Features
Provincial politics, DUNF, Thondaman and conversations with Colvin
“Economy still suffering from estate takeover gerrymandering”
I was lucky enough to be elected on my very first foray into politics. Lalith and Gamini had offered me a position in the DUNF national list in the forthcoming general election but I was determined to enter politics by public acclamation. It was not a difficult decision because having served in Kandy district as a senior government official I was confident of winning both local government and national elections. I was proved right because I was returned in every election contested by me for 27 years consecutively. After I decided to retire undefeated, my nephew Dilum who assisted me in my election campaigns, succeeded me and has been returned on top of the list of winners in the Kandy district. His aggregate score of 171,000 votes in the 2019 election has not been bettered.
The second Provincial Council of the Central Province had a star studded cast which many compared favourably to the calibre of representatives in Parliament. Of the opposition group Gamini was the outstanding national figure though the SLFP leader Wijaya Wickremaratne was elected the leader of the Opposition in the council. “Pol Wikka”, my friend from Peradeniya University days, was a distinguished criminal lawyer in the country and we got on together like a house on fire. We trusted each other, without reservation and our DUNF group, though smaller in numbers, was well regarded by the Wickka led SLFP councillors.
He had the able assistance of another Peradeniya University colleague and leading lawyer Lal Wijenayake. All three of us Wikka, Lal and I had been earlier associated with the LSSP. This made it easy for us to adopt radical positions and thereby embarrass the UNP Chief Minister who was steeped in corruption and incompetence. We jointly planned to bring a vote of no confidence in him.
As expected our council had a fair number of members drawn from the estate Tamil community representing the workers of the “estate raj “in Kandy, Matale and Nuwara Eliya districts. Many of them like Putrasigamani, Sathasivam and Chandrasekeran later entered Parliament. The most interesting of these representatives was Chandrasekeran who broke away from Thondaman and formed his own party. Chandrasekeran’s party was growing in strength. He entered Parliament and became an important MP ensuring CBKs survival. He was made a Deputy Minister. However once in Colombo he began drinking heavily and died of cirrhosis of the liver at a young age.
He was the only leader with a mass following and the potential to challenge the Thondaman dynasty. The DUNF also had Monty Gopallawa and Keheliya Rambukwella who both later became senior ministers in national administrations. Among the UNP winners were Lucky Jayawardene and Sarath Kongahage who later entered Parliament. Mahindananda Aluthgamage entered politics as a SUP member in the CPC representing Nawalapitiya.
The vote of no confidence in the Chief Minister was not only a test of strength. On its success or failure the DUNF would have to assess its future strategy. In the event, the combined force of SLFP-DUNF and a fewTamil representatives could not overturn the UNP juggernaut. Ranil, Cooray and Choksy intervened forcefully to whip the UNP councillors into line and we suffered a heavy defeat. Partly because of this Gamini, now left with the burden of leading the party alone, began to rethink his strategy in the new circumstances of the absence of Premadasa and Lalith and the need of the UNP to have a charismatic leader of the front rank emerging from the JRJ era.
Gamini, Wickrema Weerasooria and I had many discussions regarding the DUNF and its future operations. At the same time Gamini talked to Premachandra, Monty Gopallawa and other DUNF leaders about his dilemma. Clearly an important decision had to be taken regarding the future of the DUNF.
A mixed bag
The Central Provincial Council was a good introduction to the realities of Sri Lankan politics. Of all the Provincial Councils, save perhaps the Western Provincial Council, it was the CPC which had a range of our national ethnic minorities represented within it. This was mostly because Nuwara Eliya district, which was one of the three districts represented in the CPC, had a large number of voters from the group previously known as Indian Tamils or estate Tamils. Similarly there were significant numbers of Muslims in the three districts, many of them domiciled from the time of Sinhala kings and referred to as Kandyan Muslims with Sinhala “Ge”names.
There were also many urban Tamils from the group known as Ceylon Tamils who were mainly engaged in business. Ceylon Tamils were also well represented in the professions in the Central Province. The Sinhalese though constituting the majority of the voters were also ranged in terms of upcountry Sinhala and low country Sinhala, with the latter having a disproportionate influence due to their economic dominance. Many of them were powerful behind the scenes and tended to support their favourites belonging to other communities.
