have become prominent and it is no longer easy to say where ownership lies. In simple words if we privatise into this fog it’s a maze where ownership of our distribution assets is murky with loss of control and inability to repossess. In the UK, chasing up who owns the now privatised one-time Regional Distribution utilities has become a nightmare.

I need to bring this discussion of electricity sector options into line with my opening theme that there are only two realistic political options – liberalism and the left. True RW liberalism bears the blemish of potential military excesses and the JVP is haunted by its rebellious past. Nevertheless the public and trade unions will be increasingly enthused by the upcoming elections than by these theoretical abstractions as the months pass; let’s wait and see how things pan out in the months ahead.

The privatisation of the Central Electricity Generating Board (CEGB) has turned out to be another of that Thatcher woman’s ideologically driven blunders to rival her privatisation of British Rail. Throughout Europe the railways are state-owned and excellent. Western Europe’s SNCF, Deutsche Bahn, Trenitalia, as well as the networks in Eastern Europe are state-owned. It is in the UK alone that that Thatcher woman careened from Hayek driven blunder to blunder. In Lanka Privatisation seems to be the government and Minister Kanchana Wijesekera’s buzzword; so it seems Lanka is treading the same road? In context, I also do wish people would stop talking about renewable energy projects solar and wind in MW (power) and deal in expected annual MW-hours (energy). What’s the use of a 1000 horse power -Ferrari in your garage if your fuel tank is empty?

To tie up these threads to my opening theme, the government hopes that people are so fed up with the CEB and presumed CEB corruption that it believes there will be overwhelming support for privatisation. That may be incorrect. When all the facts as I have outlined here come into focus in the public mind, I believe that support for privatisation of public goods such as the CEB’s key assets, the telecommunications backbone and the petroleum industry will evaporate.



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Combining local resources,traditional knowledge and science to build a food-secure Sri Lanka

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World Food Day 2026: Innovating today for a better food future

by Dr. Kaushalya Wijayasekara

What will be on the Sri Lankan dinner table ten years from now? Will our children be able to get nutritious food at a price their families can afford? Will farmers be able to grow enough despite changing weather and rising costs? And how much of the food we produce will actually reach the consumer, instead of being lost or wasted along the way?

These questions can’t wait. A farmer faces unpredictable weather. A family faces rising food costs. Fruit goes unsold after a good harvest. Some children do not get enough nutrition. The future of food is tied to the future of Sri Lanka itself.

World Food Day 2026 is a chance to look beyond the immediate problems and ask whether we can build a food system that feeds our people well, gives farmers better opportunities, protects the environment and makes better use of what we already have. The answer can be yes, but we will have to think differently.

We are not starting from zero. Sri Lanka has diverse crops, fisheries, traditional food knowledge, indigenous varieties, research institutions, universities and a young generation able to create new solutions. What we need is to bring these together and act. Producing more will not secure our food future on its own. It will depend on how intelligently we produce, process, preserve, distribute and consume food.

Making more of what we already have

Innovation does not always mean inventing something new. Often it means finding better uses for the resources we have.

Sri Lanka grows traditional rice varieties, kurakkan, green gram, cowpea, jackfruit, breadfruit, cassava, sweet potato, coconut and palmyrah. All of them have great potential for modern, nutritious, value-added foods. Jackfruit and breadfruit can be made into flour and other convenient products. Traditional rice varieties can go into new foods that suit changing consumer needs. Palmyrah, with its strong cultural heritage, can create new income through better processing, packaging, quality assurance and market development.

The aim is to connect our traditional food knowledge with modern consumer needs and technology, while keeping our food heritage.

Stop wasting the food we produce

Reducing food loss and waste should be a major priority. Seasonal fruits such as mango, banana, papaya and pineapple can be lost in large quantities when production exceeds demand or when storage, transport and processing facilities are inadequate. With suitable technology, these fruits can become dried products, pulps, powders, beverages and other shelf-stable foods.

Agricultural and fisheries by-products are resources too. They could be turned into food ingredients, animal feed, bio-based products and other useful materials, which would move us toward a more circular food economy.

