Features
Provincial politics, DUNF, Thondaman and conversations with Colvin
“Economy still suffering from estate takeover gerrymandering”
I was lucky enough to be elected on my very first foray into politics. Lalith and Gamini had offered me a position in the DUNF national list in the forthcoming general election but I was determined to enter politics by public acclamation. It was not a difficult decision because having served in Kandy district as a senior government official I was confident of winning both local government and national elections. I was proved right because I was returned in every election contested by me for 27 years consecutively. After I decided to retire undefeated, my nephew Dilum who assisted me in my election campaigns, succeeded me and has been returned on top of the list of winners in the Kandy district. His aggregate score of 171,000 votes in the 2019 election has not been bettered.
The second Provincial Council of the Central Province had a star studded cast which many compared favourably to the calibre of representatives in Parliament. Of the opposition group Gamini was the outstanding national figure though the SLFP leader Wijaya Wickremaratne was elected the leader of the Opposition in the council. “Pol Wikka”, my friend from Peradeniya University days, was a distinguished criminal lawyer in the country and we got on together like a house on fire. We trusted each other, without reservation and our DUNF group, though smaller in numbers, was well regarded by the Wickka led SLFP councillors.
He had the able assistance of another Peradeniya University colleague and leading lawyer Lal Wijenayake. All three of us Wikka, Lal and I had been earlier associated with the LSSP. This made it easy for us to adopt radical positions and thereby embarrass the UNP Chief Minister who was steeped in corruption and incompetence. We jointly planned to bring a vote of no confidence in him.
As expected our council had a fair number of members drawn from the estate Tamil community representing the workers of the “estate raj “in Kandy, Matale and Nuwara Eliya districts. Many of them like Putrasigamani, Sathasivam and Chandrasekeran later entered Parliament. The most interesting of these representatives was Chandrasekeran who broke away from Thondaman and formed his own party. Chandrasekeran’s party was growing in strength. He entered Parliament and became an important MP ensuring CBKs survival. He was made a Deputy Minister. However once in Colombo he began drinking heavily and died of cirrhosis of the liver at a young age.
He was the only leader with a mass following and the potential to challenge the Thondaman dynasty. The DUNF also had Monty Gopallawa and Keheliya Rambukwella who both later became senior ministers in national administrations. Among the UNP winners were Lucky Jayawardene and Sarath Kongahage who later entered Parliament. Mahindananda Aluthgamage entered politics as a SUP member in the CPC representing Nawalapitiya.
The vote of no confidence in the Chief Minister was not only a test of strength. On its success or failure the DUNF would have to assess its future strategy. In the event, the combined force of SLFP-DUNF and a fewTamil representatives could not overturn the UNP juggernaut. Ranil, Cooray and Choksy intervened forcefully to whip the UNP councillors into line and we suffered a heavy defeat. Partly because of this Gamini, now left with the burden of leading the party alone, began to rethink his strategy in the new circumstances of the absence of Premadasa and Lalith and the need of the UNP to have a charismatic leader of the front rank emerging from the JRJ era.
Gamini, Wickrema Weerasooria and I had many discussions regarding the DUNF and its future operations. At the same time Gamini talked to Premachandra, Monty Gopallawa and other DUNF leaders about his dilemma. Clearly an important decision had to be taken regarding the future of the DUNF.
A mixed bag
The Central Provincial Council was a good introduction to the realities of Sri Lankan politics. Of all the Provincial Councils, save perhaps the Western Provincial Council, it was the CPC which had a range of our national ethnic minorities represented within it. This was mostly because Nuwara Eliya district, which was one of the three districts represented in the CPC, had a large number of voters from the group previously known as Indian Tamils or estate Tamils. Similarly there were significant numbers of Muslims in the three districts, many of them domiciled from the time of Sinhala kings and referred to as Kandyan Muslims with Sinhala “Ge”names.
There were also many urban Tamils from the group known as Ceylon Tamils who were mainly engaged in business. Ceylon Tamils were also well represented in the professions in the Central Province. The Sinhalese though constituting the majority of the voters were also ranged in terms of upcountry Sinhala and low country Sinhala, with the latter having a disproportionate influence due to their economic dominance. Many of them were powerful behind the scenes and tended to support their favourites belonging to other communities.
Furthermore the Sinhalese and Tamils were subdivided on the basis of caste. Among the Sinhala the caste issue had raised its head as never before since the larger number of members represented in the Provincial Council, as distinct from Parliament, had opened up opportunities for the marginalized Kandyan castes to rally round and elect their own caste members. In fact a tally of the successful provincial councilors of the CPC resembled a “Who’s Who” of the Kandyan caste system. They tended to look on their power to render services through the CPC as a means of cementing their caste base.