Furthermore the Sinhalese and Tamils were subdivided on the basis of caste. Among the Sinhala the caste issue had raised its head as never before since the larger number of members represented in the Provincial Council, as distinct from Parliament, had opened up opportunities for the marginalized Kandyan castes to rally round and elect their own caste members. In fact a tally of the successful provincial councilors of the CPC resembled a “Who’s Who” of the Kandyan caste system. They tended to look on their power to render services through the CPC as a means of cementing their caste base.
One of the results of the introduction of Provincial Councils has been the exacerbation of communal and caste divisions which have thereafter influenced the election of members to Parliament as well. This is one of the reasons identified by commentators as to why the quality of MPs has steadily declined since the beginning of Provincial Councils.
Estate representation
On the positive side the CPC has enabled estate workers to find some type of representation. It will be recalled that this played a significant role in the first Parliamentary election group [1947]. At this time they enjoyed the franchise and returned a large number of members of the Tamil community as MPs. Virtually all the seats in the estate areas of Central and Uva provinces were won by the Ceylon Workers Congress, which was led by Savumiamoorthy Thondaman – a consummate politician and tactician. In fact it was the LSSP and the CP [N. Sanmugathasan’s Red Flag Organization] which first organized militant workers unions because they recognized estate workers as the nearest approximation to a “proletariat” in the country.
I remember discussing this issue with Colvin R de Silva late in his life. He had been a pioneer in organizing the estate workers which led to their “uprising” in Mooloya estate. The workers led by the LSSP had taken planters hostage and boycotted work for weeks. However the Planter Raj and the colonial administration had struck back. The Police fired on the strikers killing their leader Govindan and terrorizing them to get back to work.
In the court case launched by the Police, Colvin appeared for the militant workers and saved them. Inspite of that Colvin told me that with the disenfranchisement of the estate Tamils and the emergence of Thondaman as the saviour of their ethnic group, the LSSP was pushed out of contention in the estate sector. This was clearly seen in that the local LSSP leader Jack Kotelawela, who entered Parliament in 1947 as the LSSP MP for Badulla, was compelled to change colours and join the SLFP in order to stand a chance of winning in subsequent elections.
According to Colvin he and NM had to scour the estates to locate their former Tamil comrades who had by that time joined Thondaman on communal grounds. Some of them had disappeared with the party subscriptions collected from their workers. They ended up by failing in their search and giving up on what at one time seemed the most promising of their organizational targets. Since then they had no real working class base in terms of Karl Marx’s criteria. Instead they were compelled to follow the Parliamentary path which ended up in coalition politics and oblivion.
Colvin knew the nuts and bolts of planting as he was an owner of tea and coconut plantations. Clad in a tee shirt and blue shorts he enjoyed relaxing in his tea plantation in Uduwela, a few miles from Hantana in Kandy. I had the good fortune to meet him there occasionally and enjoy his conversation and hospitality. He was a fabulous conversationalist and his reminiscences about politics and his legal victories held me spellbound. He and Bernard Soysa had a practical approach to the tea trade and was dismayed when Hector Kobbekaduwa insisted on a full take over of the management of estates which finally ended up with his and Sirimavo’s relatives looting a national asset. Kobbekaduwa was led up the garden path by his left wing officials like Mahinda Silva. Our economy is still suffering due to their gerrymandering. After doing untold damage, Hector and his ilk were swept out of office in 1977. He lost his seat in the Kandy district and was also defeated in the Presidential election.
Thondaman
The key man in Indian Tamil politics in both upcountry and nationwide was Thondaman, the leader of the Ceylon Workers Congress. After he linked up with JRJ in 1977 and accepted Cabinet office, the left and SLFP in their May Day rallies coined a slogan “Kavuda Man-Thondaman” thereby confirming his significant role in the political landscape of the day as the only leader with a well organized working class under his command. I had a cordial relationship with “Thonda” and was often invited for his celebrated “thosai” breakfasts at his home in a spacious apartment facing Royal College in Colombo 7.
