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JRJ, The Leader of unmatched calibre

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by Sarath Amunugama

Sri Lanka had not seen a leader of the calibre of JRJ. In public, he appeared to be aloof with “ice running in his veins”. But among his friends he was a hospitable and friendly person who invariably ended a conversation with a sophisticated joke. In public he was austere in a dress of his own design. At home he wore long trousers with a fashionable bush shirt. As a young minister representing his country abroad he had always dressed elegantly in Saville Row clothes. In public he was not easily accessible. But anyone visiting him at home was treated with great courtesy.

Once he told me how he dealt with wedding invitations which are the bane of politicians. Anyone who personally met him and invited him would get a cheque as a wedding gift. Anyone who sent him a mailed invitation would get a congratulatory letter. At home with his wife and grandchildren and the family dog he was relaxed and enjoyed a joke often at his expense from his near and dear.n public he invariably wore an immaculate white `national with his wife and grandchildren and the family dog he was relaxed and enjoyed a joke often at his expense, from his near and dear. He had what the French called with admiration ‘sang froid’, which means ‘cold blood’.

Nothing in the early days would faze him. When in Pasyala he was garlanded with cadjunuts, JRJ happily started eating his garland while the audience of cadjunut sellers cheered. Once when on the comeback trail his enemies garlanded him with flowers which had red ants hidden among them. JRJ endured all the ant bites without flinching till the meeting was over. He then had the bright guy who introduced the red ants thrashed. In Nawalapitiya, when he was heckled by an onlooker, who had been set up by an opponent, he told Chandra Karunaratne his electorate organizer, that unless he got rid of the nuisance in two minutes, he will appoint another organizer for Nawalapitiya in five minutes. The heckler disappeared.

In the celebrated attack on him and Anandatissa de Alwis when they were on a protest march to Kandy, JRJ had spies in Mrs. B’s camp who told him about her plans to stop him from coming to Attanagalla (The infamous Attanagalla Doctrine). He arrived incognito to a house in Attanagalla the night before and calmly held a puja in the Maha Vihara the following morning and called off the March, after getting maximum local and international publicity organized by media genius Ananda.

In the meanwhile ‘storm troopers’ from Kandy led by Anuruddha Ratwatte and Clarence Delwala had cut down trees to block the road and attack the ‘Satyagrahis’. They waited in vain because JRJ had called off the march and with his men were back in Colombo. He had achieved his objective of getting maximum publicity when the Non–aligned movement was thinking of holding its next sessions in Colombo.

JRJ was a media savvy president. Being a well read and well-informed person he knew that media would play an important role in the success of his administration. His mother’s family, the Wijewardenes, were the media Moguls of the country. As a first step he wanted to put his personal loyalists or henchmen as the bosses of the main media outlets. As Chairman of Lake House he appointed his former private secretary, the amiable Ranapala Bodinagoda, a low key operator and fanatical JRJ loyalist.

He was a personal acolyte of the President and Mrs. Jayewardene and would attend to their small tasks which were confidential and needed instant attention. He was a habitue of Braemar and would keep his boss informed of political, social, and especially personal gossip, that he picked up at embassy parties. If you fed Bodi with gossip, you could be sure that it would reach JRJ within 24 hours. It was well known that he was the conduit for JRJ’s views which would find articulation in the Lake House papers on a daily basis.

Having got his boss’s ideas printed Bodi would rush to Braemar every morning with the early editions of his papers for his approval. The rumour among the Colombo glitterati was that JRJ could not begin his morning ablutions without glancing at the Lake House papers brought to him at the crack of dawn by Bodinagoda.

When the Times group became insolvent and was acquired by Government, JRJ appointed another of his henchmen-Paul Perera who too would convey JRJ’s wishes to his journalists but in a harsher tone. When Paul was nominated to Parliament, he was succeeded by another henchman Nalliah who was a kind hearted but ineffectual gentleman. The binding thread was that the wives of Bodingoda, Paul Perera and Nalliah were all members of the inner circle of Madam Jayewardene’s friends who were constantly seated in the veranda of Braemar supplementing the gossip that was liberally passed on to Godfather JRJ.

