Features
Presidential Stakes and Aragalaya Memory Bells
BY Rajan Philips
Nominations for the presidential elections were formalized on Thursday, leaving 37 days on the countdown to the national vote on September 21. Thirty nine candidates are in the fray and one of them, President Wickremasinghe, has been assigned the ‘Gas Cylinder’ symbol for the ballot. No more candidates or elephant rides for the UNP. Mr. Wickremesinghe is standing as an independent candidate, the last of the Lake House Mohicans, so to speak.
He could use the Gas Cylinder symbol to remind voters how as the caretaker President he has restored the supplies of goods that were a scarcity under the previous regime. Hopefully, the government will make sure that there are no gas cylinder explosions in people’s kitchens. That would be tragic for the households and could be electorally costly for the candidate.The gas cylinder could have been the only reminder to Sri Lanka’s aragalaya experience were it not for the events in Bangladesh that started ringing political memory bells in Colombo. Sri Lanka’s aragalaya experience and outcomes were far less severe or far reaching than what Bangladesh has now just gone through.
Not that Sri Lanka’s aragalaya had some demonstration effect in Bangladesh; Imran Khan had earlier refused to emulate it in Pakistan. It is only that the aragalaya experience here provides a prism for Sri Lankans to view events elsewhere, make comparative sense of them, and to be reminded that it is easier for bad history to repeat itself when nothing is learnt (say from the aragalaya experience) and everything is forgotten.
There is superficial comparison between Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. In Bangladesh, mounting protests in spite of brutal put down efforts by then Prime Minister Sheik Hasina forced her to flee the country seven months after winning a fourth consecutive election victory. Everyone in the Awami League government has disappeared according to the newly installed interim government leader Muhammad Yunus, a Nobel Laureate and one of the many critics and opponents of Ms. Hasina who have been virtually exiled or imprisoned during her long rule.
All of them are free now and the daughter of the father of nation, Sheikh Mujibur Rahuman, is now a political fugitive. Her remarkable achievements on the economic front notwithstanding. Her sanctuary in India will be a constant factor in the regional backbiting over the internal causes and the external catalysts of Bangladesh’s sudden woes.
The causes and consequences of the aragalaya in Sri Lanka were far more straightforward and were far more easily contained. To his credit, Gotabaya Rajapaksa did not order a brutal put down but that could also be because of his awareness of his own limitations. He left the country but was allowed to come back and live rather well at public expense. His nephew, Namal Rajapaksa is now a presidential candidate following his nomination at a family poruwa. Remarkable were the absentees, including Gotabaya Rajapaksa. That could be one of the more lasting effects of aragalaya – fissures in the Rajapaksa political edifice. Namal Rajapaksa could be the last of the lesser Mohicans in Sri Lankan politics. His first election candidacy could be his last, unlike Ranil Wickremesinghe who is running in his last election hoping to savour his first victory.
Polling Pointers
According to the latest (June 2024) polling data for “General Election Voting Intention” from the Institute for Health Policy (IHP), the SJB is leading the pack at 38% of voting intention, followed by the JVP/NPP at 26%, the SLPP at 16%, and the UNP at 7%. The other entities account for less than five percent each: ITAK – three percnt, SLMC – two percent, CWC – two percent, SLFP – one percent and others – four percent. There are technical problems with the sampling and methodology of the survey. Yet the periodical results could be indicative of any trends in the support levels.
Also, the answers to the survey question, “If there was a General Election today, which party would you vote for?” are not directly translatable as support for the candidates in the presidential election. Especially for President Wickremesinghe, who is contesting as an independent candidate hoping to garner votes from all voting constituents across the board, and not just seven percent of the votes based on the support for the UNP.
That said, inasmuch as it is the IHP poll that gave the JVP/NPP its early momentum at 31%, it is reasonable to interpret the new numbers as indicating a declining or flattening trend for the JVP/NPP. The JVP/NPP support is deemed to have dipped by five p.c. and the SJB support to have increased by one p.c. Yet 26% is quite a jump from the 3.2 p.c. and 3.8 p.c. support levels that the JVP/NPP registered at the 2019 presidential election and the 2020 parliamentary election.