Many Ambassadors and senior politicians vied to get those invitations as they knew that their host carried a clout as a confidante of all the Presidents irrespective of their political affiliations. President D. B. Wijetunga was his classmate at St. Andrews College Gampola. They had to walk miles to get to school and acquire an English education which stood them in good stead later in life. Thonda had a privileged childhood because he was the son of an estate leader and unofficial money lender to the workers. He had done well and was the owner of Wavendon estate in the hill country.
Thonda took to politics early in his career which he started as a “progressive” supporting the left and the SLFP. He was then an associate of TB Ilangaratne and was credited with the latter’s victory in Hewaheta electorate in 1956 by getting his workers to vote “en masse” for the SLFP candidate. Ilangaratne became a powerful minister under Bandaranaike and later Mrs. B.
A turning point in Thondaman’s career was his alliance with JRJ and the UNP which helped in the latters landslide victory of 1977. JRJ solved the problem of “stateless” Tamils who had neither been repatriated to India nor given citizenship here. These people and their natural issue were given Sri Lankan citizenship by JRJ much to the satisfaction of the CWC as well as India which did not want another festering citizenship issue on its doorstep. This resolution of a major problem also gave Thonda unparalleled access to the Indian government which often expressed its wishes through him to our government.
Unknown to many he was “the voice of reason” in Indo-Sri Lankan affairs which was of great comfort to our leaders. Right throughout the Northern conflict he kept the estate Tamils out of the war which prevented the opening of a “second front” against the Sri Lankan forces. The LTTE tried desperately to foster anti-Sinhala militancy in the hill country but failed mainly due to Thonda and the conciliatory politics of his CWC. Thereby he helped to avoid a racial conflagration in the heartland of Sri Lanka.
(Excerpted from vol. 3 of the Sarath Amunugama autbiography)
Features
Combining local resources,traditional knowledge and science to build a food-secure Sri Lanka
World Food Day 2026: Innovating today for a better food future
by Dr. Kaushalya Wijayasekara
What will be on the Sri Lankan dinner table ten years from now? Will our children be able to get nutritious food at a price their families can afford? Will farmers be able to grow enough despite changing weather and rising costs? And how much of the food we produce will actually reach the consumer, instead of being lost or wasted along the way?
These questions can’t wait. A farmer faces unpredictable weather. A family faces rising food costs. Fruit goes unsold after a good harvest. Some children do not get enough nutrition. The future of food is tied to the future of Sri Lanka itself.
World Food Day 2026 is a chance to look beyond the immediate problems and ask whether we can build a food system that feeds our people well, gives farmers better opportunities, protects the environment and makes better use of what we already have. The answer can be yes, but we will have to think differently.
We are not starting from zero. Sri Lanka has diverse crops, fisheries, traditional food knowledge, indigenous varieties, research institutions, universities and a young generation able to create new solutions. What we need is to bring these together and act. Producing more will not secure our food future on its own. It will depend on how intelligently we produce, process, preserve, distribute and consume food.
Making more of what we already have
Innovation does not always mean inventing something new. Often it means finding better uses for the resources we have.
Sri Lanka grows traditional rice varieties, kurakkan, green gram, cowpea, jackfruit, breadfruit, cassava, sweet potato, coconut and palmyrah. All of them have great potential for modern, nutritious, value-added foods. Jackfruit and breadfruit can be made into flour and other convenient products. Traditional rice varieties can go into new foods that suit changing consumer needs. Palmyrah, with its strong cultural heritage, can create new income through better processing, packaging, quality assurance and market development.
The aim is to connect our traditional food knowledge with modern consumer needs and technology, while keeping our food heritage.
Stop wasting the food we produce
Reducing food loss and waste should be a major priority. Seasonal fruits such as mango, banana, papaya and pineapple can be lost in large quantities when production exceeds demand or when storage, transport and processing facilities are inadequate. With suitable technology, these fruits can become dried products, pulps, powders, beverages and other shelf-stable foods.
