Features

More on Premadasa years: pro-poor policies, garment factories, Janasaviya and housing

Published

9 months ago

2025/08/24

Thilina Walpola

President Premadasa with Ranjan Wijeratne

Good friend, bad enemy, feud with Ariyaratne

(Excerpted from vol. 3 of the Sarath Amunugama autobiography)

Premadasa then unleashed his prodigious energy to make dramatic changes in the country’s economy. He looked on economic development as a part of his bigger vision to ensure “growth with equity”. While the JRJ administration followed a classical pattern of investment fueled by urbanization which made the GDP of Western province much higher than that of the outlier provinces, Premadasa was a proponent of the concept of all round growth as a way of catering to the poorer segments of society.

I remember studying some World Bank reports with Wickreme Weerasooria, who was the Secretary of the Planning Ministry, which drew attention to the abysmal poverty of the estate population and the people of Hambantota, Monaragala and Mannar in relation to the poverty levels prevalent in the other districts. Accordingly rural development projects were launched with Norwegian aid in the Hambantota, Monaragala and Mannar districts, but that was insufficient to make a dent on the problems there. It was Premadasa who had the vision to undertake poverty alleviation urgently and devote his proverbial energy to obtain dramatic results. His approach was three pronged; Janasaviya, the 300 garment factory programme and meaningful administrative reforms at village level. All three have stood the test of time and marks a change in the rural landscape.

Garment factories

JRJ pioneered the setting up of investment zones under the Greater Colombo Economic Commission (GCEC which later became the Board of Investments or BOI) on the basis of “plug and play” manufacturing, beginning with the Katunayake Free Trade Zone [FTZ]. He introduced the concept of value addition to an economy which was based on export of unprocessed agricultural commodities namely tea, coconut, rubber and cinnamon.

The global economy was undergoing change with production being outsourced to select developing countries. That was much cheaper than producing them at home in the west. Hong Kong and Singapore were the trendsetters of this transformation by manufacturing light industrial products with their easy credit, reliable freight business, cheap labour, work ethic and good links to the markets of rich countries.

Among these products was garments which saw increasing demand in the west with its growing prosperity and emergence of a large middle class within a consumer society. Premadasa deserves credit for immediately recognizing the potential of this trend to further his target of “growth with equity”. As regards the genesis of this all important industry in Sri Lanka, I was told that Premadasa on a visit to Hong Kong was entertained by a Muslim gem merchant who lived there coordinating the sales of gems from his family company. This gem merchant had given Premadasa a tour of the business district and the manufacturing zone of sweated trades, especially the garment factories in Kowloon.

Premadasa immediately saw the potential of this industry and persuaded some of his friends in the local tailoring establishment to enter the garment manufacturing business. Another fortuitous circumstance helped in making this move an instant success. The garment industry worked on the basis of “quotas” allocated by the buyers. The Hong Kong quotas were already full and it took little to persuade some big foreign manufacturers to relocate in Sri Lanka and utilize the quotas that were granted to us.

In fact it is said that at first many foreign exporters only changed their labels to say “Made in Sri Lanka” and shipped their products from their Hong Kong factories to Europe and the US. But this could not go on for long and they soon relocated here and set up factories in our FTZs and outside. This project was personally driven by the President and the facilities like allocation of land, electricity, water and banking facilities were provided in record time which led to favourable responses from large scale buyers like Marks and Spencer and Walmart. This in turn led to the ambitious 300 garment factory program which revolutionized garment manufacturing in South Asia.

The President insisted on locating factories in the hinterland and employing rural .women. This was probably the best attempt to develop our rural areas and also empower women in a practical attempt at poverty alleviation. After decades of”handouts”, which were crippling rural initiatives, new garment industries brought prosperity to distant villages. “The quota system” was adjusted to give more orders to factories in the periphery as against lower allocations for the big cities. Even critics were constrained to admit that standards of living among rural women had improved.

The President gleefully spoke of the jewelry shops that were springing up near the factories and the small gold chains on the necks of working girls who had never before possessed anything of value. These developments drew the envy of rival politicians who wished that they, had first thought of this idea. Lalith Athulathmudali said sarcastically that “our girls are forced to stitch “Jangi” [underwear] for white women” forgetting the fact that his own electorate Ratmalana was the centre of the countries “rag trade” and that this trade was, for the first time, providing employment to a large swathe of semi urban women who had earlier been helpless, unemployed and brutalized.