Technology alone is not enough. We need stronger local processing facilities, cold storage, efficient transport, collection centres and market information systems, especially close to where food is produced. Cutting food loss raises the value of what our farmers and fishers already produce.

Nutrition and food safety come first

Food security means more than having enough food. People also need food that is safe and nutritious.

Sri Lanka can develop affordable, nutritious foods from local pulses, grains, vegetables, fruits and fish. Children and other vulnerable groups should get particular attention. Schoolchildren in particular deserve a focus: safe, nutritious, locally sourced products for school feeding programs would support child nutrition, local farmers and domestic food industries at the same time.

Food safety must stay at the centre of food innovation. Good hygiene, quality control, laboratory testing, traceability and appropriate food safety systems are what make new products safe as well as attractive and nutritious.

A food system that can cope with climate change

Climate change is already affecting agricultural production, water availability, crop yields and food prices. We need food systems that can handle changing conditions. That means climate-resilient crops, efficient water use, soil and water conservation, better storage and resource-efficient food processing.

Traditional knowledge matters here. Generations of Sri Lankan farmers have developed practices suited to local climates and ecosystems. Combining that experience with modern science can give us solutions that fit local conditions and are sustainable. Technology alone will not build the future of food. Science, experience and local knowledge together can.

Give young people a bigger role

Sri Lanka’s universities have an important part to play in shaping our food future. Young people should be encouraged to identify real problems in the food system and work on practical solutions in areas such as food waste, sustainable packaging, nutrition, food safety, modernising traditional foods and digital technologies.

A good research project should not always end as a research paper. Where appropriate, research should be supported to move on to products, technologies, enterprises and community solutions. That needs stronger partnerships between universities and industry, along with mentoring, research funding, business support and market connections. If young researchers and entrepreneurs can turn their ideas into viable food innovations, both consumers and producers will benefit.

A pathway designed for Sri Lanka

We do not need to copy food-system models from other countries. We can build a pathway that suits our own resources, culture and needs. It would bring together local resources, traditional knowledge, scientific research, appropriate technology and entrepreneurship, with farmers, fishers, universities, research institutions, food industries, entrepreneurs and policymakers working side by side.

The goal goes beyond selling raw materials. We need to create more value, reduce waste, improve nutrition, generate jobs and strengthen rural livelihoods. This matters especially for small and medium-scale food enterprises, which can drive local economic development when they get the right technical, financial and market support.

The choices we make today

The food future will not create itself. It will be shaped by what we grow, what we research, what we process, what we consume and what we choose not to waste.

So, the question for World Food Day 2026 is this: what can we do today so that every Sri Lankan has safe, nutritious, affordable and sustainable food tomorrow?

The answers are already around us, in our farms, fisheries, food businesses, universities, laboratories and communities. We have the resources, the traditional knowledge, the scientific expertise and talented young people. What we need now is to connect them and act.

A better food future begins with the choices we make today.

Dr. Kaushalya Wijayasekara

Senior Lecturer, Department of Biosystems Technology, Faculty of Technology, University of Ruhuna

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20th Anniversary of Digampathana blast – the day Sri Lanka Navy cried

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Aftermath of the terror attack

By Admiral Ravindra C Wijegunaratne
WV, RWP and Bar, RSP, VSV, USP, NI (M) (Pakistan), ndc, psn, Bsc
(Hons) (War Studies) (Karachi) MPhil (Madras)
Former Navy Commander and Former Chief of Defence Staff
Former Chairman, Trincomalee Petroleum Terminals Ltd
Former Managing Director Ceylon Petroleum Corporation
Former High Commissioner to Pakistan

The Digampathana suicide truck attack on 16th October 2006 remains the deadliest single strike in Sri Lanka Navy history, leaving scars that time cannot erase.

