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More cunning than the ‘old fox’: Sri Lanka’s acting president

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by Amal JAYASINGHE

A lifetime’s ambition was fulfilled Friday when Sri Lanka’s six-times prime minister Ranil Wickremesinghe was finally sworn in as president.

He is only head of state in an acting capacity after Gotabaya Rajapaksa resigned in disgrace after fleeing to Singapore, but the position is one Wickremesinghe has sought for decades.A few families have long dominated politics in the Indian Ocean island nation, and Wickremesinghe is the nephew of one its longest-serving leaders, Junius Jayewardene, who was in power for 12 years until stepping down in 1989.

Dubbed the “old fox”, Jayewardene was renowned for his cunning, but his nephew is regarded as an even shrewder navigator of the country’s internecine power networks.It was Jayewardene who brought him into politics by making him a deputy foreign affairs minister in 1977. Wags said the initials of their United National Party actually stood for Uncle and Nephew.

Family members say that Jayewardene, who died in 1996, had wanted to ensure that Wickremesinghe becomes president “even for one day”.

Now he will hold the position for at least six days, with parliament due to elect Rajapaksa’s long-term successor on Wednesday — although Friday’s swearing-in means Wickremesinghe maintains his record of never having fulfilled a full term as prime minister. He ran for the presidency twice — in 1999 and 2005 — losing both elections, and the UNP was annihilated in a parliamentary election in 2020, leaving Wickremesinghe as its only MP.

But his political manoeuvring enabled him to outfox opponents and secure his sixth appointment to the premiership earlier this year after Rajapaksa’s brother Mahinda resigned.Wickremesinghe is married to Maithree, an English lecturer. They have no children, and have bequeathed their assets to his old school and their universities.

But their impressive library of more than 2,500 books — which he called his “biggest treasure” — was among the losses when their house was torched last week by demonstrators who also drove Rajapaksa from his official residence.

Born into a wealthy as well as politically connected family rooted in publishing and plantations, Wickremesinghe started work as a rookie reporter at one of the family newspapers.But he turned to a legal career after the family firm was nationalised in 1973 by Sirima Bandaranaike, the world’s first woman prime minister.

“If Lake House had not been taken over, I would have become a journalist. So actually, Mrs Bandaranaike sent me to politics,” Wickremesinghe once told AFP.

His first appointment as prime minister was as a result of the May 1993 assassination of president Ranasinghe Premadasa by a suicide bomber. The then premier Dingiri Banda Wijetunga was elevated to the presidency, and picked Wickremesinghe — then Industry, Science and Technology minister — to replace him.A similar attack arguably denied him the presidency six years later: his main election rival Chandrika Kumaratunga was wounded by a suicide bomber just three days before the polls.

She brought the nation to tears in a television appearance with a patch over the right eye she had lost and received a significant sympathy vote, with Wickremesinghe losing an election many thought he would win.Now the political wheel may turn once more: the demonstrators who ousted Rajapaksa are also demanding Wickremesinghe’s departure, and Premadasa’s son Sajith is one of the leading contenders to be elected president next week.

Wickremesinghe long had a “Mr Clean” image, but it was muddied during his last-but-one prime ministerial term in 2015-19 when his administration was rocked by an insider trading scam involving central bank bonds.

His schoolmate and choice as central bank chief was a key accused, raising allegations of cronyism.

Wickremesinghe was also accused of protecting members of the Rajapaksa clan who have been accused of graft, kickbacks, siphoning off public finances and even murder.He takes charge of a bankrupt nation that has default on its $51-billion foreign debt and without money to import essential goods.

His status as a pro-West, free-market reformist could smooth bailout negotiations with the International Monetary Fund and foreign creditors, but he has already warned there will be no quick fix to the nation’s unprecedented economic woes.

“The worst is yet to come. We have very high inflation now and hyperinflation is on its way,” Wickremesinghe told parliament last week. “We are bankrupt.”



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Pakistan naval trio arrives at Colombo Port

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In a display of naval tradition, the Sri Lanka Navy formally welcomed the Pakistan Navy Ships ‘PNS Taimur’ and ‘PNS Aslat’, alongside the submarine ‘PNS/M Hangor’, arrived at the Port of Colombo on 01 Jun 26.

The Pakistan naval units made port in Sri Lanka for a goodwill visit as well as replenishment.

The visiting naval assets are commanded by a lineup of naval officers, with Captain Niamat Saeed Khan (‘PNS Taimur’), Captain Nadir Mateen Afridi (‘PNS Aslat’), and Captain Uzair Farooq (‘PNS/M Hangor’).

During their stay in Sri Lanka, the crew members of the visiting ships and submarine are scheduled to tour several key locations across the country.

Concluding the visit, the Pakistan naval units will engage in a Passage Exercise (PASSEX) with the Sri Lanka Navy off the west coast.

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IMF turning a blind eye to NPP corruption: Opp.

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Patali / G. L. Peiris

The People’s United Opposition yesterday (01) alleged that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) had turned a blind eye to serious corruption allegations against the NPP government and was going ahead with the USD 2.9 bn loan in terms of the Extended Fund Facility (EFF) programme, finalised in 2023.

Addressing the regular weekly media briefing at the Flower Road Office of former President Ranil Wickremesinghe, former Ministers Prof. G. L. Peiris and Patali Champika Ranawaka questioned the failure on the part of the IMF to act in spite of the NPP government engaging in open corrupt practices, contrary to the terms and conditions of the agreement/understanding with the lending agency.