Janasaviya

Like the garment factories another innovation of the President was the poverty amelioration program named Janasaviya. Conceptualized by a group of his officials, Janasaviya was aimed at providing basic food support to families below the poverty line. Recipients were selected at public sittings and time was given for objections since the local bureaucracy was notoriously corrupt and could be influenced to leave out the deserving and include those with power. Even so the criticism was made that selections were biased in favour of the party in power.

It was one of the earliest attempts at poverty reduction and was taken as a model by many developing countries. Janasaviya, unlike its heavily politicized successors under the SLFP, envisaged the recipients donating their labour for community development projects in the relevant villages. The construction and maintenance of public works was entrusted to Janasaviya recipients because many studies had shown that a village labour force was capable of generating productivity as a basic input in rural development.

Recipients were expected to donate their labour on village works for three days a week in exchange for a basket of goods. During this period the utility of “Shramadana” as a practical economic resource in developing countries was promoted by Gandhian development theorists, including the Sarvodaya Movement in Sri Lanka. However Premadasa engaged himself in an epic confrontation with AT Ariyaratne, the leader of the local Sarvodaya movement. Since I was a friend of Ariyaratne, having helped him to overcome the hostility of Felix Bandaranaike during the Sirimavo regime, I became privy to the reasons for the enemity of these two stalwarts of village development.

Partly due to the link up with the Friedrich Neumann Foundation of Germany that I facilitated, Sarvodaya became rich and began to branch out to ventures designed to ensure its sustainability. Among these ventures was the setting up of a well equipped printing press which was located in Ratmalana. It boasted of the latest German printing technology and Ariyaratne’s rather permissive management style was replaced by a profit oriented trained printer who oversaw this venture. One far reaching decision was to undertake the printing of the “Ravaya” newspaper which had transformed itself from a tabloid to a broadsheet in keeping with its growing popularity.

Ravaya was a progressive newspaper usually critical of the government and was edited by Victor Ivan – a former JVP leader who had been imprisoned after the failure of the 1971 insurrection. He had joined the LSSP after his release but was better known as a lucid writer, defender of human rights and generally an anti-establishment figure. When he began to criticize the Premadasa administration and its leader he put himself on the cross-hairs of the new President’s ire. He blamed Ariyaratne for printing Ravaya in his press and broke off the friendship he had enjoyed with the Sarvodaya chief when he was in the opposition.

To make matters worse Ravaya promoted Lalith and Gamini in their conflict with Premadasa and encouraged internal criticism of the Presidents authoritarian ways. But the main reason for the Premadasa-Ariyaratne conflict was the “inside information” that was leaked to the former during the Presidential election. The secret was that the Sarvodaya Press was printing posters for Mrs. B – which her rival Premadasa took to be a great betrayal by his erstwhile friend. Ari told me that indeed the poster was printed as alleged but that it was a commercial transaction which had been undertaken by his printing manager without consulting him.

A characteristic of Premadasa was that while he had deep friendships any betrayal by a friend resulted in an unending vendetta. He did not believe in “forgive and forget”. The full force of the President’s fury was then visited on Ariyaratne. Ari told me that he had been earmarked for assassination by the Premadasa mafia and that he had a narrow shave when he was targeted at a meeting in Kegalle. Whether this was true or whether it was only a symptom of a paranoia which seemed to afflict the Sarvodaya chief, I had no way of knowing.

I had read that President Richard Nixon too had a similar unforgiving nature. Nixon maintained an “enemies list” and spent time in harassing them ultimately leading to a “break in” to their offices which set in train a set of events which finally led to his resignation. Premadasa too was alleged to have established the “Lawrence mafia” (Lawrence was a retired DIG loyal to Premadasa) which “tailed” his enemies with a view to eliminating them.

Later on I will narrate the famous “Buultjens abduction” case which was used by Premadasa, ably assisted by Ravi Jayewardene, JRJs son, to engineer the arrest of Gamini Dissanayake on charges of kidnapping as a part of his vendetta with his erstwhile colleague. In an attempt to implicate Lalith and Gamini he set up a Commission of Inquiry on their relations with Israel. On public platforms he subtly suggested that Lalith was an Israeli agent because he had taught law at a University in Jerusalem. The Commission found no evidence of such a complicity though it highlighted the purchase of large caches of Israeli weapons for the Sri Lankan armed forces.

Housing

Even as a member of Dudley Senanayake’s cabinet, Premadasa had paid special attention to the problem of housing. As a MP for Colombo Central, where housing is a major problem, he had set about tackling this problem with his usual gusto. In a sense he was competing with his political rival Pieter Keuneman who also, under the Sirimavo administration, concentrated on urban housing. Pieter however, in keeping with his communist ideology, brought legislation to change ownership from urban landlords to long time residents. He also restricted the space of new houses to 2,500 square feet each leading to the construction of smaller houses on smaller extents of land [a minimum of six perches per house] by local architects.