Consequently he was in the know of everything that happened in the social, business and administrative circles in the country. Bodi was at his best recycling Embassy gossip as he and his wife attended every embassy party and were highly regarded by the diplomats who knew of his connections and wanted a quick introduction to the President.

JRJ then extended his connections to radio. During the transition he, at Menikdiwela’s urging, appointed a well-regarded civil servant and my friend from Peradeniya days, Dharmasiri Pieris, as the Chairman and CEO of the State Broadcasting Corporation. He managed to bring some order to the SLBC in a short time.

Ridgeway Tillakaratne’s departure had been followed by a period of indiscipline which became a hallmark of the transition of management in State corporations. But the newly appointed Minister of Trade and Shipping, Lalith Athulathmudali wanted Dharmasiri as his Permanent Secretary. Perhaps Dharmasiri himself preferred the less stressful assignment which showed the sagacity of the new minister who went on to be a star in the new cabinet.

When the name of Neville Jayaweera was suggested by me as Dharmasiri’s replacement at SLBC, JRJ shot down the idea on the somewhat curious grounds that Jayaweera ‘was too old’. The real reason may be that Jayaweera went around accusing JRJ of being involved in the military coup of 1962. Later it appeared that he had rushed to judgment. After interviewing Sir John Kotelawala in England on this incident Jayaweera recanted and wrote to the papers that it was Dudley who was culpable and not JRJ.

By then it was too late. No wonder then that JRJ was not enamored of his former protege who had crossed over to the Dudley camp as the Chairman SLBC in 1968. JR had a long memory of insults directed at him. As he said to Rajiv Gandhi he “can forgive but cannot forget”. For the post of Chairman of SLBC he insisted on the appointment of Eamon Kariyakarawana who was his lifelong henchman. While Lake House journalists were divided in their loyalties during the Dudley-JRJ dispute, Eamon led the JRJ faction. He was a committed UNPer, who was as the saying goes, ‘an eating, drinking man’ and a popular colleague who ranked among the best-known Lake House journalists. His brother DF, was a perennial President of the Press Association. This position gave DF much power especially in arranging freebies, including foreign trips for journalists, which were coveted by all and sundry.

Before long Eamon had charmed the distinguished Board of the Corporation which included M.J. Perera, D. Rajendra and Jezeema Ismail. He and his chief advisor Thevis Guruge maintained good relations with both JRJ and Prime Minister Premadasa. As a result we had no problems with the political authorities – a situation which was quite unusual regarding the media.

I had the closest of rapport with my Minister, Wijetunga, who was content to let me handle the affairs of the ministry as long as he did not have any issues with the President and the PM. He was not in the least insistent regarding perks such as staff, vehicles and foreign trips. In fact he abhorred foreign travel and preferred to send his deputy Chandra Karunaratne or me on those assignments. Media personnel loved him because he was accessible and ever ready to confer benefits on them.

The only privately owned newspapers at that time were of the Davasa group owned by the Gunasena family. The Managing Director of this group was our old friend from Kandy, WJ Fernando. WJ, Wijetunga and I had worked very closely during the Dudley regime. This proved to be a bonus because the Davasa group looked on our ministry as a friendly and helpful organization.

This relationship was best seen in the episode of the print supply for the Davasa newspaper. One day WJ called me in a panic saying that their shipment of newsprint was getting delayed and there was the real possibility of a shutdown. It would be a slur on the newly formed government which came to power on the slogan of freedom of the press. I immediately called my Minister and asked for his approval to mediate in this matter.

He was more than happy to oblige since WJ himself had asked for help. My solution was to ask Bodinagoda of Lake House to advance an emergency stock of their newsprint to the Davasa group till such time as they would get their own stocks and return the amount of newsprint borrowed. Though this appeared to be a horrific solution to some Lake House journalists who would have loved to see their rivals shortchanged, Chairman Bodi was willing and the transfer was made.

The Davasa and Sun newspapers in their editorials of the following day publicly praised the Minister and me saying they were publishing the .newspaper only because of our cooperation. There was an interesting sequel to these editorials. As soon as they were published, Minister Premadasa telephoned me in the early hours to thank me for my initiative. But the sting was in the tail. As an old friend he asked me to include him also as a contributor to good relations with the newspapers so that any future editorial would refer to his assistance as well.

