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President Ranil Wickremesinghe calls for unified action to safeguard the Indian Ocean
President Ranil Wickremesinghe in his address at the 7th Indian Ocean Conference in Perth, focusing on the theme “Towards a Stable and Sustainable Indian Ocean, ” emphasized the urgency of addressing the climate crisis, noting the Indian Ocean’s vulnerability to warming and rising sea levels. He proposed initiatives such as the Tropical Belt Initiative and the International Climate Change University to mitigate the effects of climate change and ensure climate justice for vulnerable countries.
Following is the full speech delivered by President Ranil Wickremesinghe;
“It is a great pleasure to be here in Perth for the 7th edition of the Indian Ocean Conference. I thank the Australian Government, for the hospitality afforded to all of us. I also thank the India Foundation for once again bringing us together. The theme of this Conference – “Towards a Stable and Sustainable Indian Ocean”- could not be timelier and more appropriate.
The Australasian continent is unique in that it has borders with both the Indian Ocean and the Pacific Oceans. Perth played a crucial role in the history of Sri Lanka – Australia relations. During World War II, Royal Canadian Air Force, Catalina Flying Boats, traversed the expanse of the Indian Ocean, connecting Perth with Koggala Air Base in Ceylon. The only air link between the Indian sub-continent and Australia. Known as flights of the double sunrise, they operated a non-stop route upto 32 hours in radio silence, to ensure the success of a critical air route during World War II for the Allies.
The Japanese attacks in April 1942 on the Indian Ocean specially Ceylon was described by Churchill as the most dangerous moment of the war highlighting the importance of the Indian Ocean to the British Empire. I was just talking with Dr. Balakrishnan and he said there were no carrier battles in the Indian Ocean for the simple reason that the Japanese sank the only British carrier.
Let me highlight a few important developments which I hope will make a contribution to your deliberations.
Firstly, historically speaking, the Indian Ocean is multipolar and has resisted domination by a single power. This multipolarity is a reflection of the essence of the Indian Ocean region and its people. As Asia emerged from colonialism the newly independent countries of Asia ie. Ceylon, India, Indonesia, Burma and Pakistan convened the Bandung Conference in 1955 to oppose colonialism in all its forms. The conference declaration to oppose big power rivalry in turn led to the Non Aligned Movement. Since then the Indian Ocean region has been influenced by the spirit of Bandung. It has never became a part of the US Hub and Spoke system.
The past two decades has seen the emergence of diverse framings of the Indian Ocean region and a flurry of diplomatic activity articulating various policy positions, tilts, and frameworks. What is clear is that no single, objective geopolitical construct has emerged, and we are left instead with a contested vision with multiple interpretations.
The key frameworks that have emerged include in addition to IORA, the Indo-Pacific, the BRI, the QUAD, and the BRICS. There are also regional organizations including ASEAN, ARF (ASEAN Regional Forum), ACD (Asia Cooperation Dialogue) BIMSTEC, SAARC, GCC, Arab League, OIC, SADC, EAC and SCO that have been established. Additionally, we have the operational arrangements that deal with specific areas of cooperation including RCEP, IONS, the Djibouti Code of Conduct, IOTC, Indian Ocean Commission (IOC), MASE, four regional Information Fusion Centres (Singapore, India, Seychelles and Madagascar), and the CGPCS (Contact Group on Piracy off the Coast of Somalia).
Along with these frameworks and groupings, we also see an increased militarization of the Indian Ocean which is redefining power balances and alliances. In the maritime space we see a building up in naval capabilities in India, and with USA, Australia, UAE, Saudi Arabia, and China all increasing their naval presence significantly. Therefore, balancing between the great power rivalries is becoming an increasingly more complex task. As a result, the space for manoeuvrability for littoral states is shrinking fast as this rivalry in the Indian Ocean region intensifies and spills over into decision making on political, economic and security issues. The proverbial question to choose one over the other is perennially hanging over us.