One of the results of the introduction of Provincial Councils has been the exacerbation of communal and caste divisions which have thereafter influenced the election of members to Parliament as well. This is one of the reasons identified by commentators as to why the quality of MPs has steadily declined since the beginning of Provincial Councils.
Estate representation
On the positive side the CPC has enabled estate workers to find some type of representation. It will be recalled that this played a significant role in the first Parliamentary election group [1947]. At this time they enjoyed the franchise and returned a large number of members of the Tamil community as MPs. Virtually all the seats in the estate areas of Central and Uva provinces were won by the Ceylon Workers Congress, which was led by Savumiamoorthy Thondaman – a consummate politician and tactician. In fact it was the LSSP and the CP [N. Sanmugathasan’s Red Flag Organization] which first organized militant workers unions because they recognized estate workers as the nearest approximation to a “proletariat” in the country.
I remember discussing this issue with Colvin R de Silva late in his life. He had been a pioneer in organizing the estate workers which led to their “uprising” in Mooloya estate. The workers led by the LSSP had taken planters hostage and boycotted work for weeks. However the Planter Raj and the colonial administration had struck back. The Police fired on the strikers killing their leader Govindan and terrorizing them to get back to work.
In the court case launched by the Police, Colvin appeared for the militant workers and saved them. Inspite of that Colvin told me that with the disenfranchisement of the estate Tamils and the emergence of Thondaman as the saviour of their ethnic group, the LSSP was pushed out of contention in the estate sector. This was clearly seen in that the local LSSP leader Jack Kotelawela, who entered Parliament in 1947 as the LSSP MP for Badulla, was compelled to change colours and join the SLFP in order to stand a chance of winning in subsequent elections.
According to Colvin he and NM had to scour the estates to locate their former Tamil comrades who had by that time joined Thondaman on communal grounds. Some of them had disappeared with the party subscriptions collected from their workers. They ended up by failing in their search and giving up on what at one time seemed the most promising of their organizational targets. Since then they had no real working class base in terms of Karl Marx’s criteria. Instead they were compelled to follow the Parliamentary path which ended up in coalition politics and oblivion.
Colvin knew the nuts and bolts of planting as he was an owner of tea and coconut plantations. Clad in a tee shirt and blue shorts he enjoyed relaxing in his tea plantation in Uduwela, a few miles from Hantana in Kandy. I had the good fortune to meet him there occasionally and enjoy his conversation and hospitality. He was a fabulous conversationalist and his reminiscences about politics and his legal victories held me spellbound. He and Bernard Soysa had a practical approach to the tea trade and was dismayed when Hector Kobbekaduwa insisted on a full take over of the management of estates which finally ended up with his and Sirimavo’s relatives looting a national asset. Kobbekaduwa was led up the garden path by his left wing officials like Mahinda Silva. Our economy is still suffering due to their gerrymandering. After doing untold damage, Hector and his ilk were swept out of office in 1977. He lost his seat in the Kandy district and was also defeated in the Presidential election.
Thondaman
The key man in Indian Tamil politics in both upcountry and nationwide was Thondaman, the leader of the Ceylon Workers Congress. After he linked up with JRJ in 1977 and accepted Cabinet office, the left and SLFP in their May Day rallies coined a slogan “Kavuda Man-Thondaman” thereby confirming his significant role in the political landscape of the day as the only leader with a well organized working class under his command. I had a cordial relationship with “Thonda” and was often invited for his celebrated “thosai” breakfasts at his home in a spacious apartment facing Royal College in Colombo 7.
Many Ambassadors and senior politicians vied to get those invitations as they knew that their host carried a clout as a confidante of all the Presidents irrespective of their political affiliations. President D. B. Wijetunga was his classmate at St. Andrews College Gampola. They had to walk miles to get to school and acquire an English education which stood them in good stead later in life. Thonda had a privileged childhood because he was the son of an estate leader and unofficial money lender to the workers. He had done well and was the owner of Wavendon estate in the hill country.
Thonda took to politics early in his career which he started as a “progressive” supporting the left and the SLFP. He was then an associate of TB Ilangaratne and was credited with the latter’s victory in Hewaheta electorate in 1956 by getting his workers to vote “en masse” for the SLFP candidate. Ilangaratne became a powerful minister under Bandaranaike and later Mrs. B.