However laudable these objectives may have been it led to a virtual halt to housing construction. Premadasa on the other hand was more realistic and attempted to increase the housing stock. His signature achievement was the development of the Maligawatte housing scheme for which I, and a team from the then Information department undertook the publicity programme under the heading of “a city within a city”. It was hailed by Dudley Senanayake and the UNP, which thanks to Premadasa, earned plaudits as the party of low cost housing.

He also encouraged rural housing under Janasaviya and the new local government structures that he created. Bradman Weerakoon has described how the PM had the “chutzpah” to get housing as a priority of the UN by promoting a resolution calling for a “Year of Housing”. As Bradman says no one could stop him once Premadasa made up his mind.

Local government

From the time he became a municipal councilor R. Premadasa was very interested in local government. In his first assignment as a deputy minister he chose the portfolio of local government under minister Tiruchelvam. He once told me that SWRD Bandaranaike could form his own party because he had an island wide network of Mayors, Urban Council Chairmen and local government representatives who could not be bought over by DS Senanayake. This was long before Premadasa himself set up his “Purawesi Peramuna” which could be transformed into a political party if the UNP did not give him his due place.

One reason why he was not enamored of the Indo-Lanka agreement was its emphasis on establishing Provincial Councils. He did not welcome the establishment of a second tier between the centre and the village council or the “Pradeshiya Sabha”. He proposed wide ranging reforms to the existing Gam Sabhawa or Village Council system of local government. He amalgamated the Village Councils in an electorate so that the boundaries of the newly established “Pradeshiya Sabha”would coincide with that of the electorate. This made it possible for greater financial resources to be allocated to that entity.

The management structure was also changed to bring in public officials as administrative secretaries of the Pradeshiya Sabhas. These changes were welcomed as forward looking and capable of promoting rapid growth at village level. Premadasa believed that decentralization of key state powers to the periphery would also defuse the call for more powers to a new entity like Provincial Councils. He feared that some PCs would encourage the “homelands” concept of the TULF.

Today this three tier administrative structure has been criticized as leading to a dysfunctional bureaucratization which is top heavy. It has produced a large number of ignorant local government representatives who are a drain on national resources. The best example of this anarchy is that the Janasaviya programme which was meant to contribute to cheap labour for village works have been superseded by village level councilors who have become small time contractors swallowing up the funds for roads, culverts, bridges etc., with no quality and financial control. Such project funding has led to the corruption which marks local government administration today.

Hubris

The first few years of the Premadasa regime were a security nightmare. The JVP and its military arm shut down the country at will. However the government fought back amidst many complaints of human rights violations. The security forces employed brutal means to attack the JVP, especially after purported threats to the families of army officers. The JVP politbureau went into hiding but the Ops Combine systematically tracked them down and by 1990 Wijeweera himself was arrested and killed.

But civil society led by journalists associations – many of centre leftist persuasion – carried out a campaign asking for the observation of human rights standards and punishment for those who had blatantly violated them. Many innocent people who were caught in the cross fire between the JVP and the security forces paid with their lives. Left wing tabloids like Yukthiya – which was funded by international NGOs and Ravaya, both edited by ex-JVP combatants, were highly critical of Premadasa and the state apparatus.

While senior SLFPers flirted with the President, younger members like Mangala Samaraweera and Mahinda Rajapaksa spearheaded the formation of a “Mothers Front”. The Opposition preferred to take cover under these organizations rather than confront Premadasa because they themselves were victims of the JVP’s extermination machine. It was an exceptionally trying time and the President whose trait was not to brook any challenge was criticized by the international media and civil society for his intransigence.

Some of his own party members who had lost out in his energetic reorganization of the UNP, were not averse to leaking information to embarrass him. There was, as a result, a siege mentality in the country. The opposition to him among the urban elite grew while the majority of the populace was still in a state of shock due to the unceasing violence and disruptions unleashed by the LTTE and the JVP. The best indication of this transformation of the personality of President Premadasa came in the form of a statement by his secretary Wijedasa who said that “his temperament was much better as Prime Minister than President” [Lankadeepa of August 22, 2023]

All this was to come to a head in an unprecedented Impeachment motion in Parliament and its political consequences which we will describe in the next chapter.

