Features
IPKF’S Withdrawal: Correspondence between Premadasa and Rajiv Gandhi – Part II
ANNEXURE “H”
New Delhi
July 11, 1989
Dear Mr. President,
I have your letters of 30th June and 5th July.
I do not wish to enter into a debate on various interpretations of mutual obligations assumed by our two sovereign nations. These are quite clear. I also do not wish to go into the validity of assertions like the LTTE having resumed violence on 2nd August, 1987 whereas the arms surrender started and the amnesty letter was handed over by the Sri Lankan Government to the LTTE three days later. We should let facts speak for themselves.
There is an Agreement between our two countries. This Agreement is meant to preserve the unity and integrity of Sri Lanka and to ensure the safety, security and legitimate interests of the Tamils. Nearly a thousand Indian soldiers have made the supreme sacrifice in fulfilment of India’s obligations as a guarantor of this Agreement. Since the signing of the Agreement, not only have the Provincial Council elections been held, but also the Parliamentary and Presidential elections. The situation in the North-Eastern Province is far more settled and peaceful than elsewhere in Sri Lanka. Despite all this, the devolution package promised to the Tamils has not been implemented. These are incontrovertible facts.
Both of us agree that the IPKF should be withdrawn. Both of us agree that we had commenced the withdrawal even before you asked for it. A broad time frame for IPKF’s withdrawal had in fact been discussed. Discussions on finalising the details were proposed by your Foreign Minister at Harare only a few days prior to your unilateral announcement of 1st June.
I have repeatedly said that the IPKF’s withdrawal schedule should be worked out through joint consultations along with a simultaneous schedule for the implementation of the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement. We are willing to resume discussions on, this subject at any time and place of your convenience. Your colleague, the Honourable Mr. Thondaman, who met me here, would have conveyed to you our desire for friendly relations and our willingness to resolve any misunderstandings through mutual consultations. If, however, discussions for this purpose are not acceptable to you, we will have to decide the details of IPKF’s withdrawal unilaterally consistent with our responsibilities and obligations under the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement.
While I reiterate Government of India’s willingness to cooperate with your Government to resolve pending issues, I must emphasise to Your Excellency that India has traditionally been mindful of the sanctity of the Agreements it signs with other countries and of commitments solemnly undertaken under such Agreements. India will under no circumstances deviate from this policy affecting our concerns.
It has been our practice to maintain the confidentiality of official correspondence, particularly ‘between Heads of State or Government, unless otherwise agreed upon. However, the gist of your messages to me was more often than not made available to the media before they reached me. Now I find that all our recent correspondence has been officially made public by the Sri Lanka Government. I may thus be constrained to depart from tradition by authorising this communication being made public, after you receive it.
His Excellency
Mr. Ranasinghe Premadasa
President of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka
Colombo
ANNEXURE “I” 12th July 1989
Dear Prime Minister
I am in receipt of your letter of 11th July 1989 which was handed-to me by your Special-Envoy.I thank you for the courtesy of sending him to Sri Lanka in an attempt to resolve the issues regarding the withdrawal of the Indian Armed Forces.
I explained to your Special Envoy and his delegation my position with-regard to the withdrawal of the Indian Armed Forces from Sri Lanka. I informed them that the discussions can continue based on the four premises set out below.
Firstly, the Indian Armed Forces arrived in Sri Lanka as a peace keeping force to assist in restoring peace. They came at the request of the President of Sri Lanka and were under his command as the Commander in Chief of the Forces of Armed Forces. Their invitation was in terms of Item 6 of the Annexure to the Indo-Sri Lanka agreement which says “that an Indian Peace Keeping Contingent may be invited by the President of Sri Lanka to guarantee and enforce the cessation of hostilities if so required.” The fact that the president of Sri Lanka is the Commander in Chief of all Armed Forces in Sri Lanka has been recognised by the Government of India.
Secondly, the Agreement was between the Government of Sri Lanka and the Government of India. There were no other parties to the Agreement. In fact the LTTE protested that they were left out of the Agreement and in fact their leaders had been confined for a duration of time leading up to the signing of the Agreement.