Needless to say 1 was impressed by his dedication and attention to detail which was a hallmark of his ascent to power. The new regime also brought Esmond Wickremesinghe back to the media scene in a big way. There was early speculation that he would come to Parliament and assume the post of Foreign Minister. But JRJ had a different view. He brought in Esmond’s son Ranil to Parliament and made him the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs under ACS Hameed who had taken his side during the Dudley–JRJ conflict in the party.

He wanted to be his own Foreign Minister relegating Hameed to activities dealing with the non-aligned movement and the Middle East. He thought correctly that the Middle East provided many opportunities and a Muslim minister would be an asset in counterbalancing of Indian interests. Since he himself had been a special envoy to the San Francisco conference in 1951 where he had won his spurs, JRJ also introduced the practice of adding roving Ambassadors and Special envoys to his foreign policy establishment. Leading these envoys were his brother Harry Jayewardene and Esmond Wickremesinghe.

On occasion he would also use Gamini Dissanayake and Lalith Athulathmudali much to the chagrin of Hameed. However Hameed was much too cunning to enter into a turf battle with these heavyweights. He managed to secure his position by proposing that Harry Jayewardene be promoted as a candidate for the International Court of Justice. This naturally elated the Jayewardene brothers and Hameed was permitted to undertake more trips abroad which he enjoyed enormously, under the guise of canvassing for Harry. In order to strengthen his credibility with JRJ he managed to get Harry in to a high level UN fact finding committee on Iran which received much publicity in the local media.

The other high profile envoy who got Hameed’s goat was Esmond Wickremesinghe who had regular meetings with the President and advised him on international affairs, especially relations with India. Soon India became a ‘no go’ area for Hameed because Esmond had set up a back channel with Indira Gandhi through his friend Ralph Buultjens who was a Professor of Political Science in New York. Indira Gandhi had requested, through Esmond, that Hameed be kept out of India as her Customs officials had briefed her that our Foreign minister was bringing gems into their country. All this meddling and trickery led to confusion in our Foreign Ministry which contributed to the bad relations with the Gandhi regime which had catastrophic consequences for Sri Lanka leading to a thirty year ethnic conflict in the island.

(Next week The JRJ Persona)
(Excerpted from the recently published Volume 2 of Sarath Amunugama’s autobiography)



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Features

Peace march and promise of reconciliation

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Peace walk in progress

The ongoing peace march by a group of international Buddhist monks has captured the sentiment of Sri Lankans in a manner that few public events have done in recent times. It is led by the Vietnamese monk Venerable Thich Pannakara who is associated with a mindfulness movement that has roots in Vietnamese Buddhist practice and actively promoted among diaspora communities in the United States. The peace march by the monks, accompanied by their mascot, the dog Aloka, has generated affection and goodwill within the Buddhist and larger community. It follows earlier peace walks in the United States where monks carried a similar message of mindfulness and compassion across communities but without any government or even media patronage as in Sri Lanka.

This initiative has the potential to unfold into an effort to nurture a culture of peace in Sri Lanka. Such a culture is necessary if the country as the country prepares to move beyond its history of conflict towards a more longlasting reconciliation and a political solution to its ethnic and religious divisions. The government’s support for the peace march can be seen as part of a broader attempt to shape such a culture. The Clean Sri Lanka programme, promoted by the government as a civic responsibility campaign focused on environmental cleanliness, ethical conduct and social discipline, provides a useful framework within which such initiatives can be situated. Its emphasis on collective responsibility and shared public space makes it sit well with the values that peacebuilding requires.

government’s previous plan to promote a culture of peace was on the occasion of “Sri Lanka Day” celebrations which were scheduled to take place on December 12-14 last year but was disrupted by Cyclone Ditwah. The Sri Lanka Day celebrations were to include those talented individuals from each and every community at the district level who had excelled in some field or the other, such as science, business or arts and culture and selected by the District Secretariats in each of the 25 districts. They were to gather in Colombo to engage in cultural performances and community-focused exhibitions. The government’s intention was to build up a discourse around the ideas of unity in diversity as a precursor to addressing the more contentious topics of human rights violations during the war period, and issues of accountability and reparations for wrongs suffered during that dark period.