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Features

Building a sustainable future for Sri Lanka’s construction industry

Published

2 hours ago

2026/05/8

Thilina Walpola

Sri Lanka’s construction industry has long been a central pillar of sustainable development. From roads and bridges to homes, schools, and hospitals, construction shapes the country’s physical landscape and supports economic progress. As the nation continues to rebuild and modernise, the demand for construction materials and infrastructure keeps rising. However, this growth also brings a significant environmental cost. Cement, steel, bricks, aggregates, and timber all require energy, resources, and transportation, contributing to carbon emissions and environmental damage. If Sri Lanka continues with traditional construction practices, the long-term impact on the environment will be severe.

The encouraging news is that Sri Lanka has many opportunities to adopt more sustainable construction practices while still maintaining the highest standards of quality and safety. Sustainable construction does not mean weaker buildings or lower standards. It means using sustainable materials, reducing waste, improving design, and choosing methods that protect the environment. Many countries have already moved in this direction, and Sri Lanka has the potential to follow the same path with solutions that are practical, affordable, and suitable for local conditions.

A promising option

One promising option is the use of Compressed Earth Blocks (CEB), which are different from the concrete blocks commonly used in Sri Lanka for the past 25 years. CEBs are made from soil mixed with a small amount of stabiliser and pressed using machines. Unlike traditional fired clay bricks, CEBs do not require high-temperature kilns, which consume large amounts of firewood or fossil fuels. This makes CEBs a low-carbon alternative with a much smaller environmental footprint. In Sri Lanka, CEBs are already used in eco-resorts, community housing projects, and environmentally focused developments. They offer good strength, durability, and thermal comfort, making them suitable for many types of buildings. By expanding the use of CEBs, Sri Lanka can reduce energy consumption, lower emissions, and promote locally sourced materials.

Recycled aggregates also offer significant potential for sustainable construction. These materials are produced by crushing concrete, demolition waste, and construction debris. In Sri Lanka, recycled aggregates are already used in road construction, particularly for base and sub-base layers. They are suitable for non-structural building work such as pathways, garden paving, drainage layers, landscaping, and backfilling. Using recycled aggregates reduces the need for newly quarried rock and aggregates, decreases landfill waste, and lowers transportation emissions. With proper quality control and standards, recycled aggregates can become a reliable and widely accepted material in the construction industry.

Timber and sustainability

Timber is another important area where sustainability can be improved. In the past, timber for construction was often taken from natural forests, leading to deforestation and loss of biodiversity. Today, this approach is no longer sustainable. Instead, the focus must shift to legally sourced timber from managed plantations. Sri Lanka’s plantation-grown teak, jak, and kubuk can provide high-quality, legally sourced timber for construction while protecting natural forests and supporting rural economies. Using plantation timber ensures that harvesting is controlled, trees are replanted, and the supply chain remains legal and ethical.

Beyond materials, sustainable construction also involves better design and planning. Buildings that are designed to maximise natural ventilation, daylight, and energy efficiency can significantly reduce long-term operating costs. Simple design improvements such as proper orientation, shading devices, roof insulation, and efficient window placement can reduce the need for artificial cooling and lighting. These measures not only lower energy consumption but also improve indoor comfort for occupants. Sri Lanka’s tropical climate offers many opportunities to incorporate passive design strategies that reduce environmental impact without increasing construction costs.

Waste reduction is another key component of sustainable construction. Construction sites often generate large amounts of waste, including concrete, timber offcuts, packaging, and soil. By adopting better site management practices, recycling materials, and planning construction sequences more efficiently, contractors can reduce waste and save money. Proper waste segregation and recycling can also reduce the burden on landfills and minimise environmental pollution.

Promoting sustainable construction

Public projects such as schools, hospitals, and government buildings can play a leading role in promoting sustainable construction. When government projects adopt greener materials and designs, the private sector follows. This creates a positive cycle where environmentally responsible choices become the industry standard. Public sector leadership can also encourage local manufacturers to produce sustainable materials, improve quality standards, and invest in new technologies.

Sri Lanka also carries a proud and remarkable history in construction, with achievements that continue to inspire the world. The engineering brilliance behind Sigiriya, the advanced urban planning of Polonnaruwa, the precision of the Aukana Buddha statue, and the sophisticated water management systems of ancient tanks and reservoirs all demonstrate the deep knowledge our ancestors possessed. These historic accomplishments show that innovation is not new to Sri Lanka; it is part of our identity. As the world moves toward 2050 with increasing sustainability challenges, Sri Lanka can draw strength from this heritage while embracing modern technologies and sustainable practices. With the combined efforts of skilled professionals, industry experts, academic researchers, and strong government support, the country can introduce new systems that improve efficiency, reduce environmental impact, and strengthen resilience. By working together with determination and sharing knowledge across generations, Sri Lanka’s construction industry can build a future that honours its past while leading the way in sustainable development.

