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To be realistic, there are only two options

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by Kumar David

There are only two political options (for want of a better word, though “trepidation” highlights another side of the matter) worth taking seriously – the President Ranil Wickremesinghe (RW) led outfit and the National Peoples’ Power (NPP) public face of the JVP. The RW-outfit may manifest itself in many forms such as a UNP-Sajith (SJB) alliance under some tactical leadership plan that may or may not include a Rajapaksa rascally rump. Whatever be their specific expositions, there are only two “camps” that matter up to and including the next election cycle. Let me call them the RW-outfit and the JVP-outfit – the Sinhala “kandavuru deka” captures the sense better. All other options (Champika, Sarath Fonseka, small left, and ethnic minority platforms) will have negligible electoral impact if they do not align with one of these big outfits. This is in respect of a presidential election; in parliamentary or provincial polls ethnic minority platforms will, of course, have a substantial impact in the areas of domicile of their communities.

It is necessary to state these encampment options prior to dealing with programmes and strategies. I will call the broad manner in which each camp presents itself to the people its National Strategy and this includes an ‘ideological orientation’, economic development plans, foreign trade priorities, and relationships with the IMF and ADB/IBRD to escape the stranglehold of debt. Approaches will need to be formulated by each side for state-owned enterprises. Foreign policy, especially in respect of India and the US is absolutely crucial. When I say ‘ideological orientation’ I am referring to democracy, militarisation, curbing Sinhala-Buddhist excesses and the democratisation of state-power. All this is a big canvas and strategists, planners and scholars will contribute to this discourse in the next 12 months. I will only make a simple start here; not in any particular order.

RW is a capitalist-roader in the sense that he subscribes to the view that “by letting market-forces run their course, to enhance their own gain capitalists, will as though by an invisible hand, promote the public good”. (Adapted from Adam Smith’s ‘Theory of Moral Sentiments”). Faith in the free-market with minimal state intervention is gospel among modern bourgeois ideologues and that RW belongs here is no surprise. Unconstrained by other pressures, this is where RW will lead the nation as JR did and Felix tried. However, I refrain from calling RW a neo-liberal (neo-conservative extremist) despite his penchant for using the military to subdue political dissent because he is influenced by liberal intellectuals in his personal and political entourage. The obscenity of outright dictatorship is best practised by Generals (gorillas); vide Chile, Pakistan, Argentina, Burma, and Indonesia and so on and so on. A military regime in Sri Lanka will not fail to string-up RW alongside the left, the intelligentsia, the liberals and the feckless Fourth Estate. Having said this it is frightening to observe that Netanyahu and his simple majority in Parliament are driving Israel (of all countries) in a neo-fascist direction less than 70 years after the fall of Nazism. I will deal with extremism and global threats to liberal values in my next essay in September – I intend to write less than weekly from now on.

The other camp, the JVP/NPP; how shall we designate it? It is not Stalinist in the sense that it harks to the discredited Soviet-style all-embracing central plan, it no longer subscribes to any variant of Maoist dementia (Cultural Revolution); it acknowledges that 1971 and 1989-90 were wild excesses unrelated to real world possibilities. This is what the JVP now is not; but what IS it? It, itself doesn’t know yet, but the demands of approaching electoral challenges will force the JVP/NPP to define and declare its programme; to define its ideology, to publish an economic programme and to declare what it proposes to do about pesky minorities and pestilential Sinhala-Buddhism.

Allow me to move to a few economic topics. It’s a no brainer that exports need to be an engine of growth. There is a huge amount of experience in other developing countries (Korea, Mexico and South Africa to quote at random from three continents) and indeed in Sri Lanka in the past before Rajapaksa era sleaze snuffed it out. Both the private sector and government agencies were coordinated in the past and this needs to be revived. It may already be on the move behind the scene, but why behind the scene? Participants, product lines (industrial, fruit, marine products etc.), benefit from agreements between countries and future plans should be made explicit. If we intend to give the invisible hand a leg up (sorry, bad pun) let us make it more visible. Neither the RW-camp nor the JVP-camp have published or made their proposals explicit.