Secondly, the geopolitical developments have resulted in an increase in the strategic importance of the Western Indian Ocean that was not foreseen four years ago. This in turn is shifting the geopolitical emphasis towards the Indian Ocean. The Ukrainian war, and the consequent Western sanctions on Russia has resulted in the resource rich economy finding new markets in China and the Western Indian Ocean. For e.g. Russian Crude Oil is refined in the Gulf refineries. Dubai has replaced London as the financial centre for the oligarchs. Russia has developed a closer friendship with Iran, which is an important source of supply for drones. Russia is carrying on naval exercises with Indian Ocean countries, including Myanmar and South Africa.
China itself has played an active role in healing the rift between Iran and Saudi Arabia. Iran and its allies have become important players in West Asia. The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, with India, Pakistan and Iran as members have the Western Indian Ocean as its outer limits.
The ill-advised judgment of the US in supporting the Gaza war will diminish its influence in the region. The hostility of the countries forming the Islamic Arch in the Indian Ocean will prevent any close rapprochement with the US for some time. The Russian, Chinese and Iranian strategies are successfully biting at the US hegemony thereby further weakening the US. The Indian Ocean stability requires an early end to the Gaza war followed by,
a. the establishment within 5 years of an Independent Palestine State and
b. guarantees for the security of the state of Israel.
Thirdly, the recent attacks on commercial vessels by the Yemen-based Houthi rebels, is a challenge to the ‘Freedom of Navigation’. We have to ensure access and mobility in the Suez Canal, Red Sea, Bab-el-Mandeb and the Gulf of Aden. In addition, we also face the threat of Somali Pirates, once again. The safety of undersea cables and critical infrastructure are also facing additional threats. The presence of drugs in the Indian Ocean and Human Smuggling has increased. IUU fishing still takes place. These threats present challenges to the Freedom of Navigation. We need to refocus on the freedom of navigation in the Indian Ocean. Sri Lanka offers to recommence the discussions on the Freedom of Nation in the Indian Ocean.
Fourth, is expanding connectivity. According to estimates there will be an eight-fold increase in the GDP of India and Indonesia by 2050. Similar increases are expected in some of the other countries in South and West Asia. This requires additional port capacities and new transport routes. The Suez Canal may not be sufficient. In this regard India’s two new connectivity initiatives are welcome. Firstly, the India (Mumbai) – Iran – Russia corridor and secondly the India (Mumbai) – Middle East – Europe corridor. Similarly, there are connectivity initiatives taking place in the Bay of Bengal. Work has already commenced on the Chongqing – Kyaukphyu corridor giving access to Western China. Thailand is planning the Kra land bridge connecting the Gulf of Siam with the Bay of Bengal. India and Sri Lanka are commencing feasibility studies on land connectivity between the two countries making Sri Lanka a Regional Logistics Hub with Colombo and Trincomalee ports available to South India.
The Indian Ocean Conference theme this year “Towards a more stable and sustainable Indian Ocean” highlights the two key areas which require our focus. What I have outlined before, dealt primarily with pursuing stability of the region. There is an equally serious, more immediate and existential threat that looms and that is the Climate Crisis.
Experts have revealed that the Indian Ocean is warming at a higher rate than the other oceans around the world. The levels of warming are estimated to be three times higher than in the Pacific Ocean and coastal areas across the IOR will experience continuous rise in sea levels and face severe coastal erosion. The Indian Ocean is also rising at a level of 3.7 millimetres annually and extreme sea disasters are inevitable. The island states of the IOR are vulnerable and have to be provided with adequate resources to mitigate the effects of climate change. Changes at sea also affect monsoon patterns and in turn impact on agriculture and food security across the Indian Ocean region. They also impact on the biodiversity and in turn on food and livelihood of people of the littoral states.
The Indian Ocean presents opportunities in terms of ecology. Not only is it our biggest sink for Carbon, but it also provides potential for mitigating the climate crisis, through offshore wind, solar, and wave energy. Through seaweed farming and mangrove cultivation we can increase the sequestration of Carbon. Sustainable exploitation of our Ocean’s resources is critical for our survival, as the Ocean provides for our future.