Foundation of sustainable development

Sri Lanka’s construction industry has always been a foundation of sustainable development. Today, it also has the chance to take a leading role in sustainability. By choosing sustainable materials, reducing waste, improving design, and supporting responsible sourcing, the country can build a future that is both modern and environmentally responsible. Sustainability is essential for Sri Lanka’s long-term goals of reducing carbon emissions and limiting the impacts of global warming. As Sri Lanka moves forward, the construction industry must embrace sustainability not only as an environmental responsibility but also as an opportunity to create stronger, smarter, and more resilient buildings for future generations. Sri Lanka has the talent, the heritage, and the technical capacity to shape a more sustainable future, and with the right national direction, the construction industry can become a model for the region. If professionals, policymakers, and communities work together with a shared vision, the country can transform its construction sector into one that protects the environment while supporting long-term progress.

About the Author: P.G.R.A.C. Gamlath Menike,

BSc (Hons) Quantity Surveying (University of Reading, UK), MSc Quantity Surveying (University College of Estate Management, UK), MCIArb, Doctoral Student, Department of Building and Real Estate, The Hong Kong Polytechnic University, Hong Kong, is a Senior Quantity Surveyor: Last Project (2022 -2025) Hong Kong International Airport Terminal 2 Construction Project, Gammon Engineering Construction (Main Contractor).

By P.G. R. A. C. Gamlath Menike

Features

Palm leaf manuscripts of Sri Lanka – 1

Published

2 hours ago

2026/05/8

Thilina Walpola

Palm leaf manuscripts

Palm leaf manuscripts have been in existence in Sri Lanka since ancient times. The two oldest palm-leaf manuscripts found in Sri Lanka today are the Cullavagga Pâli manuscript of the H. C. P. Bell collection, which is held at the Library of the National Museum, Colombo, and the Mahavagga Pâli manuscript in the University of Kelaniya collection. Photocopies of both are available at the Library of the University of Peradeniya. Both are dated to 13 century. Cullavagga manuscript has wooden covers richly decorated in lac with a design of flowers and foliage.

Karmmavibhâga

However, the oldest known Sinhala palm leaf manuscript in the world is the Karmmavibhâga which was found in a Tibet monastery in 1936 by the Indian scholar Rahul Sankrityayan. Rahul Sankrityayan, (1893–1963) former Kedarnath Pandey, was an Indian polymath, who searched out rare Buddhist manuscripts on his travels abroad. Sankrityayan visited Sri Lanka as well. Vidyalankara Pirivena is mentioned.

Sankrityayan visited Tibet several times to collect manuscripts from the Buddhist monasteries there. In May 1936 on his second visit to Tibet, Sankrityayan visited the Sa-skya monastery. The Chag-pe-lha-khang Library in this monastery was specially opened for Sankrityayan.

He stated in his autobiography that when the clouds of dust which greeted this rare opening of its doors had subsided, they beheld rows of open racks where volume on volume of manuscripts were kept. “After rummaging around, I came across palm-leaf manuscripts. They were not wrapped in cloth, but were tied between two wooden planks with holes through them.” Sankrityayan found several important manuscripts he had been looking for, in that collection.

Sankrityayan catalogued fifty-seven manuscripts bound in thirty-eight volumes. The thirty-seventh volume was written in the Sinhala script. Sankrityayan records that this volume contained ninety-seven palm- leaves each of which measured 18 1/4 by 1 1/4 in. (46 x 3 cm.) and that there were seven lines of writing on each folio.

According to Sankrityayan, these Sinhala texts originally belonged to a Sri Lankan monk called Anantaśrî who had come to Tibet in the time of ŚSrî Kîrttidhvaja (Kirti Sri Rajasinha). Analysts noted that Sankrityayan does not give the source of this information and the manuscript makes no mention of Anantaśrî.

Sankrityayan had taken with him to Tibet, one Abeyasinghe, (Abhayasimha) to help him with copying manuscripts. They made hand-copies of the important manuscripts. Abhayasimha had copied about 250 to 350 strophes each day. But he fell ill due to the extreme cold and was sent home in June. Abeyasinghe had written letters home during his stay in Tibet.