Agricultural and fisheries by-products are resources too. They could be turned into food ingredients, animal feed, bio-based products and other useful materials, which would move us toward a more circular food economy.
Technology alone is not enough. We need stronger local processing facilities, cold storage, efficient transport, collection centres and market information systems, especially close to where food is produced. Cutting food loss raises the value of what our farmers and fishers already produce.
Nutrition and food safety come first
Food security means more than having enough food. People also need food that is safe and nutritious.
Sri Lanka can develop affordable, nutritious foods from local pulses, grains, vegetables, fruits and fish. Children and other vulnerable groups should get particular attention. Schoolchildren in particular deserve a focus: safe, nutritious, locally sourced products for school feeding programs would support child nutrition, local farmers and domestic food industries at the same time.
Food safety must stay at the centre of food innovation. Good hygiene, quality control, laboratory testing, traceability and appropriate food safety systems are what make new products safe as well as attractive and nutritious.
A food system that can cope with climate change
Climate change is already affecting agricultural production, water availability, crop yields and food prices. We need food systems that can handle changing conditions. That means climate-resilient crops, efficient water use, soil and water conservation, better storage and resource-efficient food processing.
Traditional knowledge matters here. Generations of Sri Lankan farmers have developed practices suited to local climates and ecosystems. Combining that experience with modern science can give us solutions that fit local conditions and are sustainable. Technology alone will not build the future of food. Science, experience and local knowledge together can.
Give young people a bigger role
Sri Lanka’s universities have an important part to play in shaping our food future. Young people should be encouraged to identify real problems in the food system and work on practical solutions in areas such as food waste, sustainable packaging, nutrition, food safety, modernising traditional foods and digital technologies.
A good research project should not always end as a research paper. Where appropriate, research should be supported to move on to products, technologies, enterprises and community solutions. That needs stronger partnerships between universities and industry, along with mentoring, research funding, business support and market connections. If young researchers and entrepreneurs can turn their ideas into viable food innovations, both consumers and producers will benefit.
A pathway designed for Sri Lanka
We do not need to copy food-system models from other countries. We can build a pathway that suits our own resources, culture and needs. It would bring together local resources, traditional knowledge, scientific research, appropriate technology and entrepreneurship, with farmers, fishers, universities, research institutions, food industries, entrepreneurs and policymakers working side by side.
The goal goes beyond selling raw materials. We need to create more value, reduce waste, improve nutrition, generate jobs and strengthen rural livelihoods. This matters especially for small and medium-scale food enterprises, which can drive local economic development when they get the right technical, financial and market support.
The choices we make today
The food future will not create itself. It will be shaped by what we grow, what we research, what we process, what we consume and what we choose not to waste.
So, the question for World Food Day 2026 is this: what can we do today so that every Sri Lankan has safe, nutritious, affordable and sustainable food tomorrow?
The answers are already around us, in our farms, fisheries, food businesses, universities, laboratories and communities. We have the resources, the traditional knowledge, the scientific expertise and talented young people. What we need now is to connect them and act.
A better food future begins with the choices we make today.
Dr. Kaushalya Wijayasekara
Senior Lecturer, Department of Biosystems Technology, Faculty of Technology, University of Ruhuna
Features
20th Anniversary of Digampathana blast – the day Sri Lanka Navy cried
By Admiral Ravindra C Wijegunaratne
WV, RWP and Bar, RSP, VSV, USP, NI (M) (Pakistan), ndc, psn, Bsc
(Hons) (War Studies) (Karachi) MPhil (Madras)
Former Navy Commander and Former Chief of Defence Staff
Former Chairman, Trincomalee Petroleum Terminals Ltd
Former Managing Director Ceylon Petroleum Corporation
Former High Commissioner to Pakistan
The Digampathana suicide truck attack on 16th October 2006 remains the deadliest single strike in Sri Lanka Navy history, leaving scars that time cannot erase.