At COP 28 Sri Lanka proposed three key initiatives, (1) the Tropical Belt Initiative, including the Indian Ocean (2) The International Climate Change University and the Climate Justice Forum. As the current Chair of the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) Sri Lanka is focusing on the interdependence between the Indian Ocean and climate change. The Climate Justice Forum aims to accelerate financing of losses and damages and includes debt justice as an essential component of the overall solution. Any proposals for mitigation and adaptation interventions must take into account the debt component faced by Climate-vulnerable and developing countries.
We are living in uncertain times. The stability we had taken for granted since the end of WWII and the Cold War is unravelling. Globalisation is being challenged as is multilateralism. The Climate Crisis is affecting prospects for trade and economic development around the world. It is impacting on food security, livelihoods, supply chains, biodiversity and maritime transportation. Either we can wait for global developments to dictate our fate or unite, so that we may chart our own course.
Creating a safer ocean environment by building confidence and predictability among users and enhancing ocean situational awareness will be key to maintaining peace and security in the Indian Ocean. The main platform that can undertake this important task is the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA). Ensuring a peaceful and secure Indian Ocean would facilitate sustainable use of oceans for the economic and social benefit of coastal and littoral states.
An overarching architecture for the Indian Ocean that deals with critical issues is required. The basis for such a structure is already in existence including the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (1982) and the recently adopted BBNJ agreement in 2023 on the conservation and sustainable use of marine biological diversity of areas beyond national jurisdiction or the High Seas Treaty.
A Code of Conduct on freedom of navigation and over flight and unimpeded commerce and similar guiding principles on dealing with the climate crisis and the sustainable use of the Indian Ocean are a necessity. Only the leaders of the IORA countries can ensure that these measures are translated to the creation of an overarching regional architecture for the Indian Ocean region. Therefore the responsibility lies with us.
I thank you.”
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Tuesday at T20 World Cup: New Zealand eye first win; Ireland run into England
A rest day on Monday will be followed by a double-header on Tuesday. Defending champions New Zealand will take on Sri Lanka from 1.30pm GMT in Southampton, where New Zealand lost their opening fixture to West Indies. Sri Lanka are also coming off a defeat, having lost to hosts England in their first game. The contest has been largely one-sided, with New Zealand winning 14 of the 16 completed T20Is against Sri Lanka. However, they have lost two of the last four of those meetings, including the bilateral series in New Zealand in March, which ended in 1-1.
In the second game of the day that starts at 5.30pm GMT, England will face Ireland, who lost their opener to Scotland on Saturday. Ireland are without a win in 18 Women’s T20 World Cup matches. The teams have met only four times in T20Is, with England winning three, but Ireland winning the last clash, against a second-string England side in 2024. The hosts will start as overwhelming favourites again though.
Suzie Bates missed the opening game, marking the first time New Zealand played a women’s T20 World Cup match without her. It remains to be seen whether New Zealand stick with the same XI at the same venue or bring Bates back at the top, moving Izzy Gaze to No. 3. They could also consider recalling the experienced Lea Tahuhu into the XI before time runs out for New Zealand.
New Zealand (probable): Georgia Plimmer, Izzy Gaze (wk), Melie Kerr (capt), Sophie Devine, Brooke Halliday, Maddy Green, Izzy Sharp, Jess Kerr, Nensi Patel, Rosemary Mair/Bree Illing/Lea Tahuhu
Sri Lanka announced their XI several hours before the toss against England, with Malki Madara and Mithali Ayodhya making their World Cup debuts. Will the heavy defeat prompt a change in combination, with Hasini Perera returning to the top order?
Sri Lanka (probable): Vishmi Gunaratne, Chamari Athapaththu (capt), Imesha Dulani, Harshitha Samarawickrama, Hansima Karunaratne, Kavisha Dilhari, Nilakshika Silva, Kaushini Nuthyangana (wk), Sugandika Kumari, Malki Madara, Mithali Ayodhya
England, who fielded three frontline spinners against Sri Lanka, are likely to remain unchanged.
England (probable): Danni Wyatt-Hodge, Amy Jones, Nat Sciver-Brunt (capt), Alice Capsey, Heather Knight, Freya Kemp, Dani Gibson, Charlie Dean, Sophie Ecclestone, Linsey Smith, Lauren Bell
Ireland opted for two specialist spinners in Cara Murray and Aimee Maguire against Scotland, leaving out left-arm seamer Louise Little. They could go in unchanged.