Positive Response

The invitation to the international monks appears to have emerged from within Buddhist religious networks in Sri Lanka that have long maintained links with the larger international Buddhist community. The strong support extended by leading temples and clergy within the country, including the Buddhists Mahanayakes indicates that this was not an isolated effort but one that resonated with the mainstream Buddhist establishment. Indeed, the involvement of senior Buddhist leaders has been particularly noteworthy. A Joint Declaration for Peace in the world, drawing on Sri Lanka’s own experience, and by the Mahanayakes of all Buddhist Chapters took place in the context of the ongoing peace march at the Gangaramaya Temple in Colombo, with participation from the diplomatic community. The declaration, calling for compassion, dialogue and sustainable peace, reflects an effort by religious leadership to assert a moral voice in favour of coexistence.

The popular response to the peace march has also been striking. Large numbers of people have been gathering along the route, offering flowers, water and support to the monks. Schoolchildren have been lining the roads, and communities from different religious backgrounds extend hospitality. On the way, the monks were hosted by both a Hindu temple and a mosque, where food and refreshments were provided. These acts, though simple, carry a message about the possibility of harmony among Sri Lanka’s diverse communities. It helps to counter the perception that the Buddhist community in Sri Lanka is inherently nationalist and resistant to minority concerns that was shaped during the decades of war and reinforced by political mobilisation that too often exploited ethnic identity.

By way of contrast, the peace march offers a different image. It shows a readiness among ordinary people to embrace values of compassion and coexistence that are deeply embedded in Buddhist teaching. The Metta Sutta, one of the most well-known discourses in Buddhism, calls for boundless goodwill towards all beings. It states that one should cultivate a mind that is “boundless towards all beings, free from hatred and ill will.” This emphasis on universal compassion provides a moral foundation for peace that extends beyond national or ethnic boundaries. The monks themselves emphasised this point repeatedly during the walk. Venerable Thich Pannakara reminded those who gathered that while acts of generosity are commendable, mindfulness in everyday life is even more important. He warned that as people become unmindful, they are more prone to react with anger and hatred, thereby contributing to conflict.

More Initiatives

The presence of political leaders at key moments of the march has emphasised the significance that the government attaches to the event. Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya paid her respects to the peace march monks in Kandy, while President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is expected to do so at the conclusion of the march in Colombo. Such gestures signal an alignment between political authority and moral aspiration, even if the translation of that aspiration into policy remains a work in progress. At the same time, the peace march has not been without its shortcomings. The walk did not engage with the Northern and Eastern parts of the country, regions that were most affected by the war and where the need for reconciliation is most acute. A more inclusive geographic reach would have strengthened the symbolic impact of the initiative.

In addition, the positive impact of the peace march could have been increased if more effort had been taken to coordinate better with other civic and religious groups and include them in the event. Many civil society and religious harmony groups who would have liked to participate in the peace march found themselves unable to do so. There was no place in the programme for them to join. Even government institutions tasked with promoting social cohesion and reconciliation found themselves outside the loop. The Clean Sri Lanka Task Force that organised the peace march may have felt that involving other groups would have made it more complicated to organise the events which have proceeded without problems.

The hope is that the positive energy and goodwill generated by this peace march will not dissipate but will instead inspire further initiatives with the requisite coordination and leadership. The march has generated public discussion, drawn attention to the values of mindfulness and compassion, and created a space in which people can imagine a different future. It has been a special initiative among the many that are needed to build a culture of peace. A culture of peace cannot be imposed from above nor can it emerge overnight. It needs to be nurtured through multiple efforts across society, including education, religious engagement, civic initiatives and political reform. It is within such a culture that the more difficult questions of power sharing, justice and reconciliation can be addressed in a constructive manner.

by Jehan Perera

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Regional Universities

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Development initiatives: Faculty of Technology, University of Jaffna and NCDB