It was a seemingly ordinary Monday morning on 16 October 2006, but the calm of that day would soon be shattered in a way none of us could have imagined. As the Commandant of the Naval and Maritime Academy and Flag Officer Commanding Naval Fleet at Trincomalee, I was aware that a number of my cadets were travelling that morning, part of a convoy of fifteen buses carrying naval personnel from Trincomalee, Colombo, and other bases, heading toward Dambulla to rendezvous with another group. The convoy also included trucks and escort vehicles, a routine movement planned and coordinated with the army to ensure the roads were clear. The morning started quietly. Some personnel greeted friends, handed over their weapons, or strolled to a nearby tea shop. It all seemed so ordinary—too ordinary for what would come next.

Sri Lanka Navy sunk LTTE Ships carrying arms, ammunition and warlike materials thousand miles away from Sri Lanka in Indian Ocean in September and October 2007.
By late morning, both convoys had reached the small ground at Digampathana, near the Sigiriya junction, and personnel mingled briefly, unaware that a carefully orchestrated act of terror was waiting. Then, suddenly, an empty half-truck veered directly into the convoy. It exploded with a ferocity I can still recall as if it were yesterday. Nuts, bolts, and high explosives tore through the air. Pandemonium erupted instantly. I later learned that 107 of our naval personnel were killed on the spot and another 153 critically injured. The scene was indescribable—bodies scattered, vehicles mangled, personal effects strewn across the ground. I remember later hearing that the head of the suicide bomber was recovered more than 100 meters away from the blast, a grim testament to the sheer force of the explosion.
I was in my office at the Naval and Maritime Academy when my mobile phone rang. A young midshipman from the 21st intake called, his voice trembling: “Sir, there was a huge explosion at the convoy point! Many are dead … my batch mate Wijesundara is among them.” I immediately jumped into my jeep with my escort Chief Petty Officer and driver and rushed to Digampathana, relying on every ounce of my driving skill to reach the scene. The journey, which usually took little more than an hour, felt endless that day, each passing mile weighed down by dread.
When I arrived, I was confronted with a sight that no training can prepare you for. The injured were being rushed to Dambulla Hospital, where doctors and nurses worked tirelessly, improvising in ways that saved lives despite the overwhelming chaos. I went back to the site after visiting the hospital. The remains of our naval personnel were scattered across the ground, and someone had begun collecting weapons and protective gear. I immediately contacted Surgeon Rear Admiral Nico Jayasekara and received his instructions: collect all body parts in separate bags and transport them to the Trincomalee Naval Hospital mortuary. This gruesome work had to be done with care and dignity, and it filled the icebox in my vehicle. Through DNA testing initiated by Rear Admiral Nico, we were able to identify every naval personnel lost that day, bringing some closure to grieving families.
The Navy Commander at the time, Vice Admiral Wasantha Karannagoda, was devastated. I had worked closely with him and knew how deeply he cared for his men. He ensured that the fallen were honoured with full ceremonial naval funerals at Welisara Naval Base, attended by families and comrades. Sixty-seven funerals were conducted in a single day—a number that still haunts me.
The Digampathana attack remains the largest single loss of naval life in our history. It was a day of sorrow, but also a day that reinforced our resolve. The tragedy galvanized the Navy to target the LTTE Sea Tiger wing with renewed determination and reshaped our maritime operations forever. Every time I think of that day, I remember not just the lives lost, but the courage, professionalism, and dedication of those who survived, those who treated the injured, and those who ensured the fallen were honored properly. May the souls of our naval hero’s rest in peace, their sacrifice guiding us and inspiring generations of naval personnel to come.
Features
‘Murder at Whitby Abbey’
Tales of Mystery and Suspense – 24
I was intrigued by the title of a book I found in a book drop at the condominium of a friend, Murder at Whitby Abbey, and I brought it home with me though I will not be able to return it in the near future. It was described on the cover page as ‘a standout in the crowded medieval mystery field’, though I fear I do not know of other books in this field, apart from the Cadfael series, which I have dealt with earlier.