A turning point in Thondaman’s career was his alliance with JRJ and the UNP which helped in the latters landslide victory of 1977. JRJ solved the problem of “stateless” Tamils who had neither been repatriated to India nor given citizenship here. These people and their natural issue were given Sri Lankan citizenship by JRJ much to the satisfaction of the CWC as well as India which did not want another festering citizenship issue on its doorstep. This resolution of a major problem also gave Thonda unparalleled access to the Indian government which often expressed its wishes through him to our government.
Unknown to many he was “the voice of reason” in Indo-Sri Lankan affairs which was of great comfort to our leaders. Right throughout the Northern conflict he kept the estate Tamils out of the war which prevented the opening of a “second front” against the Sri Lankan forces. The LTTE tried desperately to foster anti-Sinhala militancy in the hill country but failed mainly due to Thonda and the conciliatory politics of his CWC. Thereby he helped to avoid a racial conflagration in the heartland of Sri Lanka.
(Excerpted from vol. 3 of the Sarath Amunugama autbiography)
Features
Cricket and the National Interest
The appointment of former minister Eran Wickremaratne to chair the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee is significant for more than the future of cricket. It signals a possible shift in the culture of governance even as it offers Sri Lankan cricket a fighting possibility to get out of the doldrums of failure. There have been glorious patches for the national cricket team since the epochal 1996 World Cup triumph. But these patches of brightness have been few and far between and virtually non-existent over the past decade. At the centre of this disaster has been the failures of governance within Sri Lanka Cricket which are not unlike the larger failures of governance within the country itself. The appointment of a new reform oriented committee therefore carries significance beyond cricket. It reflects the wider challenge facing the country which is to restore trust in public institutions for better management.
The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne brings a professional administrator with a proven track record into the cricket arena. He has several strengths that many of his immediate predecessors lacked. Before the ascent of the present government leadership to positions of power, Eran Wickremaratne was among the handful of government ministers who did not have allegations of corruption attached to their names. His reputation for financial professionalism and integrity has remained intact over many years in public life. With him in the Cricket Transformation Committee are also respected former cricketers Kumar Sangakkara, Roshan Mahanama and Sidath Wettimuny together with professionals from legal and business backgrounds. They have been tasked with introducing structural reforms and improving transparency and accountability within cricket administration.
A second reason for this appointment to be significant is that this is possibly the first occasion on which the NPP government has reached out to someone associated with the opposition to obtain assistance in an area of national importance. The commitment to bipartisanship has been a constant demand from politically non-partisan civic groups and political analysts. They have voiced the opinion that the government needs to be more inclusive in its choice of appointments to decision making authorities. The NPP government’s practice so far has largely been to limit appointments to those within the ruling party or those considered loyalists even at the cost of proven expertise. The government’s decision in this case therefore marks a potentially important departure.
National Interest
There are areas of public life where national interest should transcend party divisions and cricket, beloved of the people, is one of them. Sri Lanka cannot afford to continue treating every institution as an arena for political competition when institutions themselves are in crisis and public confidence has become fragile. It is therefore unfortunate that when the government has moved positively in the direction of drawing on expertise from outside its own ranks there should be a negative response from sections of the opposition. This is indicative of the absence of a culture of bipartisanship even on issues that concern the national interest. The SJB, of which the newly appointed cricket committee chairman was a member objected on the grounds that politicians should not hold positions in sports administration and asked him to resign from the party. There is a need to recognise the distinction between partisan political control and the temporary use of experienced administrators to carry out reform and institutional restructuring. In other countries those in politics often join academia and civil society on a temporary basis and vice versa.
More disturbing has been the insidious campaign carried out against the new cricket committee and its chairman on the grounds of religious affiliation. This is an unacceptable denial of the reality that Sri Lanka is a plural, multi ethnic and multi religious society. The interim committee reflects this diversity to a reasonable extent. The country’s long history of ethnic conflict should have taught all political actors the dangers of mobilising communal prejudice for short term political gain. Sri Lanka paid a very heavy price for decades of mistrust and division. It would be tragic if even cricket administration became another arena for communal suspicion and hostility. The present government represents an important departure from the sectarian rhetoric that was employed by previous governments. They have repeatedly pledged to protect the equal rights of all citizens and not permit discrimination or extremism in any form.