The countryside and peripheral regions have been neglected in the national imagination for many decades. This has also been the case with regional universities which were seen as mere appendages to the university system, and sometimes created to appease political constituencies in the regions. The exclusion of the rural world and the institutions in those regions was not accidental nor inevitable, but the consequence of conscious policies promoted under an extractive and exploitative global order. Neoliberalism globalisation, initiated in the late 1970s with far-reaching policies of free trade and free flow of capital, or the “open economy,” as we call it in Sri Lanka, is now dying. The United States and the Western countries that promoted neoliberalism, as a class project of finance capital to address the falling profits during the long economic downturn in the 1970s, are themselves reversing their policies and are at loggerheads with each other. However, those economic processes will continue to have national consequences into the future.

At the heart of such policies is the neoliberal city, which has become the centre of the economy with expanding financial businesses and a real estate boom. Such financialised cities also had their impact on universities, in lower income countries, where commercialised education with high fees, rising student debt, research for businesses and transnational educational linkages with branch campuses of Western universities, have become a reality.

In the case of Sri Lanka, while neoliberal policies began with the IMF and World Bank Structural Adjustment Programmes, in the late 1970s, the long civil war forestalled the accelerated growth of the neoliberal city. I have argued, over the last decade and a half, that it is with the end of the civil war, in 2009, coinciding with the global financial crisis, that a second wave of neoliberalism in Sri Lanka led to global finance capital being absorbed in infrastructure and real estate in Colombo. The transformation of Colombo into a neoliberal city was overseen by Gotabaya Rajapaksa as Defence Secretary with even the Urban Development Authority brought under the security establishment. While Colombo was drastically changing with a skyline of new buildings and shiny luxury vehicles drawing on massive external debt, there were also moves to promote private higher education institutions. The Board of Investment (BOI) registered many hundred so-called higher education institutions; these were not regulated and many mushroomed like supermarkets and disappeared in no time when they incurred losses.

In contrast to these so-called private higher education institutions that proliferated in and around Colombo, Sri Lanka, drawing on its free education system, has, over the last many decades, also created a number of state universities in peripheral regions. However, these regional universities lack adequate funding and a clear vision and purpose. The current conjuncture with the neoliberal global order unravelling, and the immediate global crisis in energy and transport are grim reminders of the importance of local economies and self-sufficiency. In this column I consider the role of our regional universities and their relationship to the communities within which they are embedded.

Regional context

The necessity and the advantage of robust public services is their reach into peripheral regions and marginalised communities. This is true of public transport, as it is with public hospitals. Private buses will always avoid isolated rural routes as their margins only increase on the busy routes between cities and towns. And private hospitals and clinics flock to the cities to extract from desperate patients, including by unscrupulous doctors who divert patients in public hospitals to be served in the private health facilities they moonlight. Similarly, it is affluent cities and towns that are the attraction for private educational institutions.

Public institutions, including universities, can only ensure their public role if they are adequately funded. Over the last decade and a half, with falling allocations for education, our state universities have been pushed into initiating fee levying courses, both at the post-graduate level and also for undergraduate international students. These programmes are seen as avenues to decrease the dependence of universities on budgetary support. However, the reality is that it is only universities in Colombo that can draw in students capable of paying such high fees. Furthermore, such fee levying courses end up pushing academics into overwork including by offering additional income.

Therefore, allocations for underfunded regional universities need to be steadily increased. Housing facilities and other services for academics working in rural districts would ensure their continued presence and greater engagement with the local communities. Increased time away from teaching and research funding earmarked for community engagement will provide clear direction for academics. Indeed, such funding with a clear vision and role for regional universities can provide considerable social returns. In a time when repeated crises are affecting our society, agricultural production to bolster our food system as well as rural income streams and employment are major issues. Here, regional universities have an important role today in developing social and economic alternatives.

Reimagining development

In recent months, there have been interesting initiatives in the Northern Province, where the Universities of Jaffna and Vavuniya have been engaging state institutions on issues of development. In an initiative to bring different actors together, high level meetings have been convened between the staff of the Agriculture Faculty and officials of the Provincial Agriculture Ministry to figure out solutions for long pending agricultural problems. Similar meetings have also been organised between provincial authorities and the Faculties of Technology and Engineering in Kilinochchi. These initiatives have led to academics engaging communities and co-operatives on their development needs, particularly in formulating new development initiatives and activating idle projects and assets in the region. Such engagement provides opportunities for academics to share their knowledge and skills while learn from communities about challenges that lead to new problems for research.