The book, by Cassandra Clark, is set during the reign of Richard II and has as a backdrop his precarious position, which led to his being replaced, and murdered, by his cousin Henry, who reigned as Henry IV. It is a gloomy book, the action taking place in the twelve days of Christmas leading up to the Epiphany. And the gloom is pervasive, even though this is supposed to be a time of festivity, with mummers performing, and many of those in the guest house where the heroine stays going to town to enjoy themselves, with much drinking and much music, which also fills the guesthouse.
The heroine Hildegarde is a nun, sent to try to acquire a relic being sold by Whitby Abbey, though this was also a penance set by the Abbot of the monastery that governed her abbess because she had had sex with a man. Soon after she and her companions reach the Abbey set high on a cliff, she finds that there are other bidders, and soon suspects that the hierarchy, not perhaps the Abbot who seems a weakling, but his rapacious bursar, is determined to make money, and not above creating false relics to sell to several aspirants.
After Hildegarde and her Cistercian companions – Whitby is a Benedictine Foundation – two monks, Gregory and Egbert, and a young priest Mark, reach the abbey, they find that Aelwyn, a monk they had met on their way to the guesthouse had died. This was in the apple store, and they realize, when they find the surplices of novices stuffed into the air vents, that he had been left to suffocate in the overwhelming scent of apples.
The Cistercians are asked to look into the death, perhaps because they are likely to get no cooperation from the Abbey folk, but perhaps because those in charge are keen to know what happened. And the infirmarer, an old monk, suggests Hildegarde talk to a man called Edred who worked for the bursar, and had been a friend of Aelwyn’s. But Edred too is killed, before he can keep an appointment he had made with Hildegarde, drowned in a pool near the farmhouse of the Abbey.
Meanwhile tensions arise between the fisherfolk and the abbey for the bursar wants to charge them for using the beach that technically belongs to the abbey to dry their fish and their nets. This leads to physical battles, when the guards used by the abbey, under the command it seems of the bursar whose determination to make money is not resisted by the abbot and the prior, try to storm the area where the fishermen live.
Hildegard finds out more about what had happened through two youngsters, one of whom Torold is the son of Aelwyn by a woman who worked as a prostitute for a cartel, and with whom Mark fell in love. The other works on the farm and had seen Edred meet someone near the pool, after which that someone left the place by himself. And the boy had also found in the pool a sort of dagger with the seal of the abbey.
He and his dog, and Torold who follows her, rescue Hildegarde from a man at arms who has waylaid her and tries to rape her earlier. Escaping into the abbey she was nearly been raped then by the bursar, but she managed to escape, in the process setting fire to him and the muniments room, which led, when he was rescued, to the discovery of a box with the money he said had been stolen, blame being cast on both Aelwyn and Edred.
Matters come to a head when the fisherfolk try to storm the abbey, being resisted by the men at arms stationed on the towers. But then Hildegarde realizes that behind the murders was the bursar’s clerk, whom she pursued to the cathedral. There is great drama then as she escapes from him when he tries to kill her, and then from the man at arms who had tried to both rape and kill her, but they both fall from the scaffolding she had climbed, the latter coming from a tower where he had been stationed.
Both of them think they run the rapacity of the abbey, the latter claiming to work for the nobles opposed to Richard, who is presented throughout the book as devoted to his subjects, not to power or money. But though the villains die, the bursar continues, having got over the hysteria the fire had caused and his acknowledgment then of guilt – and though the abbot and the prior seem less vicious, whether they will be able to assert themselves is questionable.
Before the climax, when the others in the guesthouse were leaving, Hildegarde found that two of them were in possession of the relic, for which they seem to have paid well. Hildegarde herself had made a derisory offer, but before she leaves the abbot gives her the relic, perhaps in gratitude for what she and her fellow Cistercians had discovered, the abbey having made as much money as it needed and more from the gullible other buyers.
Mark’s inamorata is saved from the stews because she moves in with Edred’s widow whom the bursar had thrown out of the rooms he occupied when her husband was found dead. Hildegarde had paid for lodgings, in a house run by the man who ran the brothels, but he had a kindly side and was going to finance them to make nets for the fishermen.
So, the Cistercians set off for their home as swiftly as they can to get there on the day of the Epiphany, having stopped en route to pray for King Richard whose birthday it was.
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