Ireland (probable): Amy Hunter (wk), Alana Dalzell, Gaby Lewis (capt), Orla Prendergast, Rebecca Stokell, Leah Paul, Alice Tector, Arlene Kelly, Ava Canning, Cara Murray, Aimee Maguire
Melie Kerr has perhaps never been more important to New Zealand than she is now. Since taking over as captain at the start of the year, she has amassed 477 runs in 11 innings and claimed 11 wickets in 12 matches. After a disappointing outing against West Indies, where she scored 5 and returned figures of 0 for 41, Melie will be eager to lead from the front and help New Zealand secure their first win of the tournament.
Sri Lanka have shown over time that they are not overly reliant on Chamari Athapaththu. Against England, only Harshitha Samamrawickrema and Nilakshika Silva managed meaningful contributions with the bat, and at a brisk pace. The left-hand batter Samarawickrama, who has significantly improved her game in recent months, has scored 147 runs in five innings this year at a strike rate of 148.48 after managing just 97 runs in seven innings at 94.17 in a disappointing 2025. With two scores of 40-plus in her last four innings, Sri Lanka will need her to deliver again in the middle order.
Since the start of 2025, Charlie Dean has bowled more overs than any other England bowler (59.1) and has taken 23 wickets, the most by an England spinner in that period. Even when Sophie Ecclestone and Linsey Smith have struggled for control, Dean’s knack for making timely breakthroughs and shifting momentum has remained crucial.
[Cricinfo]
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Trump says deal to end war with Iran already signed and details to be released ‘pretty soon’
US President Donald Trump has said a preliminary deal to end the war with Iran has already been signed and suggested that details of the agreement are set to be published “pretty soon”.
“I am very happy to say it’s signed, the deal is all signed,” he said during talks with French President Emmanuel Macron at the G7 summit on Monday.
Senior US officials also began giving some details about the contents of the deal, briefing that the Strait of Hormuz would re-open on Friday – the same day the deal is formally inked in Geneva.
Technical talks on Iran’s nuclear programme are expected to begin this week, they said, while any sanctions relief or release of assets will depend on Iran meeting commitments under the deal.
Vice-President JD Vance told CNN’s Jake Tapper on Monday that the memorandum of understanding (MOU) between the US and Iran was “about a page and a half” and was a very general document.
Vance added that a lot of the details would be worked out during future negotiations.
“On a number of issues, we are going to have to figure this stuff out during the technical negotiation phase, but what the MOU does is set up a framework whereby the Iranians get the benefits of the bargain by meeting their obligations under the bargain,” he said.
In “paragraph one” of the document it is outlined that Iran will commit itself to “regional peace and stability”, Vance said, which he added included stopping the funding of “terrorist organisations”.
“Most importantly, they’re going to have a verifiable commitment to not building a nuclear weapon,” Vance said.
The US officials said the agreement had been signed electronically by Trump, Vance and Iranian Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf.
They also suggested more details of the pact could be released by Wednesday – although Trump said the full text of the agreement would be released “pretty soon” after Friday’s ceremony.
“It’s a very powerful document, and I want it to be released. So probably pretty soon,” the president said.
The deal will extend a ceasefire for another 60 days, during which the sides will negotiate details of a final agreement.
Announcing the breakthrough on Sunday, Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, whose nation had been mediating, said it included “the immediate and permanent termination of military operations on all fronts, including in Lebanon”.
The US officials said that while Lebanon was covered by the ceasefire framework, the withdrawal of Israeli forces from Lebanese territory was not a condition of the deal. Israel would retain the right to self defence, they added.
Speaking on Monday evening, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said Israeli forces would remain in security zones in Lebanon, Syria and Gaza “as long as necessary”, and retain the freedom to act against attacks.
He also told a news conference Iran would not be allowed to obtain nuclear weapons, with or without a deal.
Netanyahu was speaking after Lebanese media reported a deadly Israeli strike on a car in the south – the first since the peace deal was announced. Hezbollah said it had fired missiles and drones at Israeli forces in return.