Photographs of the manuscripts found during Sankrityayan’s expeditions in Tibet are preserved at the National Archives in Colombo. There is also a copy in Vidyalankara pirivena library The Historical Manuscripts Commission In its 1960/1961 report, drew attention to this manuscript, known as Sa-skya Codex, describing it as “a unique document.” (Annual Report of the Government Archivist 1960/61, 1963)

Sinhala scholar P.E.E. Fernando examined photographs of the Sa-skya Codex at the request of the Historical Manuscripts Commission and assigned it to the 13th century. The Historical Manuscripts Commission, dated it to either twelfth or the thirteenth century.

The Historical Manuscripts Commission observed that this manuscript was of great value for the study of the development of the Sinhala script. Ven. Meda Uyangoda Vimalakîrtti and Nähinne Sominda in their edition of the Karmmavibhâga published in 1961 agreed that the Sa-skya Codex represented an early stage in the evolution of the Sinhala language.

Mahavamsa

The Mahavamsa is considered a unique historical document. There is nothing like it in South Asia, and probably all Asia, with the exception of China. Mahavamsa provides a historical account of events, with emphasis on chronology and dating. This, it appears, was rare at the time.

However, Mahavamsa is not a political history, though that is the popular perception of it. It is a religious history. It was written to record the introduction and entrenchment of Buddhism in the country. Other Buddhist countries, such as Cambodia, Burma and Thailand value the Mahavamsa for this reason. They held copies of the Mahavamsa and used events from it in their temple frescoes.

But Mahavamsa is also an important reference source for reconstructing the political history of Sri Lanka. Political and social facts are included in the Mahavamsa narrative when describing religious events, and this makes the Mahavamsa important for historians. This tradition of history writing, beginning with the earlier Sihala Attakatha and Dipawamsa, it is suggested, started in Sri Lanka in 2^nd or 3^rd BC.

Today, the Mahavamsa has become a major source of historical information, not only for dating kings, temples and reservoirs, but also for reconstructing ancient Sinhala society. The fact that Kuveni was seated beside a pond, spinning thread has been used to indicate that there was water management and textiles long before Vijaya arrived. Dutugemunu (161-137 BC) paid a salary to the workers building the Maha Thupa. This shows that money was used at the time.

Copies of the Mahavamsa have been treasured and looked after in Sri Lanka for centuries. They have been copied over and over again. The manuscripts were held in temple libraries because the subject of the Mahavamsa was the entrenchment of Buddhism in Sri Lanka.

The Mahavamsa manuscripts did not pop up suddenly during British rule as people seem to think. The British did not ‘discover’ the Mahavamsa. It was there. When the British administration started to take interest in the history of the island, the sangha would have directed them to the Mahavamsa, in the same way that they directed HCP Bell to the ruins in Anuradhapura and the Sigiriya frescoes. HCP Bell did not discover those either.

The British administrators saw the value of the Mahavamsa and copies were sent to libraries abroad. The Bodleian library, Oxford has a well preserved Mahavamsa manuscript, taken from Mulkirigala, which Turner used for his translation. Cambridge has two Mahavamsa manuscripts. The two copies at India Office library, and the copy in East India Library are probably in the British Library today. The Royal Library, Copenhagen, has a copy, consisting of 129 sheets, 12 lines to a leaf, written in good handwriting.

In Sri Lanka there are several copies of the Mahavamsa in the Colombo Museum Library. One copy, known as the ‘Cambodian Mahavamsa ‘is in Cambodian script. University of Peradeniya has at least three copies.

It is interesting to note that the Mahavamsa was known to the Sinhala elite and some had copies in their private libraries. The Historical Manuscripts Commission of the 1930s said in its first report that five copies of the Mahavamsa and a 19^th century copy of the Dipawamsa were found in private collections.

The temple libraries had many copies of the Mahavamsa. Some were of very high quality. Wilhelm Geiger had looked at the copies held at Mahamanthinda Pirivena, Matara and Mulkirigala vihara. Asgiriya, Nagolla Vihara and Watagedera Sudarmarama Potgul vihara, Matara, are three of the many libraries that held copies of the Mahavamsa.

Sirancee Gunawardene examined the copy at Mahamanthinda Pirivena, Matara, very closely. She says that it is a very old manuscript. According to its colophon, the manuscript was first copied 400 years ago. It is in a very good state of preservation. It has 232 folios. Each 50 cm long 6.25 wide. Nine lines on each side, in Pali metric verse.

The writer of the manuscripts said that his version was an improvement on the copy. He wrote, “I will recite the Mahavamsa which was compiled by ancient sages. [their version] was too long and had many repetitions. This version is free from such faults, easy to understand and remember. It is handed down from tradition, for arousing serene joy and emotion’ .