Thirdly, the presence of the Indian Armed Forces and the devolution of powers to the Provincial Councils are totally unconnected. I have explained this to you at great length in my earlier communications. I have told your delegation that the devolution of power by the Sri Lanka Parliament is entirely an internal matter. No foreign agency can oversee the implementation of legislation enacted by or compel the Parliament of a sovereign State to enact any particular provision of law. In any case, as stated in my earlier letter of 30th June 1989 you would appreciate that devolution is essentially a long term process. There is neither any legal nor any other rational basis for the presence of any military force to ensure that the process of devolution is complete. It would therefore be incorrect and unrealistic to contend that the Indian Armed Forces were expected to remain in Sri Lanka till the process of devolution is completed.
Fourthly, the Government of India undertook not to permit Indian territory to be used for activities prejudicial to the unity, integrity and security of Sri Lanka. I was constrained to point out to your delegation that Mr Padmanabha and others who are campaigning to keep the Indian Armed Forces in Sri Lanka have not only been permitted to publicly express their intention of making a unilateral declaration of Eelam whilst being on Indian soil but also to publicise such declaration on Indian national television.
I explained further to them that the invitation extended to the Indian Armed Forces was based on assurances contained in the Agreement that the time frame required for cessation of hostilities was 48 hours from the signing of the Agreement and for the surrender of arms was 72 hours from the cessation of hostilities. You would also appreciate that the decision to invite an Indian peace Keeping Contingent was in the context of resolve that a solution to the ethnic problem should be through negotiation and not by the use of military force. As such, the invitation could not have been interpreted as being one for the Indian Peace Keeping Contingent to engage itself in the prolonged use of force.
The reassurance with which I noted the withdrawal of Indian force when I assumed office turned to disappointment when I observed that the withdrawal was not being effected as expeditiously as possible. After careful consideration I decided that the 31st July 1989 was the suitable deadline for the withdrawal of the Indian armed forces from Sri Lanka.
The President of Sri Lanka could under Article 2.16(c) of the Agreement obtain Indian military -assistance when he thinks such assistance is necessary. In my Election Manifesto I promised to solve the problem, not by the use of force but by a process of consultation, compromise and consensus. The people of this country endorsed this manifesto. The dialogue initiated under this mandate has already borne fruit. The LTTE once the most intractable of the militant groups has ceased hostilities not only against the Government, but against all the people of the North and the East and indeed against all the people of Sri Lanka. They have agreed to join the democratic process and are now committed to settling problems by negotiation. In this context continued military action by the Indian armed forces is not only unnecessary but also prejudicial to a settlement by discussion and negotiation.
Action by the Indian armed forces is also gravely prejudicial to a political settlement with the LTTE who assert their need to carry arms as long as they are being attacked by the Indian forces and other militant groups who reportedly, enjoy the support of the Indian forces. Further the very presence of the Indian armed forces in Sri Lanka has made it difficult for me to enter into any dialogue with other political groups. In the meantime, certain groups in other parts of the country are resorting to violent activity on account of what they claim to be the inability of the Government to ensure the withdrawal of the Indian armed forces. The continued presence of the Indian armed forces is driving these groups to escalating their violence to crisis proportions.
My officials will be holding discussions based on these basic premises. I shall be replying the other issues including the statement attributed to my Foreign Minister raised in your letter of 11th July 1989 at the conclusion of the discussions between your delegation and my officials.
Yours sincerely
PRESIDENT
ANNEXURE “J”
19 July 1989
Dear Prime Minister
Further to my letter of 12th July, 1989 I wish to clarify certain matters referred to in your letter of 11th July, 1989.I agree that we should not enter into a debate. The terms of the Agreement are clear. The events leading up to that Agreement and the subsequent developments are fresh in our minds.
In regard to the cessation of hostilities by the LTTE, it is a fact that the Indian Armed Forces in Sri Lanka had not been able, even after two years, to ensure such cessation and complete disarming the militants. At the time of the signing of the Agreement it was envisaged that this process would not take more than five days.