Trump on Sunday said he had ordered the immediate removal of a US naval blockade of Iranian ports and added that the Strait of Hormuz would be opened when the initial agreement was signed.
Taking to social media on Monday, he claimed that “ships are starting to move, many loaded up with Oil, out of the Strait of Hormuz”.
Iran’s deputy foreign minister Kazem Gharibabadi confirmed the end of military operations in a phone call on Iranian state TV, which portrayed the framework deal as a victory for Iran.
Gharibabadi said that Qatari mediators held “nearly 14 to 15 hours of lengthy talks” in Tehran to reach the initial agreement.
Iran’s top military command, Khatam al-Anbiya Central Headquarters, said that Iranians, together with the country’s armed forces and Tehran’s proxies and allies in the region, had shown the US and Israel that they had “no option but to accept defeat and surrender”.
But Iran’s foreign ministry said Tehran still held “deep mistrust” of the US and the agreement was “merely a step towards reducing tensions”.
Lebanese President Joseph Aoun welcomed the announcement, saying in a statement that he looked forward to the understandings translating into “practical steps that will put a definitive end to the cycle of violence”.
Key past sticking points have included Iran’s nuclear enrichment and Western insistence that the country not possess a nuclear weapon, and Iran’s desire for comprehensive sanctions relief and access to tens of billions of dollars in frozen oil revenues.
In a congratulatory joint statement, the leaders of the UK, France, Germany and Italy said Iran “must never acquire a nuclear weapon” and that they were “prepared to lift relevant sanctions in response to clear, verifiable steps by Iran on its nuclear programme”.
UK Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer called the announcement “a hugely important step forward in ending the war, ensuring regional stability and re-opening the Strait of Hormuz”.
[BBC]
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Holder completes heist for West Indies after Joseph picks up five
There are heists, and then there are heists, and the one at Sabina Park on Sunday will live long in the memory of those who watched it. For 16 overs of the chase, Sri Lanka had looked in total control of their defence of 169. But in a frenzied finish, West Indies ransacked 60 runs off just 22 deliveries to complete the chase with two balls to spare.
Sherfane Rutherford was dropped twice on the way to an unbeaten 54 off 40, and he was part of the defining stand of the match – 81 off 53 with Rovman Powell. But despite their intervention, West Indies still needed more and it was the returning Jason Holder that delivered, smashing 21 off five balls to seal the win and the series.
The result stretched Sri Lanka’s wait for a T20I series win in the Caribbean, but more immediately, left them scratching their heads. In terms of planning, they could not have done much more, while the pitch was tailored to their strengths – namely the spin trio of Maheesh Theekshana, Wanidu Hasaranga and Dunith Wellalage.
The latter had even picked up skipper Shai Hope off just the second delivery of the innings, while Hasaranga snagged two through the middle. Theekshana, meanwhile overcame a tough 15-run opening over – courtesy Shimron Hetmyer. – to give away just 11 off his next three.
With the bat too, Sri Lanka had done seemingly enough, with Pathum Nissanka’s fast start supplemented by some helpful middle-order cameos and bookended by a coming-of-age 43 off 28 from Wellalage.
But at the key moments, it was West Indies, who held their nerve. Player-of-the-Match Shamar Joseph ended with career-best figures of 5 for 33, and did so bowling in the game’s most difficult periods – the last over of the powerplay and the final over of the innings.
And then when the game seemed over, West Indies’ fabled firepower belatedly came to the fore, as they came in clutch once more.
In the first game, West Indies struck 29 in the death overs. And in the second game, 27. With 60 needed in that same period in the decider, the odds weren’t exactly in their favour.
But across two Dushmantha Chameera overs, where the usually reliable quick struggled – searching fruitlessly for yorkers – West Indies pilfered 47 runs, and staged a comeback for the ages.
How they got there was modern West Indies cricket in a nutshell. Sri Lanka strangled the middle overs, with their trio of spinners all proving tough to get away. The powerplay had fetched a respectable 51 – much of it owing to Hetmyer’s 32 off 19 – but the middle overs turned as sluggish as the surface, with West Indies trudging to 110 for 4.