There is no question that the JVP/NPP support has since ballooned to impressive proportions, but the question is whether the swelling support is enough to propel Anura Kumara Dissanayake to be one of the top two candidates in the September election. I say ‘top two candidates’ because it is almost impossible that any one of the three main candidates could be elected on the first ballot, and so the race is really to be one of the top two for reckoning in the second count of preferential votes.
Sajith Premadasa and Ranil Wickremesinghe have opposite reasons to be happy with the IHP polling for all its limitations. The SJB’s 38% support is significantly higher than its 24% vote share in the 2020 parliamentary election. It is obviously lower than the 42% share that Sajith Premadasa polled in the 2019 presidential election, and Mr. Premadasa might look to the 42% mark to be optimistic about reaching upward of 35% on the first count. That is if only Ranil Wickremesinghe would let him have it so easily.
President Wickremesinghe would be looking to slice off as much as he could from the UNP votes that Sajith Premadasa garnered for himself in the 2019 presidential election. How much would it be is the question. Mr. Wickremesinghe might consider it to be positive that the UNP’s support of seven p.c. in the IHP poll is more than thrice the 2.15 p.c. vote share the grand old party managed to collect in the 2020 parliamentary election. As an independent candidate, Mr. Wickremesinghe would be looking to pilfer votes across the board, but the two main vote banks that he could draw from are the SJB (which is the old UNP account) and the SLPP. RW would have been hoping for a maximum draw from the SLPP account which may have been possible if the Rajapaksas had endorsed his (RW’s) candidacy.
But with Mahinda and Basil Rajapaksa betraying Ranil and settling on Namal Rajapaksa to carry the family torch, RW’s earlier calculations might now need some revisiting. At the same time, the 16% support level for the SLPP in the IHP polling, from the highs of 52% in the 2019 presidential election and 59% in the 2020 parliamentary election, is indicative of the erosion of SLPP support in the country, or among the Sinhalese. Much of it likely would have migrated to the JVP, and they are not likely to trek to Ranil Wickremesinghe.
Put another way, Ranil Wickremesinghe might be starting with the smallest vote bank and the weakest organization for mobilizing votes. While all three candidates would look for support from the Tamil, Muslim and the Malayagha Tamil votes, not to mention the Sinhala Catholic vote, RW could be the one most dependent on them. Already, the SLMC has indicated its support for Sajith Premadasa, and the CWC for Ranil Wickremesinghe. Where the Tamil vote will fall or if the ITAK will openly support a candidate is still unknown.
A common Tamil candidate if there were to be one could be in a race to the bottom with Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe who might present himself as the only authentic Sinhala candidate in the mix. He apparently has the support of a third of the SLFP organization although none of the organizational claimants have any vote base left in the country. It would be impossible to discern where the pre-2005 SLFP voters are now and could be a problem for Ranil Wickremesinghe.
Now to voter preferences for the second and third best. With 39 candidates on the ballot, each voter can vote for any one of them and could also indicate her/his second and third preferences. As no candidate is likely to get more than 50% of the vote on the first count, the winner will have to be determined from the top two candidates. This will be done by eliminating the other 37 candidates and counting the second and third preferences marked on the eliminated ballots for either one of the top two candidates. Notably, the second/third preferences marked on the ballots of the top two candidates will not be counted against each other. Whoever gets the higher total after adding the preferential votes will be declared the winner.
Given their common voter allegiances, those who vote for Sajith Premadasa would likely cast their second preference for Ranil Wickremesinghe, and vice versa. So, if the two of them end up as the top two candidates, then their mutually preferential votes will be of no value. On the other hand, if one of them and Anura Kumara Dissanayake end up as the top two candidates, Mr. Dissanayake could be at a disadvantage when preferential votes are counted. The constitution also provides for drawing lots to determine the winner if two or more candidates end up with the same number of votes. That would be a long shot, but the three main candidates could end up with totals that are quite close. Picking a winner out of them without a runoff election is hardly a democratic exercise. That only begs the question: why have this system at all!