I also agree with your assertion that the Agreement involves the acceptance of mutual obligations by two sovereign and friendly nations. The objective of this Agreement was to resolve the ethnic problem and to end the violence that was a threat to the unity and territorial integrity of Sri Lanka. The Agreement also sought to ensure the physical security and safety not only of the Tamil ethnic community but of all communities inhabiting the Northern and Eastern Provinces.
I must thank you once again for the assistance provided by the Indian Forces in response to Sri Lanka’s request for military assistance to guarantee and enforce the cessation of hostilities. We are sad that over a thousand Indian lives have been lost.
Sri Lanka for her part has discharged all her obligations under the Agreement and in particular taken all effective and meaningful steps towards the devolution of power.Sri Lanka has amongst other things, amended the Constitution, enacted legislation necessary to establish Provincial Councils, temporarily merged the Northern and Eastern Provinces, implemented the Official Languages policy, held the Provincial Council Elections, set up the infrastructure and provided the personnel and finances necessary for effective functioning.
I wish to reiterate that I have at all times held the view that the problems of the Tamil linguistic groups in Sri Lanka should be resolved, not by the use of force but by the process of consultation, compromise and consensus.Firm in this belief, I, as the Presidential Candidate, incorporated in my manifesto a pledge to secure the withdrawal of the Indian Armed Forces as a necessary prelude to political negotiations and a durable settlement. I did so in October/November 1988. The people of Sri Lanka, by an overwhelming majority endorsed this principle, both at the Presidential and Parliamentary Elections.
The events of the past months have proved the wisdom of my approach. The LTTE once the most intractable of groups have now agreed to eschew violence and join the mainstream of political democracy.You state that “the situation in the North-Eastern Provinces is far more settled and peaceful than elsewhere in Sri Lanka.” If this be so, there would be a lesser need for offensive action by the armed forces in these areas.
Furthermore, the substantial grievance over which the other Provinces began fomenting unrest, is the continued presence of the Indian Armed Forces in Sri Lanka. As you are aware, the agitation commenced with the signing of the Agreement and continued to escalate due to the presence of the Indian Armed Forces. So that, which ever way it is looked at, the continued presence of the Indian Armed Forces is an obstacle to the restoration of peace and normalcy in Sri Lanka.
Whilst we are both agreed that the Indian Armed Forces in Sri Lanka should be withdrawn, I cannot, for the reasons more fully set out in the annex hereto, agree that the terms of the Agreement do, or can in law be interpreted to mean, that the withdrawal of the Indian Armed Forces is in any way linked with or preconditioned upon the implementation of the process of devolution, or for that matter, the performance of any other obligation cast upon Sri Lanka by the Agreement.
The continued presence of the Indian Armed Forces or the conduct of any operations by such forces within Sri Lankan territory, is conditional only upon the concurrence of the Sri Lanka Government. It would therefore be unlawful for the Government of India to continue to maintain her Armed Forces within Sri Lankan territory in the absence of such concurrence.
It would be incompatible with the sovereignty of a State to concede a right for any alien armed force to operate within its territory contrary to the wishes of the Head of State who is also the Commander-in-Chief of its forces – from whom such alien armed force is not taking orders.
You would also appreciate that any continued offensive action against a section of my people who have publicly announced a cessation of hostilities against the Government and all the people of Sri Lanka would amount to the unlawful taking of civilian lives.
As already intimated to you, with the recommencement of the withdrawal process it will be possible to set in motion consultations to accommodate any logistical constraints which may arise.You have stated that my Foreign Minister has discussed a broad time frame for the withdrawal of the IPKF. According to him the former Indian High Commissioner in Colombo had intimated that some of the IPKF would be withdrawn by 30th of June and the rest by 31st of December. It appears that this had been a tentative proposal made by your former High Commissioner and I must emphasise that we have not at any time agreed to such a time frame.
I continue to receive reports of the forcible conscription of young people in the Northern and Eastern Provinces and their training at the hands of the Indian Forces. Since I wrote to you on this matter on 30th June, the situation has been aggravated. There is now an exodus of young people from the Northern and the Eastern Provinces fleeing from this conscription. A sizeable number is being accommodated in camps in Colombo.