It was a seemingly ordinary Monday morning on 16 October 2006, but the calm of that day would soon be shattered in a way none of us could have imagined. As the Commandant of the Naval and Maritime Academy and Flag Officer Commanding Naval Fleet at Trincomalee, I was aware that a number of my cadets were travelling that morning, part of a convoy of fifteen buses carrying naval personnel from Trincomalee, Colombo, and other bases, heading toward Dambulla to rendezvous with another group. The convoy also included trucks and escort vehicles, a routine movement planned and coordinated with the army to ensure the roads were clear. The morning started quietly. Some personnel greeted friends, handed over their weapons, or strolled to a nearby tea shop. It all seemed so ordinary—too ordinary for what would come next.

Sri Lanka Navy sunk LTTE Ships carrying arms, ammunition and warlike materials thousand miles away from Sri Lanka in Indian Ocean in September and October 2007.

By late morning, both convoys had reached the small ground at Digampathana, near the Sigiriya junction, and personnel mingled briefly, unaware that a carefully orchestrated act of terror was waiting. Then, suddenly, an empty half-truck veered directly into the convoy. It exploded with a ferocity I can still recall as if it were yesterday. Nuts, bolts, and high explosives tore through the air. Pandemonium erupted instantly. I later learned that 107 of our naval personnel were killed on the spot and another 153 critically injured. The scene was indescribable—bodies scattered, vehicles mangled, personal effects strewn across the ground. I remember later hearing that the head of the suicide bomber was recovered more than 100 meters away from the blast, a grim testament to the sheer force of the explosion.

I was in my office at the Naval and Maritime Academy when my mobile phone rang. A young midshipman from the 21st intake called, his voice trembling: “Sir, there was a huge explosion at the convoy point! Many are dead … my batch mate Wijesundara is among them.” I immediately jumped into my jeep with my escort Chief Petty Officer and driver and rushed to Digampathana, relying on every ounce of my driving skill to reach the scene. The journey, which usually took little more than an hour, felt endless that day, each passing mile weighed down by dread.

When I arrived, I was confronted with a sight that no training can prepare you for. The injured were being rushed to Dambulla Hospital, where doctors and nurses worked tirelessly, improvising in ways that saved lives despite the overwhelming chaos. I went back to the site after visiting the hospital. The remains of our naval personnel were scattered across the ground, and someone had begun collecting weapons and protective gear. I immediately contacted Surgeon Rear Admiral Nico Jayasekara and received his instructions: collect all body parts in separate bags and transport them to the Trincomalee Naval Hospital mortuary. This gruesome work had to be done with care and dignity, and it filled the icebox in my vehicle. Through DNA testing initiated by Rear Admiral Nico, we were able to identify every naval personnel lost that day, bringing some closure to grieving families.

The Navy Commander at the time, Vice Admiral Wasantha Karannagoda, was devastated. I had worked closely with him and knew how deeply he cared for his men. He ensured that the fallen were honoured with full ceremonial naval funerals at Welisara Naval Base, attended by families and comrades. Sixty-seven funerals were conducted in a single day—a number that still haunts me.

The Digampathana attack remains the largest single loss of naval life in our history. It was a day of sorrow, but also a day that reinforced our resolve. The tragedy galvanized the Navy to target the LTTE Sea Tiger wing with renewed determination and reshaped our maritime operations forever. Every time I think of that day, I remember not just the lives lost, but the courage, professionalism, and dedication of those who survived, those who treated the injured, and those who ensured the fallen were honored properly. May the souls of our naval hero’s rest in peace, their sacrifice guiding us and inspiring generations of naval personnel to come.

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‘Murder at Whitby Abbey’

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Tales of Mystery and Suspense – 24

I was intrigued by the title of a book I found in a book drop at the condominium of a friend, Murder at Whitby Abbey, and I brought it home with me though I will not be able to return it in the near future. It was described on the cover page as ‘a standout in the crowded medieval mystery field’, though I fear I do not know of other books in this field, apart from the Cadfael series, which I have dealt with earlier.

The book, by Cassandra Clark, is set during the reign of Richard II and has as a backdrop his precarious position, which led to his being replaced, and murdered, by his cousin Henry, who reigned as Henry IV. It is a gloomy book, the action taking place in the twelve days of Christmas leading up to the Epiphany. And the gloom is pervasive, even though this is supposed to be a time of festivity, with mummers performing, and many of those in the guest house where the heroine stays going to town to enjoy themselves, with much drinking and much music, which also fills the guesthouse.