Features
Cricket and the National Interest
The appointment of former minister Eran Wickremaratne to chair the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee is significant for more than the future of cricket. It signals a possible shift in the culture of governance even as it offers Sri Lankan cricket a fighting possibility to get out of the doldrums of failure. There have been glorious patches for the national cricket team since the epochal 1996 World Cup triumph. But these patches of brightness have been few and far between and virtually non-existent over the past decade. At the centre of this disaster has been the failures of governance within Sri Lanka Cricket which are not unlike the larger failures of governance within the country itself. The appointment of a new reform oriented committee therefore carries significance beyond cricket. It reflects the wider challenge facing the country which is to restore trust in public institutions for better management.
The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne brings a professional administrator with a proven track record into the cricket arena. He has several strengths that many of his immediate predecessors lacked. Before the ascent of the present government leadership to positions of power, Eran Wickremaratne was among the handful of government ministers who did not have allegations of corruption attached to their names. His reputation for financial professionalism and integrity has remained intact over many years in public life. With him in the Cricket Transformation Committee are also respected former cricketers Kumar Sangakkara, Roshan Mahanama and Sidath Wettimuny together with professionals from legal and business backgrounds. They have been tasked with introducing structural reforms and improving transparency and accountability within cricket administration.
A second reason for this appointment to be significant is that this is possibly the first occasion on which the NPP government has reached out to someone associated with the opposition to obtain assistance in an area of national importance. The commitment to bipartisanship has been a constant demand from politically non-partisan civic groups and political analysts. They have voiced the opinion that the government needs to be more inclusive in its choice of appointments to decision making authorities. The NPP government’s practice so far has largely been to limit appointments to those within the ruling party or those considered loyalists even at the cost of proven expertise. The government’s decision in this case therefore marks a potentially important departure.
National Interest
There are areas of public life where national interest should transcend party divisions and cricket, beloved of the people, is one of them. Sri Lanka cannot afford to continue treating every institution as an arena for political competition when institutions themselves are in crisis and public confidence has become fragile. It is therefore unfortunate that when the government has moved positively in the direction of drawing on expertise from outside its own ranks there should be a negative response from sections of the opposition. This is indicative of the absence of a culture of bipartisanship even on issues that concern the national interest. The SJB, of which the newly appointed cricket committee chairman was a member objected on the grounds that politicians should not hold positions in sports administration and asked him to resign from the party. There is a need to recognise the distinction between partisan political control and the temporary use of experienced administrators to carry out reform and institutional restructuring. In other countries those in politics often join academia and civil society on a temporary basis and vice versa.
More disturbing has been the insidious campaign carried out against the new cricket committee and its chairman on the grounds of religious affiliation. This is an unacceptable denial of the reality that Sri Lanka is a plural, multi ethnic and multi religious society. The interim committee reflects this diversity to a reasonable extent. The country’s long history of ethnic conflict should have taught all political actors the dangers of mobilising communal prejudice for short term political gain. Sri Lanka paid a very heavy price for decades of mistrust and division. It would be tragic if even cricket administration became another arena for communal suspicion and hostility. The present government represents an important departure from the sectarian rhetoric that was employed by previous governments. They have repeatedly pledged to protect the equal rights of all citizens and not permit discrimination or extremism in any form.
The recent international peace march in Sri Lanka led by the Venerable Bhikkhu Thich Paññākāra from Vietnam with its message of loving kindness and mindfulness to all resonated strongly with the masses of people as seen by the crowds who thronged the roadsides to obtain blessings and show respect. This message stands in contrast to the sectarian resentment manifested by those who seek to use the cricket appointments as a weapon to attack the government at the present time. The challenges before the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee parallel the larger challenges before the government in developing the national economy and respecting ethnic and religious diversity. Plugging the leaks and restoring systems will take time and effort. It cannot be done overnight and it cannot succeed without public patience and support.
New Recognition
There is also a need for realism. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee does not guarantee success. Reforming deeply flawed institutions is always difficult. Besides, Sri Lanka is a small country with a relatively small population compared to many other cricket playing nations. It is also a country still recovering from the economic breakdown of 2022 which pushed the majority of people into hardship and severely weakened public institutions. The country continues to face unprecedented challenges including the damage caused by Cyclone Ditwah and the wider global economic uncertainties linked to conflict in the Middle East. Under these difficult circumstances Sri Lanka has fewer resources than many larger countries to devote to both cricket and economic development.