Moribund state-owned enterprises need an action plan and this is likely to be contentious between the two camps. There are rotting corpses like Sri Lankan Airlines that it is universally agreed must be cremated. Mahinda’s recklessness and Gota’s witlessness have brought it to the crematorium and the point now is quick disposal. But there are other cases which are complicated, the CEB for example. The government, for social and political reasons, offers electricity at heavily subsidised prices to low income households. The burden has to be borne by the CEB which does not receive corresponding compensation on imported fuel costs (coal, furnace oil and diesel). Therefore, on the books it appears that the CEB is a huge loss making enterprise but this impression is incorrect. This ambiguity is true though to a lesser extent in the petroleum corporation and the railways. A distinction has to be made between culling white elephants like Sri Lankan Airlines and other state-owned enterprises for each of which separate plans must be prepared.

A crucial matter for heavily indebted countries like Sri Lanka is debt restructuring. I will summarise a Reuters report datelined June 2023 about a deal to restructure debt owed by Zambia to other governments and private creditors around the world. The biggest slab, $6.3 billion owed to China’s Export-Import Bank, underlines the importance of Beijing’s agreement to support the plan. The agreement calls for Zambia’s debt to be rescheduled over 20 years with a three-year grace period during which only interest payments will be made. Private creditors too are expected to likewise restructure the $6.8 billion owed to them. The exercise is viewed by the Group of 20 wealthy nations as a test case. I will make no further comment but ask whether the RW-side or the JVP-side is actively following up the Zambian example

The most significant advantage of the Zambian plan will be a sharp recovery of the value of the Kwacha against international currencies. This will impact prices of imported goods and domestic production. Here in Sri Lanka prices of essential goods and inflation are driving the poor and the middle-classes to desperation. The one matter about which every political actor agrees is prices of food and essentials (medicines, cooking fuel, school uniforms and so on) must be addressed. A debt restructuring programme supported by the IMF and other multilateral agencies is essential. Is it unrealistic to imagine the value of the LKR appreciating to 200 to 250 to the US dollar within a year?

The government (Central Bank and Treasury) from all reports is in thick of it. The RW-camp therefore is involved, but I doubt if JVP/NPP policy makers are giving their minds to these concerns. Since the JVP/NPP is a contender for state power there will be persons of intellectual ability and professional experience who will be willing to cooperate, but the trouble is that it is foolishly dragging its feet.

There are several such policy matters deserving a short discussion in a draft programme. For example a new constitution, inflation targeting, price control of essentials, state-owned enterprises, sovereign wealth funds, and energy policy. I will devote the rest of this essay to energy pricing and policy because a draft programme for the electricity sector is before parliament right now.

The Ceylon Electricity Board is called a huge loss-making enterprise. How fair is that allegation? For social and political reasons the government provides low income households with heavily subsidised electricity. The average generation price is far higher. If the government hands out electricity to low income households at X rupees per kWh but the average generating (net of cross subsidy from affluent customer) is say Y rupees (average generation costs depends on coal, fuel oil and diesel prices), and if the energy so handed out is Z billion kWh per year, the CEB will unavoidably incur a “loss” of (Y-X)*Z billion rupees annually. If Y is 20, X is 5 and Z is 20, it will appear that the CEB is a public sector enterprise “losing” Rs350 billion per annum. This of course is bollocks! Will the energy ministry make available a detailed breakdown of X, Y and Z? Given the data a child can do the calculations on the back of a postage stamp.

The term that echoes across the government’s thought processes is “privatisation”; anything that moves or breathes, grab it, privatise it. While there is a case for handing over some failing state enterprises to private management, the experts on the government’s lobby have little knowledge of the concept of Public Goods. There are some things which by their intrinsic nature belong to the public domain, to the people; scenic beauty, forests, the courts of law, the military, the police, a nation’s communications backbone and the transmission grid and system control infrastructure. The concept of Public Goods has not been discussed or understood in Sri Lanka or for that matter in many countries.