The recent international peace march in Sri Lanka led by the Venerable Bhikkhu Thich Paññākāra from Vietnam with its message of loving kindness and mindfulness to all resonated strongly with the masses of people as seen by the crowds who thronged the roadsides to obtain blessings and show respect. This message stands in contrast to the sectarian resentment manifested by those who seek to use the cricket appointments as a weapon to attack the government at the present time. The challenges before the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee parallel the larger challenges before the government in developing the national economy and respecting ethnic and religious diversity. Plugging the leaks and restoring systems will take time and effort. It cannot be done overnight and it cannot succeed without public patience and support.
New Recognition
There is also a need for realism. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee does not guarantee success. Reforming deeply flawed institutions is always difficult. Besides, Sri Lanka is a small country with a relatively small population compared to many other cricket playing nations. It is also a country still recovering from the economic breakdown of 2022 which pushed the majority of people into hardship and severely weakened public institutions. The country continues to face unprecedented challenges including the damage caused by Cyclone Ditwah and the wider global economic uncertainties linked to conflict in the Middle East. Under these difficult circumstances Sri Lanka has fewer resources than many larger countries to devote to both cricket and economic development.
When resources are scarce they cannot be wasted through corruption or incompetence. Drawing upon the strengths of all those who are competent for the tasks at hand regardless of party affiliation or ethnic or religious identity is necessary if improvement is to come sooner rather than later. The burden of rebuilding the country cannot rest only on the government. The crisis facing the country is too deep for any single party or government to solve alone. National recovery requires capable individuals from across society and from different sectors such as business and civil society to work together in areas where the national interest transcends party politics. There is also a responsibility on opposition political parties to support initiatives that are politically neutral and genuinely in the national interest. Not every issue needs to become a partisan battle.
Sri Lanka cricket occupies a special place in the national consciousness. At its best it once united the country and gave Sri Lankans a sense of pride and international recognition. Restoring integrity and professionalism to cricket administration can therefore become part of the larger task of national renewal. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee, while it does not guarantee success, is a sign that the political leadership and people of the country may be beginning to mature in their approach to governance. In recognising the need for competence, integrity and bipartisan cooperation and extending it beyond cricket into other areas of national life, Sri Lanka may find the way towards more stable and successful governance..
by Jehan Perera
Features
From Dhaka to Sri Lanka, three wheels that drive our economies
Court vacation this year came with an unexpected lesson, not from a courtroom but from the streets of Dhaka — a city that moves, quite literally, on three wheels.
Above the traffic, a modern metro line glides past concrete pillars and crowded rooftops. It is efficient, clean and frequently cited as a symbol of progress in Bangladesh. For a visitor from Sri Lanka, it inevitably brings to mind our own abandoned light rail plans — a project debated, politicised and ultimately set aside.
But Dhaka’s real story is not in the air. It is on the ground.
Beneath the elevated tracks, the streets belong to three-wheelers. Known locally as CNGs, they cluster at junctions, line the edges of markets and pour into narrow roads that larger vehicles avoid. Even with a functioning rail system, these three-wheelers remain the city’s most dependable form of everyday transport.
Within hours of arriving, their importance becomes obvious. The train may take you across the city, but the journey does not end there. The last mile — often the most complicated part — belongs entirely to the three-wheeler. It is the vehicle that gets you home, to a meeting or simply through streets that no bus route properly serves.
There is a rhythm to using them. A destination is mentioned, a price is suggested and a brief negotiation follows. Then the ride begins, edging into traffic that feels permanently compressed. Drivers move with instinct, adjusting routes and squeezing through gaps with a confidence built over years.
It is not polished. But it works.
And that is where the comparison with Sri Lanka becomes less about what we lack and more about what we already have.
Back home, the three-wheeler has long been part of daily life — so familiar that it is often discussed only in terms of its problems. There are frequent complaints about fares, refusals or the absence of meters. More recently, the industry itself has become entangled in politics — from fuel subsidies to regulatory debates, from election-time promises to periodic crackdowns.
In that process, the conversation has shifted. The three-wheeler is often treated as a problem to be managed, rather than a service to be strengthened.
Yet, seen through the experience of Dhaka, Sri Lanka’s system begins to look far more settled — and, in many ways, ahead.
There is a growing structure in place. Meters, while not perfect, are widely recognised. Ride-hailing apps have added transparency and reduced uncertainty for passengers. There are clearer expectations on both sides — driver and commuter alike. Even small details, such as designated parking areas in parts of Colombo or the increasing standard of vehicles, point to an industry slowly moving towards professionalism.
Just as importantly, there is a human element that remains intact.