The heroine Hildegarde is a nun, sent to try to acquire a relic being sold by Whitby Abbey, though this was also a penance set by the Abbot of the monastery that governed her abbess because she had had sex with a man. Soon after she and her companions reach the Abbey set high on a cliff, she finds that there are other bidders, and soon suspects that the hierarchy, not perhaps the Abbot who seems a weakling, but his rapacious bursar, is determined to make money, and not above creating false relics to sell to several aspirants.

After Hildegarde and her Cistercian companions – Whitby is a Benedictine Foundation – two monks, Gregory and Egbert, and a young priest Mark, reach the abbey, they find that Aelwyn, a monk they had met on their way to the guesthouse had died. This was in the apple store, and they realize, when they find the surplices of novices stuffed into the air vents, that he had been left to suffocate in the overwhelming scent of apples.

Clark

The Cistercians are asked to look into the death, perhaps because they are likely to get no cooperation from the Abbey folk, but perhaps because those in charge are keen to know what happened. And the infirmarer, an old monk, suggests Hildegarde talk to a man called Edred who worked for the bursar, and had been a friend of Aelwyn’s. But Edred too is killed, before he can keep an appointment he had made with Hildegarde, drowned in a pool near the farmhouse of the Abbey.

Meanwhile tensions arise between the fisherfolk and the abbey for the bursar wants to charge them for using the beach that technically belongs to the abbey to dry their fish and their nets. This leads to physical battles, when the guards used by the abbey, under the command it seems of the bursar whose determination to make money is not resisted by the abbot and the prior, try to storm the area where the fishermen live.

Hildegard finds out more about what had happened through two youngsters, one of whom Torold is the son of Aelwyn by a woman who worked as a prostitute for a cartel, and with whom Mark fell in love. The other works on the farm and had seen Edred meet someone near the pool, after which that someone left the place by himself. And the boy had also found in the pool a sort of dagger with the seal of the abbey.

He and his dog, and Torold who follows her, rescue Hildegarde from a man at arms who has waylaid her and tries to rape her earlier. Escaping into the abbey she was nearly been raped then by the bursar, but she managed to escape, in the process setting fire to him and the muniments room, which led, when he was rescued, to the discovery of a box with the money he said had been stolen, blame being cast on both Aelwyn and Edred.

Matters come to a head when the fisherfolk try to storm the abbey, being resisted by the men at arms stationed on the towers. But then Hildegarde realizes that behind the murders was the bursar’s clerk, whom she pursued to the cathedral. There is great drama then as she escapes from him when he tries to kill her, and then from the man at arms who had tried to both rape and kill her, but they both fall from the scaffolding she had climbed, the latter coming from a tower where he had been stationed.

Both of them think they run the rapacity of the abbey, the latter claiming to work for the nobles opposed to Richard, who is presented throughout the book as devoted to his subjects, not to power or money. But though the villains die, the bursar continues, having got over the hysteria the fire had caused and his acknowledgment then of guilt – and though the abbot and the prior seem less vicious, whether they will be able to assert themselves is questionable.

Before the climax, when the others in the guesthouse were leaving, Hildegarde found that two of them were in possession of the relic, for which they seem to have paid well. Hildegarde herself had made a derisory offer, but before she leaves the abbot gives her the relic, perhaps in gratitude for what she and her fellow Cistercians had discovered, the abbey having made as much money as it needed and more from the gullible other buyers.

Mark’s inamorata is saved from the stews because she moves in with Edred’s widow whom the bursar had thrown out of the rooms he occupied when her husband was found dead. Hildegarde had paid for lodgings, in a house run by the man who ran the brothels, but he had a kindly side and was going to finance them to make nets for the fishermen.

So, the Cistercians set off for their home as swiftly as they can to get there on the day of the Epiphany, having stopped en route to pray for King Richard whose birthday it was.

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