A related matter pertains to privatisation of the electricity distribution systems which like the transmission backbone and system control facilities should remain under public ownership. In the UK for example where the distribution system was privatised, terrible complications have arisen. Once a private owner acquires control it has the right to sell onward into markets where it is chopped, spliced with bits and pieces of other financial assets and sold onward into a maze. Since the financial crisis of 2008 these instruments called ‘derivatives’, and other speculative and ‘leveraged’ financial products have become prominent and it is no longer easy to say where ownership lies. In simple words if we privatise into this fog it’s a maze where ownership of our distribution assets is murky with loss of control and inability to repossess. In the UK, chasing up who owns the now privatised one-time Regional Distribution utilities has become a nightmare.

I need to bring this discussion of electricity sector options into line with my opening theme that there are only two realistic political options – liberalism and the left. True RW liberalism bears the blemish of potential military excesses and the JVP is haunted by its rebellious past. Nevertheless the public and trade unions will be increasingly enthused by the upcoming elections than by these theoretical abstractions as the months pass; let’s wait and see how things pan out in the months ahead.

The privatisation of the Central Electricity Generating Board (CEGB) has turned out to be another of that Thatcher woman’s ideologically driven blunders to rival her privatisation of British Rail. Throughout Europe the railways are state-owned and excellent. Western Europe’s SNCF, Deutsche Bahn, Trenitalia, as well as the networks in Eastern Europe are state-owned. It is in the UK alone that that Thatcher woman careened from Hayek driven blunder to blunder. In Lanka Privatisation seems to be the government and Minister Kanchana Wijesekera’s buzzword; so it seems Lanka is treading the same road? In context, I also do wish people would stop talking about renewable energy projects solar and wind in MW (power) and deal in expected annual MW-hours (energy). What’s the use of a 1000 horse power -Ferrari in your garage if your fuel tank is empty?

To tie up these threads to my opening theme, the government hopes that people are so fed up with the CEB and presumed CEB corruption that it believes there will be overwhelming support for privatisation. That may be incorrect. When all the facts as I have outlined here come into focus in the public mind, I believe that support for privatisation of public goods such as the CEB’s key assets, the telecommunications backbone and the petroleum industry will evaporate.



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Polarizing rhetoric greets America on its epochal anniversary

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President Donald Trump addresses the public on the occasion of the US celebrating the 250th anniversary of the US Declaration of Independence from Britain.(BBC)

Democratic and progressive opinion in the US and the world over would likely have been further jolted by the divisive rhetoric blared forth by US President Donald Trump on no less an occasion than the 250th anniversary of the US Declaration of Independence from Britain. The world has been placed on notice that what it would be having in the main is aggravated polarization on multiple fronts during what’s left of the Trump tenure.

If the world was expecting positive moves by the Trump administration to bridge divisions, heal rifts and usher in a more harmonious international political order, this is very unlikely to be. Instead, in all probability we would be left with a far more ‘dangerous place to live in’.

Some of the more thought-provoking recent ‘takes’ from President Trump are : ‘A generation after we fought and won the cold war against the menace of communism, there is now a resurgence of the communist menace in our land, including from newcomers to our country who embrace ideas totally opposed to our way of life and our great success.’ ‘We will send them (immigrants) quickly away, and we will continue to build our country bigger and better than ever before.’ ‘We are going to give our country its identity back.’ ‘You can be loyal to Karl Marx or you can be loyal to America. You can be a communist or you can be a patriot. You cannot be both.’

Accordingly, what the world would have in increasing measure going forward are stepped-up attempts to consolidate a white supremacist administration in the US accompanied by a suppression of ethnic, religious and cultural minorities at home along with renewed attempts to spread and consolidate US hegemonism world wide.

The latter project would mainly translate into US military interventions abroad of the Venezuelan type and a persistence if not a resurgence of identity based conflicts globally. Violent reactions internationally to what are seen as attempts by the US to bring recalcitrant sections in particularly the South under white supremacist control will provide the basis for the steadfast presence and spiking of identity politics globally.