When resources are scarce they cannot be wasted through corruption or incompetence. Drawing upon the strengths of all those who are competent for the tasks at hand regardless of party affiliation or ethnic or religious identity is necessary if improvement is to come sooner rather than later. The burden of rebuilding the country cannot rest only on the government. The crisis facing the country is too deep for any single party or government to solve alone. National recovery requires capable individuals from across society and from different sectors such as business and civil society to work together in areas where the national interest transcends party politics. There is also a responsibility on opposition political parties to support initiatives that are politically neutral and genuinely in the national interest. Not every issue needs to become a partisan battle.
Sri Lanka cricket occupies a special place in the national consciousness. At its best it once united the country and gave Sri Lankans a sense of pride and international recognition. Restoring integrity and professionalism to cricket administration can therefore become part of the larger task of national renewal. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee, while it does not guarantee success, is a sign that the political leadership and people of the country may be beginning to mature in their approach to governance. In recognising the need for competence, integrity and bipartisan cooperation and extending it beyond cricket into other areas of national life, Sri Lanka may find the way towards more stable and successful governance..
by Jehan Perera
Features
From Dhaka to Sri Lanka, three wheels that drive our economies
Court vacation this year came with an unexpected lesson, not from a courtroom but from the streets of Dhaka — a city that moves, quite literally, on three wheels.
Above the traffic, a modern metro line glides past concrete pillars and crowded rooftops. It is efficient, clean and frequently cited as a symbol of progress in Bangladesh. For a visitor from Sri Lanka, it inevitably brings to mind our own abandoned light rail plans — a project debated, politicised and ultimately set aside.
But Dhaka’s real story is not in the air. It is on the ground.
Beneath the elevated tracks, the streets belong to three-wheelers. Known locally as CNGs, they cluster at junctions, line the edges of markets and pour into narrow roads that larger vehicles avoid. Even with a functioning rail system, these three-wheelers remain the city’s most dependable form of everyday transport.
Within hours of arriving, their importance becomes obvious. The train may take you across the city, but the journey does not end there. The last mile — often the most complicated part — belongs entirely to the three-wheeler. It is the vehicle that gets you home, to a meeting or simply through streets that no bus route properly serves.
There is a rhythm to using them. A destination is mentioned, a price is suggested and a brief negotiation follows. Then the ride begins, edging into traffic that feels permanently compressed. Drivers move with instinct, adjusting routes and squeezing through gaps with a confidence built over years.
It is not polished. But it works.
And that is where the comparison with Sri Lanka becomes less about what we lack and more about what we already have.
Back home, the three-wheeler has long been part of daily life — so familiar that it is often discussed only in terms of its problems. There are frequent complaints about fares, refusals or the absence of meters. More recently, the industry itself has become entangled in politics — from fuel subsidies to regulatory debates, from election-time promises to periodic crackdowns.
In that process, the conversation has shifted. The three-wheeler is often treated as a problem to be managed, rather than a service to be strengthened.
Yet, seen through the experience of Dhaka, Sri Lanka’s system begins to look far more settled — and, in many ways, ahead.
There is a growing structure in place. Meters, while not perfect, are widely recognised. Ride-hailing apps have added transparency and reduced uncertainty for passengers. There are clearer expectations on both sides — driver and commuter alike. Even small details, such as designated parking areas in parts of Colombo or the increasing standard of vehicles, point to an industry slowly moving towards professionalism.
Just as importantly, there is a human element that remains intact.
In Sri Lanka, a three-wheeler ride is rarely just a transaction. Drivers talk. They offer directions, comment on the day’s news, or share local knowledge. The ride becomes part of the social fabric, not just a means of getting from one point to another.
In Dhaka, the scale of the city leaves less room for that. The interaction is quicker, more direct, shaped by urgency. The service is essential, but it is under constant pressure.