I am thankful for the assurance in your letter that India has traditionally been mindful of the sanctity of the principle of observing the obligations of Agreements entered into by India. I wholly endorse the principle that Agreements should be observed. In this regard I invite your attention to the express provision in the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement that the provision of military assistance by the Government of India is “as and when requested” by the Government of Sri Lanka.
It should also be noted that the Agreement contemplates that the Indian Armed Forces will assist the Government of Sri Lanka and. not be operating on their own initiative.
However, if it is your view that the Agreement should be construed as creating an obligation for the Indian Armed Forces to remain in Sri Lankan territory without the concurrence and against the express wishes of the Sri Lanka Government, I as the President of an independent, sovereign Republic, would have no option but to treat the Agreement as being inimical to Sri Lanka’s sovereignty and national interests.
PRESIDENT
His Excellency Shri Rajiv Gandhi
Prime Minister of India Prime Minister’s Office New Delhi
India.
ANNEX
The entry into and the continued presence of Indian Armed Forces on Sri Lankan territory can be lawful only upon the express concurrence of the Government of Sri Lanka.
It is a peremptory norm of international law, that the presence of, or the conduct of operations by, any foreign armed force within the territory of a sovereign state, otherwise than with the express concurrence of the Government of that state amounts to an act of aggression. Such acts of aggression have not only been recognized as unlawful, but unequivocally condemned by the community of civilized nations. This principle has also been reiterated in several United Nations instruments.
In the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement several acts of co-operation are obligated upon the Government of India. The provision of military assistance is one such act of co-operation.An examination of the structure of the Agreement makes it clear, that the Agreement contemplated implementation without the use of force, that the Government of India, agreed to underwrite and guarantee the acceptance of the Agreement by the militant groups, who would then cease hostilities and surrender their arms.
The Government of Sri Lanka undertook to confine its ‘Armed Forces to barracks and to grant an Amnesty to the militants who were in custody.The rendering of military assistance is governed by Article 2.16 (c) which clearly stipulates that the affording of military assistance is “as and when” requested by the Government of Sri Lanka.
This Article makes it clear beyond argument, that the basic provision of international law regarding the necessity of the concurrence of the government of the domestic state in the entry of foreign armed forces into its territory, has been recognized and observed.
With the release of the militants from custody and the confining of the Armed Forces to barracks by Sri Lanka, and the failure to disarm the militants or to ensure cessation of hostilities, there was resumption of the violence which necessitated the request t for Indian military Assistance. Accordingly the invitation to the Indian Armed Forces was, as unequivocally stated in clause 6 of the Annexure, “to guarantee and enforce the cessation of hostilities”.
Any attempt to” construe this invitation as providing a mandatory’ right for the Armed Forces so invited to “protect” minorities or to oversee the devolution of power would be an untenable construction of the Agreement.Such a construction would neither accord with the clear understanding stated in the Agree-sent nor with the peremptory norms of international law.
Features
El Niño and Sri Lanka: Safeguarding food security in uncertain times
by Prof. Janaka Wijesinghe, Dr. Nishala Wedamulla and Gayathma Weerawanni
As climate variability becomes an increasing challenge for nations worldwide, Sri Lanka faces growing concerns over the impact of El Niño, a natural climate phenomenon that can disrupt rainfall patterns, increase temperatures, and place additional pressure on agricultural production. For a country where agriculture remains a vital part of the economy and rural livelihoods, preparing for climate uncertainty has become essential to safeguarding food security. Food security includes not only the availability of food but also access to nutritious and affordable food.
Climate-induced disruptions to agricultural production can affect all dimensions of food security. Vulnerable populations, including low-income households and rural communities, are often the most affected by fluctuations in food supply and market prices.