Moreover, the path has been paved for stepped-up ethnic, religious and cultural disharmony within the US. A united state is far from possible, given this backdrop. Put simply, it would be a question of steeper political polarization at home and abroad.

The persistent, widespread support for the hard line Islamic regime in Iran locally and globally should serve as an eye-opener for the political decision-makers of the US. Huge crowds at the funerals of Iran’s political leaders could very well be state-orchestrated but they are a pointer to the fact that political Islam is far from on the decline. To the extent to which this is so, the phenomenon could be a hurdle in the path of a stridently expansionist US.

Looking back, it was the consolidation of the Islamic regime in Iran in the late seventies of the last century that, besides proving a major challenge to the unfettered global power expansion of the US and its Western allies, provided the motive force as it were for the proliferation of Islam-based identity politics in particularly the South. This continues to be so.

Going forward, the US would need to figure out how best it could manage the persistent presence of Islamic fundamentalism world wide, and for that matter other forms of identity politics, without drastically losing its global power and influence.

The recent successful challenge by Iran to the US’ efforts to exercise its diktat in West Asia should prove an ‘eye-opener’. In these confrontations both sides were bloodied but Iran proved that it could successfully take on the US militarily. The inference for the US ought to be that projecting its military might in the Middle East in a no-holds-barred fashion would not prove easy.

Arising from the foregoing a foremost policy challenge for the US would be to curb Iranian military power while avoiding another major military confrontation with the Islamic state that would cost the US and the world dearly in particularly economic and material terms. The US would have no choice but to persist with the often flagging West Asian peace effort and to render it fully workable.

Ukraine presents the US with another formidable challenge. As is known, Ukraine is proving no easy ‘push-over’ for Russia, but it is badly in need of more sophisticated Western arms, particularly effective air defense systems, to fully neutralize the Russian invasion. What would the US choose to do; go to Ukraine’s assistance fully or opt not to ruffle and antagonize the Putin regime, with which it is on some cordial terms?

A negotiated solution is best in Ukraine and the Trump administration would do well not to lose sight of this ideal but Russia too should see the need for a diplomatic solution if it is to salvage itself from its military stalemate in Ukraine. The US needs to try being a peace mediator in the latter theatre but if the Russian political leadership fails to opt for peace the US would have no choice but to join the rest of NATO and Europe in continuing to arm Ukraine.

The US would need to take the latter course if the ‘world’s mightiest democracy’ is to remain committed to its founding ideals. If President Trump fails to meet this challenge he would prove that he is nothing more than an ‘empty rhetorician’.

However, it should not come as a surprise to the world if Trump chooses not to strongly back the rest of the West on Ukraine. Domestic and foreign policy are closely intertwined. Since the Trump administration is committed to building a white supremacist state at home, democratic development worldwide has been of the least importance to it.

The Trump administration’s strong affinities to white jingoism would increasingly compel it to opt for a policy of international isolationism. As a result Ukraine could prove unimportant for the US going forward.

Consequently, US-Western Europe friction in particular is only likely to intensify in the days ahead. Coupled with the contentious issues growing out of the persistence of identity politics, the Trump administration’s far-sightedness in managing foreign policy issues would be tested to the fullest. Whether the world would have comparative peace or continued blood-letting would depend crucially on such judiciousness.

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Beyond concrete: Sunela Jayewardene urges Sri Lanka to rediscover an ancient wisdom for a planet in peril

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Sunela / Rishan / Spencer

It was more than a lecture on architecture. It was a challenge to rethink civilisation itself.

Standing before a packed audience at Dilmah by Genesis in Maligawatte, internationally acclaimed environmental architect, author and conservationist Sunela Jayewardene delivered a keynote that transcended blueprints, buildings and urban planning.

Instead, she invited her listeners on an intellectual journey into Sri Lanka’s ancient past, arguing that the answers to some of the world’s gravest environmental crises may already exist within the island’s forgotten ecological wisdom.

Her address, titled “Beyond Concrete: Architecture for the Coexistence of Species,” was at once philosophical, historical and deeply practical. It questioned humanity’s obsession with dominating nature and called for a return to a design ethic rooted in respect, restraint and coexistence.