What stands out, across both countries, is that the three-wheeler is not a temporary or outdated mode of transport. It is a necessity in dense, fast-growing Asian cities — one that fills gaps no rail or bus system can fully address.
Large infrastructure projects, like light rail, are important. They bring efficiency and long-term capacity. But they cannot replace the flexibility of a three-wheeler. They cannot reach into narrow streets, respond instantly to demand or provide that crucial last-mile connection.
That is why, even in a city that has invested heavily in modern rail, Dhaka still runs on three wheels.
For Sri Lanka, the lesson is not simply about what could have been built, but about what should be better managed and valued.
The three-wheeler industry does not need to be politicised at every turn. It needs steady regulation — clear fare systems, proper licensing, safety standards — alongside encouragement and recognition. It needs to be seen as part of the solution to urban transport, not as a side issue.
Because for thousands of drivers, it is a livelihood. And for millions of passengers, it is the most immediate and reliable form of mobility.
The tuk-tuk may not feature in grand policy speeches or infrastructure blueprints. It does not run on elevated tracks or attract international attention. But on the ground, where daily life unfolds, it continues to do what larger systems often struggle to do — show up, adapt and keep moving.
And after watching Dhaka’s streets — crowded, relentless, yet functioning — that small, three-wheeled vehicle feels less like something to argue over and more like something to get right.
(The writer is an Attorney-at-Law with over a decade of experience specialising in civil law, a former Board Member of the Office of Missing Persons and a former Legal Director of the Central Cultural Fund. He holds an LLM in International Business Law)
by Sampath Perera recently in Dhaka, Bangladesh
Features
Dubai scene … opening up
According to reports coming my way, the entertainment scene, in Dubai, is very much opening up, and buzzing again!
After a quieter few months, May is packed with entertainment and the whole scene, they say, is shifting back into full swing.
The Seven Notes band, made up of Sri Lankans, based in Dubai, are back in the spotlight, after a short hiatus, due to the ongoing Middle East problems.
On 18th April they did Legends Night at Mercure Hotel Dubai Barsha Heights; on Thursday, 9th May, they will be at the Sports Bar of the Mercure Hotel for 70s/80s Retro Night; on 6th June, they will be at Al Jadaf Dubai to provide the music for Sandun Perera live in concert … and with more dates to follow.
These events are expected to showcase the band’s evolving sound, tighter stage coordination, and stronger audience engagement.
With each performance, the band aims to refine its identity and build a loyal following within Dubai’s vibrant nightlife and event scene.

Pasindu Umayanga: The group’s new vocalist
What makes Seven Notes standout is their versatility which has made the band a dynamic and promising act.
With a growing performance calendar, new talent integration, and international ambitions, the band is definitely entering a defining phase of its journey.
Dubai’s music industry, I’m told, thrives on diversity, energy, and audience connection, with live bands playing a crucial role in elevating events—from corporate shows to private concerts. Against this backdrop, Seven Notes is positioning itself not just as another band, but as a performance-driven musical unit focused on consistency and growth.
Adding fresh momentum to the group is Pasindu Umayanga who joins Seven Notes as their new vocalist. This move signals a strategic upgrade—not just filling a role, but strengthening the band’s front-line presence.
Looking beyond local stages, Seven Notes is preparing for an international tour, to Korea, in July.

Bassist Niluk Uswaththa: Spokesperson for Seven Notes
According to bassist Niluk Uswaththa, taking a band abroad means: Your sound must hold up against unfamiliar audiences, your performance must translate beyond language, and your discipline must be at a professional level.
“If executed well, this tour could redefine Seven Notes from a local band into an emerging international act,” added Niluk.
He went on to say that Dubai is not an easy market. It’s saturated with highly experienced, multi-genre bands that can adapt instantly to any crowd.
“To stand out consistently you need to have tight rehearsal discipline, unique sound identity (not just covers), strong stage chemistry, audience retention – not just applause.”
No doubt, Seven Notes is entering a critical growth phase—new member, multiple shows, and an international tour on the horizon. The opportunity is real, but so is the pressure.
However, there is talk that Seven Notes will soon be a recognised name in the regional music scene.
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