The media was told that the IMF couldn’t absolve itself of the responsibility for the actions of the government, especially because Sri Lanka, experiencing severe economic difficulties, was receiving loans from IMF at over 8%. Ex-parliamentarian Ranawaka pointed out that what Sri Lanka received from the IMF was not JAICA-type soft loans and the country was further burdened.

Prof. Peiris and Ranawaka alleged that the IMF appeared to have chosen not to take up the serious and growing accusations, particularly over coal and fuel scams that caused massive losses. They claimed the government had taken decisions at the expense of the country but for the benefit of certain businessmen close to them.

Both Prof. Peiris and Ranawaka explained the circumstances under which certain persons and companies received privileged status to import very costly vehicles and even helicopters and aircraft as the government

wasted precious foreign reserves for the benefit of friends. Ranawaka named two companies that benefited from government actions while alleging that those engaged in lucrative coal and fuel business made a killing.

They pointed out that the IMF released the latest USD 695 mn amidst stepped up serious allegations against the government. (SF)

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Shavendra tells Beijing meet Sri Lanka should not become an arena for geopolitical rivalry among major powers

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Shavendra Silva

Former Commander of Sri Lanka Army with possibly the best battlefield record, having recovered the most amount of enemy occupied territory by troops he led from the front in the Vanni theatre of operations (2007-2009), General Shavendra Silva recently discussed growing challenges faced by smaller countries, like Sri Lanka, in what he called the evolving global environment.

Stressing that responsibilities must be shared across all states, the former Commander of the Sri Lanka Army told the 5th edition of the Wanshou Dialogue on Global Security in Beijing: “Major powers bear a special responsibility to exercise strategic restraint, avoid coercive practices, uphold international law, and contribute toward global stability rather than fragmentation.

Emerging and middle powers have an increasingly important role as bridge builders promoting dialogue, cooperation, and institutional reform.

For countries such as Sri Lanka, the path forward lies in principled and balanced diplomacy.

This requires maintaining constructive relations with all nations while safeguarding sovereignty, strategic independence, and national interests.

Sri Lanka has consistently maintained that its territory should not become an arena for geopolitical rivalry or military confrontation among larger powers.

Instead, our focus remains on strengthening national resilience through economic development, institutional stability, maritime awareness, modern defence capabilities, and agile diplomacy.

Credible domestic institutions, accountable governance, and national cohesion ultimately strengthen sovereignty while reducing opportunities for external interference.”

Referring to his service as Ambassador and Deputy Permanent Representative of Sri Lanka to the UN in New York, General Silva said that his engagements at the UN and other international forums reinforced the importance of defending national interests while remaining committed to reconciliation, development, and peaceful coexistence.

The celebrated battlefield commander discussed the transformation of global security, the future direction of the international order and the responsibilities of states in this transitional era. Silva said: “Today, security threats extend far beyond conventional warfare.

Cyber threats, terrorism, disinformation, economic coercion, artificial intelligence, and the weaponisation of technology increasingly influence global stability. At the same time, climate change, pandemics, food insecurity, and economic disruptions have demonstrated how closely national security and human security are now interconnected.

For Sri Lanka, located at the centre of the Indian Ocean along one of the world’s most important maritime trade routes, these developments carry direct strategic significance. Sri Lanka’s own experience offers valuable lessons.

The defeat of the LTTE, in 2009 demonstrated the importance of decisive state action against terrorism, while also revealing how modern conflicts become internationalised through financing networks, propaganda, illicit arms flows, and external geopolitical pressures.

The post-conflict period further reinforced the importance of reconciliation, economic recovery, institutional rebuilding, and long-term national resilience.

Smaller states increasingly face pressures arising from great-power rivalry, economic dependency, and strategic competition.

Sri Lanka has, therefore, consistently sought to maintain strategic balance while safeguarding sovereignty and constructive engagement with all partners.

China has remained an important development and economic partner for Sri Lanka over many decades. The relationship, strengthened through the 1952 Rubber-Rice Pact, expanded significantly in the post-war period through cooperation in infrastructure, connectivity, logistics, energy, and economic recovery. Projects associated with the Belt and Road Initiative have contributed to Sri Lanka’s development, regional connectivity, and post-crisis resilience. China also extended support during the COVID-19 pandemic and Sri Lanka’s recent economic stabilisation efforts.

The future international order must be shaped not by confrontation or exclusive blocs, but through pragmatic cooperation, institutional reform, and balanced multilateral engagement.

International institutions, particularly the United Nations system, must evolve to better reflect contemporary geopolitical realities and the growing voice of the Global South.

Without greater inclusivity and legitimacy, multilateral institutions risk losing effectiveness in addressing increasingly complex global challenges.

Equally important is preserving a rules based maritime order grounded in international law, particularly the principles of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea.

The international community must also establish clearer norms governing emerging technologies, cyber operations, artificial intelligence, autonomous weapons systems, and outer space security.

Sri Lanka’s recent economic stabilisation efforts further demonstrated that internal resilience is essential for maintaining strategic autonomy and an independent foreign policy.

It is also an opportunity to build a more inclusive, balanced, and resilient international order capable of responding to the realities of the 21st century.

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