“The road is actually very simple,” Jayewardene said. “We have simply forgotten it.”

That observation became the defining thread of an afternoon that challenged conventional thinking about architecture and development.

According to Jayewardene, modern society has inherited a worldview shaped largely by colonial values that placed human needs above those of every other living organism.

“Our value system was turned on its head,” she observed. “We accepted a Western way of looking at nature without questioning it. Today we can clearly see the consequences. The world is in crisis. Species are in crisis. Our lifestyles are in crisis.”

She was careful not to romanticise the past, nor was she dismissive of modern science. Instead, she argued that Sri Lanka’s pre-colonial civilisation possessed a sophisticated environmental philosophy that modern planners and architects have largely ignored.

For Jayewardene, environmental architecture is not about fashionable sustainability slogans or cosmetic landscaping.

It begins with humility.

It begins by recognising that humans are only one species among millions sharing the same landscape.

“The built environment should not exist in opposition to nature,” she said. “It should become part of nature.”

One of the most captivating moments of her presentation came when she introduced her own research into the island’s ancient sacred geography.

Using digital mapping and satellite imagery, Jayewardene demonstrated the remarkable alignment of Sri Lanka’s four original Saman Devalayas, whose axes converge on Sri Pada, historically known as Samanthakuta.

The extraordinary precision of these alignments, she argued, raises profound questions about the scientific and surveying capabilities of ancient Sri Lankan civilisation.

“What kind of technology enabled them to achieve this?” she asked the audience.

Her purpose was not to offer speculative answers but to challenge deeply ingrained assumptions that ancient societies lacked scientific sophistication.

“We often underestimate what our ancestors knew,” she said. “Yet the evidence around us tells a very different story.”

That forgotten knowledge, she argued, extended well beyond engineering.

It shaped an entire philosophy of living with the landscape rather than imposing human will upon it.

Displaying photographs from archaeological sites including Ritigala, ancient monasteries and rock pavilions hidden within Sri Lanka’s forests, Jayewardene illustrated how builders carved steps around natural boulders, integrated structures into existing rock formations and preserved the contours of the land.

Modern construction, she suggested, would almost certainly have bulldozed those landscapes into submission.

“Our ancestors honoured the land,” she said. “They accepted the landscape instead of trying to conquer it.”

For Jayewardene, that principle remains the foundation of every project she undertakes.

She described environmental architecture as an exercise in listening rather than commanding.

Every site, she explained, possesses its own identity, ecological history and natural rhythm.

The responsibility of the architect is to understand that identity before attempting to intervene.

“The land tells you what it wants to become,” she said.

Throughout the presentation, one word repeatedly surfaced—context.

Without understanding context, she argued, architecture becomes little more than sculpture.

Good design cannot be copied indiscriminately from one country to another or even from one district to another.

Climate differs.

Rainfall differs.

Vegetation differs.

Wildlife differs.

Culture differs.

Even the stories associated with landscapes differ.

All of these, Jayewardene insisted, must shape architecture.

“When I speak about inhabitants, I don’t mean only human beings,” she explained.

“The birds, insects, reptiles, mammals, trees and every living organism already occupying that land must become part of the design equation.”

This broader understanding forms the basis of what she describes as non-human-centred design—an approach that rejects the notion that cities exist exclusively for people.

Instead, landscapes should provide refuge for biodiversity while simultaneously serving human communities.

It is an idea that resonates strongly at a time when rapid urbanisation continues to erode habitats across Sri Lanka.

Jayewardene also challenged prevailing attitudes towards development itself.

Too often, she argued, “development” has become synonymous with replacing natural systems by concrete infrastructure.

She questioned whether flattening hillsides, redirecting streams and clearing vegetation can genuinely be described as progress.

In her view, genuine development should first ask what ecological value already exists before deciding what should be built.

One of the simplest yet most profound examples she offered concerned water.

“I always say it is acceptable to interrupt water,” she remarked. “But never disrupt it.”