The Mahamanthinda manuscript records the continuous history of 23 dynasties from 543 BC to 1758 AD. It refers to the principle of hereditary monarchy as 39 eldest sons of reigning monarch succeeded their fathers to the throne. It highlights the fact that fifteen reigned only for one year, 34 for less than four years, 22 kings were murdered by their successors, 6 were killed during battles, 4 committed suicide, 11 were dethroned.

Mahawansa as a World Heritage document

An ola manuscript of the Mahavamsa, held in the Main Library of the University of Peradeniya has been recognised by UNESCO as a part of World Heritage. UNESCO announced In 2023 that it has included the Mahavamsa as one of the 64 items of documentary heritage inscribed in the UNESCO’s Memory of the World International Register for 2023. The manuscript is dated to the early 19 century.

The certificate declaring the Mahawansa as a world heritage document was handed to the Chancellor of Peradeniya University by UNESCO Director General, who visited the University in 2024 specially to do so. She also unveiled a plaque marking the declaration.

The story began much earlier. The National Library of Sri Lanka and the Ministry of Buddha Sasana had jointly appointed a 6-member committee headed by Prof Malani Endagamage, to find the best preserved copy of the Mahavamsa in Sri Lanka. This would have been in 2000 or so. For two years, this team had examined copies from over 100 temples nationwide.

Temples around the country yielded copies, crumbling to well-preserved, reported Sunday Times. There was one from the Ridi Vihara that almost made the cut, but four other copies were shortlisted. One from the Dalada Maligawa, Kandy and three manuscripts from the Main Library of the University of Peradeniya. Three academics from the University’s History Department, Professors K.M. Rohitha Dasanayaka, Mahinda Somathilake and U.S.Y. Sahan Mahesh examined the three Peradeniya manuscripts

Dasanayaka said, “We poured over the copies together, and it became clear that one copy stood out. While the other two had numerous inconsistencies, this one, written in a curvy hand, was neat and beautiful. After more than two centuries, the manuscript was still very attractive, with a ‘flaming cinnamon orange’ cover and elegant lettering.

The first section of the manuscript ends with Mahasen (274–301 AD), written by the monk Mahanama. The second part ends at 1815. The author is given as Ven. Thibbotuwawe Buddharakkhita but he was dead by 1815. The final part was probably done by an acolyte. He has done a very neat job, seamlessly adding his bit, concluded Dasanayake.

This manuscript was acquired by the Library of University of Peradeniya when K. D. Somadasa, was the Librarian (1964 – 1970). It is held in the Main Library and its Accession Number is 277587.

National Library & Documentation Services Board of Sri Lanka, which administers the National Library of Sri Lanka submitted a nomination to UNESCO on behalf of this manuscript. UNESCO responded positively to the application.

UNESCO said the Mahavamsa was recognized as one of the world’s longest unbroken historical accounts, presenting Sri Lanka’s history in a chronological order from the 6th century BCE. The authenticity of the facts provided in the document has been confirmed through archaeological research conducted in Sri Lanka and India.

It is an important historical source in South Asia, said UNESCO. It was the first of its kind in South Asia, initiating a mature historiographical tradition. It has contributed singularly to the identity of Emperor Asoka in Indian history. The existence of a number of manuscripts of the Mahavamsa in several countries as well as the transliteration and translation of the text to several Southeast Asian and European languages stand testimony to its immense historical, cultural, literal, linguistic and scholarly values, .” UNESCO press release said.

Further, UNESCO found that this manuscript was correctly conserved at the University Library. The university and its library maintained high standards in safeguarding the palm-leaf manuscripts, preventing deterioration, declared UNESCO. (Continued)

REFERENCES

https://archives1.dailynews.lk/2021/02/25/local/242520/ola-leaf-mahavamsa-be-declared-world-heritage

Sirancee Gunawardana Palm leaf manuscripts of Sri Lanka . 1977 p 41,44-47 , 253 290 292, ,

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by KAMALIKA PIERIS

Features

A new Sherlock Holmes novel

Published

2 hours ago

2026/05/8

Thilina Walpola

Tales of Mystery and Suspense – 1

“The House of Silk” is set in a grim Victorian winter, and moves from Baker Street to a luxurious suburban villa, from dingy pubs to elegant London clubs, from a correction school for boys high on a hill to Dr Silkin’s House of Wonders, which provided noisy low life entertainment. Holmes and Watson went there in search of the House of Silk, a name they had heard when looking into the death of one of Holmes’ Baker Street irregulars (slum children who ferreted out information for him) .