One of the most rewarding engagements I have been part of is an internship programme for the Technology Faculty of the University of Jaffna, where four batches of final year students, from food technology, green farming and automobile specialities, have been placed for six months within the co-operative movement through the Northern Co-operative Development Bank. This initiative has created a strong relationship between the Technology Faculty and the co-operative movement, with a number of former students now working fulltime in co-operative ventures. They are at the centre of developing solutions for rural co-operatives, including activating idle factories and ensuring quality and standards for their products.

I refer to these concrete initiatives because universities’ role in research and development in Sri Lanka, as in most other countries, are often narrowly conceived to be engagement with private businesses. However, for rural regions, the challenge, even with technological development, is the generation of appropriate technologies that can serve communities.

In Sri Lanka, we have for long emulated the major Western universities and in the process lost sight of the needs of our own youth and communities. Rethinking the development of our universities may have to begin with an understanding of the real challenges and context of our people. Our universities and their academics, if provided with a progressive vision and adequate resources and time to engage their communities, have the potential to address the many economic and social challenges that the next decade of global turmoil is bound to create.

Ahilan Kadirgamar is a political economist and Senior Lecturer, University of Jaffna.

(Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies)

by Ahilan Kadirgamar

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‘Disco Lady’ hitmaker now doing it for Climate Change

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The name Alston Koch is generally associated with the hit song ‘Disco Lady.’ Yes, he has had several other top-notch songs to his credit but how many music lovers are aware that Alston is one of the few Asian-born entertainers using music for climate advocacy, since 2008.

He is back in the ‘climate change’ scene, with SUNx Malta, to celebrate Earth Day 2026, with the release of ‘A Symphony for Change’ – a vibrant Dodo4Kids video by Alston.

The inspiring musical video highlights ocean conservation and empowers children as future climate champions, honouring Maurice Strong’s legacy through education, creativity, and global collaboration for a sustainable planet.

The four-minute animated musical, composed and performed by platinum award-winning artiste Alston Koch, brings to life a resurrected Dodo, guiding children on a mission to clean up marine environments.

With a catchy melody and an uplifting message, the video blends entertainment with education—making climate awareness accessible and engaging for the next generation.

SUNx Malta is a Climate Friendly Travel system, focused on transforming the global tourism sector that is low-carbon, SDG-linked, and nature-positive.

Professor Geoffrey Lipman, President of SUNx Malta, described the project as a joyful collaboration with purpose:

“It’s always a pleasure to produce music with Alston for the good of our planet. And this time, to incorporate our Dodo4Kids in the video urging the next generation of young climate champions to help save our seas.”

For Alston, now based in Australia, the collaboration continues a long-standing journey of climate-focused creativity:

Says Alston: “I have been working on climate songs since the first release, in 2009, of the video ‘Act Now.’ Since then, I’ve performed at major global events—from Bali to Glasgow. I wrote this song because the climate horizon is darkening, and our kids and grandkids are our best hope for a brighter future.”

Alston’s very first climate song is ‘Can We Take This Climate Change,’ released in 2008.

It was written by Alston for the World Trade Organisation presentation, in London, and presented at ‘Live the Deal Climate Change’ conference in Copenhagen.

The Sri Lankan-born singer was goodwill ambassador for the campaign, and the then UK Minister Barbara Follett called it a “gift in song to the world suffering due to climate change.”

Alston said he wrote it after noticing butterflies, birds, and fruit trees disappearing from his childhood days.

In 2017, his creation ‘Make a Change’ was released in connection with World Tourism Day 2017.

Alston Koch’s work on climate advocacy is pretty inspiring, especially as climate change is now creating horrifying problems worldwide, and in Sri Lanka, too.

Alston also indicated to us that he has plans to visit Sri Lanka, sometime this year, and, maybe, even plan out a date for an Alston Koch special … a concert, no doubt.

Can’t wait for it!

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