But having struggled to get Sri Lanka’s death bowling away for much of the series, they capitalised on the off-colour Chameera to secure an all-time smash and grab. The pacer’s third over went for 24, and then his last for 23. They were the 17th and 19th of the innings. From being on the verge of defeat at the end of the 16th, the game was over before the 20th had begun.
Sri Lanka, though, might wonder what might have been had they not grassed two straightforward chances from Rutherford when he was on 24 and 25.
Sri Lanka had started well in the powerplay in the earlier games, and that looked to be the case on Sunday night as well.
While Kusal Mendis was for once dismissed cheaply – a chipped leading edge plucked out of the air by Matthew Forde followed by a spicy send-off and heated words – Pathum Nissanka, who has had a quiet tour by his standards, belatedly took up the attacking mantle.
On a surface that was gripping from the very first delivery, Nissanka started patiently before gradually flexing his striking chops. His 26 off 17 including two fours and two sixes.
But just as he might have been settling in for a game-defining stint, Joseph induced a top-edge and followed it up with one that straightened down the line to completely bamboozle new batter Pavan Ratnayake. Two in two – echoing Holder’s powerplay heroics in the first game – and Sri Lanka were kept to 51 for 3, their lowest powerplay of the series.
Joseph would somehow better this outcome later on with a sublime triple-wicket final over to give the hosts some much-needed momentum into their chase.
Following Joseph’s double-strike, Sri Lanka were rightfully wary of losing any further wickets, which saw Kamindu Mendis join Kamil Mishara – who had got his eye in during the powerplay – out in the middle. The pair strung a stand of 21 off 22 to keep things ticking, and this trend continued with each successive partnership over the period.
Dasun Shanaka’s arrival brought some power to the proceedings, as he wasted little time in tearing into Roston Chase with a six over long-on. His stand with Kamindu was brief but effective as the pair managed 16 off seven, followed by one worth 23 off 21 with Wellalage.
On another day, Shanaka’s dismissal – cleverly bowled by Holder – might have signalled a drop in the scoring rate, but Wellalage – brought into the XI in the previous game to strengthen the lower-order batting – produced a knock that was a statement.
A slog sweep over deep square-leg off Chase signalled his early intent, but it was over the extra cover region that the left-hand batter truly prospered. Time and again, he was able to manufacture drives and scythes into that vacant – but generally tough to access – region in front of square on the off side.
And he was ably supported by Hasaranga, as the pair managed an innings-best stand of 49 off 28. By the time Wellalage fell in the final over – miscuing one off the impressive Joseph – he could walk off safe in the knowledge that he might have struck a potentially series clinching 43 off 28.
Sri Lanka’s target, having come to terms with the pitch midway through their innings, might have been in the region of 160-170. But while they managed 169 in their 20 overs, it’s likely they will feel like they left runs behind – particularly as they had 156 for 6 at the start of the penultimate over.
The West Indies fightback was triggered by a piece of magic from Rutherford at deep point, as he picked up and sent in an arrowed direct hit to find Hasaranga well short in trying to steal a second.
Then returned Joseph at the last, and he responded to a first-ball boundary by removing Wellalage next delivery and Chameera one ball later, capturing his second double of the evening. Joseph capped off proceedings with a searing final-ball yorker to dismiss Theekshana as the last man.
It meant West Indies had restricted Sri Lanka to just 15 off the last 12 deliveries, and kept themselves in the game – something that eventually proved even more crucial in the game’s frenetic closing moments.
Scores:
West Indies 170 for 5 in 19.4 overs (Brandon King 16, Shimron Hetmyer 32, Rovman Powell 33, Sherfane Rutherford 54*, Jason Holder 21*;Dunith Wellalage 1-23, Dushmantha Chameera 1-64, Maheesha Theekshan 1-36, Wanidu Hasaranga 2-17) beat Sri Lanka 169 in 20 overs (Pathum Nissanka 26, Kamil Mishara 28, Kamindu Mendis 20 Dasun Shanaka 16, Dunith Wellalage 43, Wanidu Hasaranga 21; Akeal Hosein 1-31, Matthew Forde 1-39, Jason Holder 1-33, Sharmar Joseph 5-33, Roston Chase 1-32) by five wickets
[Cricinfo]
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