I do not think highly of sequels to books written by highly regarded writers, though I must admit that this dislike is based on just a few samples. But while in England I was given by my former Dean, with a forceful recommendation, a book about a Sherlock Holmes mystery, supposedly written by Dr Watson. I began on it soon after I got back home, and found it difficult to put down, so I suppose I will not look on Anthony Horowitz as an exception to my rule. I may even look out for his efforts at continuing the adventures of James Bond, though I suspect Fleming’s laconic style will be less easy to emulate.

“The House of Silk” is set in a grim Victorian winter, and moves from Baker Street to a luxurious suburban villa, from dingy pubs to elegant London clubs, from a correction school for boys high on a hill to Dr Silkin’s House of Wonders, which provided noisy low life entertainment. Holmes and Watson went there in search of the House of Silk, a name they had heard when looking into the death of one of Holmes’ Baker Street irregulars (slum children who ferreted out information for him). They had asked Holmes’ brother Mycroft for help in finding what and where this was, but he had warned them off, having been himself told by someone very senior in government that it might involve those in very high positions, and further inquiries might prove dangerous.

Needless to say, Holmes does seek further, and is lured to an opium den where he is drugged, to be found outside with a gun in his hand and the body of a girl beside him, the sister of the murdered boy Ross. A passer-by swears he had seen Holmes fire the shot, and the owner of the opium den and a customer swear that Holmes had taken too much opium and left the den in a demented condition. A police inspector who had been passing promptly arrests Holmes and Watson, and even their old acquaintance Inspector Lestrade finds it difficult to get access to him.

Watson eventually gets to see him when he is in the infirmary, after he has been told by a mysterious man that Holmes was going to be murdered before his case could be taken up. The man said he had earlier tried to get Holmes to investigate the House of Silk by sending him a white silk ribbon, such as had later been found tied round the hand of the murdered boy. But, as a criminal himself, he said, he could not reveal more, though he himself was horrified by the business of the House of Silk, which gave criminality a bad name, which is why he wanted it all stopped.

Holmes escapes from the infirmary, with a little help from the doctor whom he had once assisted earlier, right under the nose of the nasty Inspector Harriman. He then joins up with Watson, and having with the help of Lestrade overcome the men designed to kill him at Dr Silkin’s House of Wonders, he sets off, with an even large posse of policemen, to the House of Silk.

After much suspense, the habitues of the House of Silk are arrested, the Inspector having broken his neck in the course of a chase downhill, having fled when his misdeeds were exposed. The mastermind claims that he will not face a trial because of the important people involved, but instead falls down a staircase while in prison and breaks his neck. One of the noblemen involved commits suicide, but another, and the medical man who had sworn he saw Holmes kill the young lady, get off without charge.

But then we revert to the original story, which had involved an art dealer who came to Holmes because he was being followed by someone he thought was an American gangster out for revenge. This was because he had shipped some pictures to an American buyer, and these had been destroyed when a train was held up by an Irish gang and the coach with the safe in it dynamited. The buyer and the dealer had got a private agency to investigate, and this had ended with the gang being killed in a shootout, though one of the twins who led it had escaped. The buyer had subsequently been killed, and Mr Carstairs feared that the twin who survived had followed him to England.

Holmes and Watson went to Carstairs’ house, where they met his wife, whom he had met on the boat back from America, and his sister. Their mother had died some months earlier, when gas had filled her room after the flame had gone out. It transpired that there had been a break in, and some money and a necklace stolen from a safe, and it was in tracing these, through a pawnbroker, that Holmes and Watson had found the American murdered in the hotel where he had been staying.

The leader of the irregulars had come to tell Holmes that they had traced the man to the hotel, and Ross had been left on guard. He seemed terrified when Holmes and Watson and Carstairs turned up, but said he had seen nothing. When the boys had been dismissed, and the room opened up, the man was found dead, the murderer obviously having gained entrance through a window.

Holmes assumed the boy had seen someone he recognized, but he could not be traced, until he was found dead, horribly tortured. The silk band around his wrist then led Holmes to pursue the House of Silk. One of the boys at the school where Ross had been mentioned that he had a sister at a pub, and she, when confronted, asked in fear if they were from the House of Silk and then, having lunged at Watson with a knife, ran off – herself only to be found dead outside the opium den, which prompted the arrest of Holmes.

After the drama at the House of Silk, Holmes and Watson go to the Carstairs household, where he explains exactly what had taken place, identifying the murdered man as not a member of the gang but the head of the private agency which had investigated them. As my Dean told me, Horowitz then ties up all the loose ends with consummate skill, connecting with a fine thread all the malefactors, of various kinds.