In Sri Lanka, a three-wheeler ride is rarely just a transaction. Drivers talk. They offer directions, comment on the day’s news, or share local knowledge. The ride becomes part of the social fabric, not just a means of getting from one point to another.
In Dhaka, the scale of the city leaves less room for that. The interaction is quicker, more direct, shaped by urgency. The service is essential, but it is under constant pressure.
What stands out, across both countries, is that the three-wheeler is not a temporary or outdated mode of transport. It is a necessity in dense, fast-growing Asian cities — one that fills gaps no rail or bus system can fully address.
Large infrastructure projects, like light rail, are important. They bring efficiency and long-term capacity. But they cannot replace the flexibility of a three-wheeler. They cannot reach into narrow streets, respond instantly to demand or provide that crucial last-mile connection.
That is why, even in a city that has invested heavily in modern rail, Dhaka still runs on three wheels.
For Sri Lanka, the lesson is not simply about what could have been built, but about what should be better managed and valued.
The three-wheeler industry does not need to be politicised at every turn. It needs steady regulation — clear fare systems, proper licensing, safety standards — alongside encouragement and recognition. It needs to be seen as part of the solution to urban transport, not as a side issue.
Because for thousands of drivers, it is a livelihood. And for millions of passengers, it is the most immediate and reliable form of mobility.
The tuk-tuk may not feature in grand policy speeches or infrastructure blueprints. It does not run on elevated tracks or attract international attention. But on the ground, where daily life unfolds, it continues to do what larger systems often struggle to do — show up, adapt and keep moving.
And after watching Dhaka’s streets — crowded, relentless, yet functioning — that small, three-wheeled vehicle feels less like something to argue over and more like something to get right.
(The writer is an Attorney-at-Law with over a decade of experience specialising in civil law, a former Board Member of the Office of Missing Persons and a former Legal Director of the Central Cultural Fund. He holds an LLM in International Business Law)
by Sampath Perera recently in Dhaka, Bangladesh
Features
Dubai scene … opening up
According to reports coming my way, the entertainment scene, in Dubai, is very much opening up, and buzzing again!
After a quieter few months, May is packed with entertainment and the whole scene, they say, is shifting back into full swing.
The Seven Notes band, made up of Sri Lankans, based in Dubai, are back in the spotlight, after a short hiatus, due to the ongoing Middle East problems.
On 18th April they did Legends Night at Mercure Hotel Dubai Barsha Heights; on Thursday, 9th May, they will be at the Sports Bar of the Mercure Hotel for 70s/80s Retro Night; on 6th June, they will be at Al Jadaf Dubai to provide the music for Sandun Perera live in concert … and with more dates to follow.
These events are expected to showcase the band’s evolving sound, tighter stage coordination, and stronger audience engagement.
With each performance, the band aims to refine its identity and build a loyal following within Dubai’s vibrant nightlife and event scene.

Pasindu Umayanga: The group’s new vocalist
What makes Seven Notes standout is their versatility which has made the band a dynamic and promising act.
With a growing performance calendar, new talent integration, and international ambitions, the band is definitely entering a defining phase of its journey.
Dubai’s music industry, I’m told, thrives on diversity, energy, and audience connection, with live bands playing a crucial role in elevating events—from corporate shows to private concerts. Against this backdrop, Seven Notes is positioning itself not just as another band, but as a performance-driven musical unit focused on consistency and growth.
Adding fresh momentum to the group is Pasindu Umayanga who joins Seven Notes as their new vocalist. This move signals a strategic upgrade—not just filling a role, but strengthening the band’s front-line presence.
Looking beyond local stages, Seven Notes is preparing for an international tour, to Korea, in July.

Bassist Niluk Uswaththa: Spokesperson for Seven Notes
According to bassist Niluk Uswaththa, taking a band abroad means: Your sound must hold up against unfamiliar audiences, your performance must translate beyond language, and your discipline must be at a professional level.
“If executed well, this tour could redefine Seven Notes from a local band into an emerging international act,” added Niluk.
He went on to say that Dubai is not an easy market. It’s saturated with highly experienced, multi-genre bands that can adapt instantly to any crowd.
“To stand out consistently you need to have tight rehearsal discipline, unique sound identity (not just covers), strong stage chemistry, audience retention – not just applause.”
No doubt, Seven Notes is entering a critical growth phase—new member, multiple shows, and an international tour on the horizon. The opportunity is real, but so is the pressure.
However, there is talk that Seven Notes will soon be a recognised name in the regional music scene.
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