That distinction reflects an ecological understanding often absent from conventional engineering.

Natural drainage systems, she warned, perform countless functions that remain invisible until they are damaged.

Floods, soil erosion, biodiversity decline and even changes in local climate frequently follow.

“We disrupt far more than water,” she said. “We disrupt entire ecological relationships.”

Equally significant was her distinction between degraded brownfield sites and relatively untouched greenfield landscapes.

Brownfield sites require ecological restoration, rehabilitation and renewal.

Greenfield sites demand restraint.

Minimal intervention, she argued, is often the highest form of environmental design.

The keynote found an appropriate setting within Dilmah Conservation’s own efforts to restore degraded urban landscapes.

Earlier in the programme, Rishan Sampath of Dilmah Conservation outlined the organisation’s transformation of an abandoned industrial property in Moratuwa into a flourishing urban forest containing over 300 tree species and more than 1,000 individual plants.

Scientific studies conducted within the restored forest have already demonstrated improvements in air quality compared with adjoining urban roads, providing measurable evidence that biodiversity restoration can improve city life.

For Jayewardene, such initiatives represent far more than beautification projects.

They demonstrate that ecological restoration can become a guiding philosophy for future urban planning.

Her address ultimately became a call to rethink humanity’s place within nature.

Architecture, she argued, should no longer celebrate domination over landscapes.

It should celebrate coexistence.

Every building should strengthen biodiversity.

Every development should restore ecological balance.

Every designer should ask not merely how a project serves people, but how it serves life itself.

As the audience left the hall, they carried with them more than architectural ideas.

They carried a challenge

To question inherited assumptions.

To rediscover indigenous ecological wisdom.

And to recognise that Sri Lanka’s greatest contribution to global sustainability may not lie in importing new environmental models, but in rediscovering the timeless principles embedded within its own civilisation.

For Sunela Jayewardene, the future will not be secured by building more impressive skylines.

It will be secured when humanity learns once again to build gently, intelligently and respectfully—allowing architecture to become not an act of conquest, but an expression of coexistence.

By Ifham Nizam

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Colombia’s “back-to-back queen”

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Beyond modelling, Colombia’s Katherine Castaño, who captured the crown at the Top Model of the World 2026, in Egypt, is also a TV host, entrepreneur and social media influencer.

She’s based in Miami, Florida right now — a hub for fashion and influencer work — a city she calls home base, while representing Colombia on the world stage.

Her Miami base gives her access to fashion, entertainment, and business networks, while her title keeps Colombia front and centre in the global modelling conversation.

Off the runway, she says she enjoys singing, playing the piano, and tennis.

Katherine didn’t make the trip to Egypt as a newcomer. She’s built a strong international portfolio before winning the crown.

In fact, her résumé reads like a fashion passport: Colombia Moda, New York Fashion Week, Miami Swim Week, Miami Fashion Week, Nicaragua Diseña, IXEL Moda, and Mercedes-Benz San José.

On June 8, 2026, Katherine Castaño was crowned by outgoing winner Natalia Garizabal Vera, also of Colombia. That gave Colombia a historic back-to-back victory — the first time any country has done it in the competition’s history, and Colombia’s 4th win overall.

As Top Model of the World 2026, Katherine’s reign is centred on elevating her profile as a model, influencer, and entrepreneur.

She’s built a personal brand around beauty, ambition, style, and professionalism, with strong reach across fashion, social media, and business.

As titleholder, she’s now the face of the pageant’s international fashion platform, representing Colombia globally, while based out of Miami.

Ahead of the competition she was clear about the stakes: “This is bigger than me. This is for my country. This is for the story I’m here to write… And I’m not going quietly… we’re going for that back to back.”

As the reigning titleholder, Katherine Castaño’s role extends far beyond the sash. She’s using the platform to grow her brand as a model, influencer, and entrepreneur rooted in “beauty, ambition, style, and professionalism”.

She will also be doing runway shows, photoshoots, brand appearances, and fashion events.

Sri Lanka’s representative at this pageant was NetalieWithanage.

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