Cause of the phenomenon
El Niño occurs when sea surface temperatures in the central and eastern Pacific Ocean become unusually warmer than normal, influencing global weather patterns. Although the phenomenon originates thousands of kilometres away, its effects are felt across many regions, including South Asia. According to experts, in Sri Lanka, El Niño events can contribute to irregular rainfall, prolonged dry periods, higher temperatures, and changes in the timing and intensity of monsoon rains.
Sri Lanka’s agriculture sector is particularly vulnerable to these climate fluctuations and faces increasing challenges from climate variability, with the El Niño phenomenon emerging as one of the most significant threats to national food security. As global temperatures continue to rise, understanding and preparing for the impacts of El Niño has become essential for ensuring a stable food supply and protecting the livelihoods of millions of Sri Lankans. Mainly, rice, the staple food of Sri Lanka, depends heavily on reliable water availability.
Reduced rainfall during critical cultivation periods can lead to drought conditions, lower reservoir levels, and can affect paddy yields, while excessive rainfall at unexpected times can damage the crop through flooding, diseases, and poor field conditions. In addition, other crops, including vegetables, fruits, and plantation crops, may also experience productivity losses due to heat stress and water shortages. These impacts can result in food shortages, rising food prices, and reduced incomes for farming communities.
The consequences of climate-related agricultural disruptions extend beyond farmers. Reduced crop production can lead to increased food prices, greater dependence on imports, and challenges in maintaining a stable food supply. For vulnerable communities, especially small-scale farmers and low-income households, these impacts can significantly affect nutrition and livelihoods.
Need to reduce postharvest losses
In such circumstances, reducing postharvest losses becomes a critical component of national food security strategies. Food that is produced but lost after harvesting represents wasted land, water, energy, labour, and financial resources invested in the production. In Sri Lanka, significant quantities of fruits, vegetables, grains, and other agricultural commodities are lost due to inadequate harvesting practices, poor postharvest handling, unsuitable storage conditions, inefficient transportation, and limited processing facilities. During periods of climate stress, such as El Niño-induced droughts, these losses become even more serious because the available food supply is already under pressure. Minimising postharvest losses can, therefore, increase food availability without requiring additional land or agricultural inputs. Hence, strengthening postharvest management can make a major contribution to climate resilience. Improved harvesting techniques, better packaging, temperature-controlled storage, efficient transportation systems, and modern processing technologies can extend the shelf life of agricultural products and reduce wastage.
How to face challenges
Promoting small-scale processing and value addition can also help farmers preserve surplus production and maintain income during periods of market fluctuations. Achieving food security in an era of climate uncertainty requires a comprehensive approach that considers both production and preservation. Increasing agricultural productivity alone is not sufficient if a significant portion of harvested food is lost before reaching consumers. Reducing postharvest losses should be recognised as one of the most practical, cost-effective, and sustainable solutions for ensuring food availability.
Moreover, Sri Lanka has opportunities to strengthen its resilience against El Niño-related challenges. Improving climate forecasting systems and ensuring that farmers receive timely weather information can help communities make better decisions on planting dates, crop selection, and water management. Climate-smart agricultural practices, such as drought-tolerant crop varieties, efficient irrigation methods, soil conservation, and improved water storage, can reduce risks associated with changing weather patterns. Water management remains one of the most important strategies for climate resilience. Expanding rainwater harvesting, maintaining irrigation systems, and protecting watersheds can help communities manage water shortages during dry periods.
Importance of climate-smart agriculture
At the same time, Sri Lanka must continue to promote climate-smart agricultural practices. The use of drought-tolerant crop varieties, efficient irrigation systems, soil conservation methods, and improved weather forecasting services can help farmers adapt to changing climate conditions. Providing timely climate information enables farmers to make informed decisions regarding crop selection, planting schedules, and resource management.
Investment in research and innovation will also play a key role. Agricultural institutions and researchers can support farmers by developing technologies and practices suited to changing climatic conditions. Promoting crop diversification can further reduce dependence on a limited number of crops and provide alternative sources of income during periods of climatic stress.
Food security in the face of climate change requires cooperation among government agencies, farmers, researchers, private-sector stakeholders, and communities. Early warning systems, disaster preparedness plans, and supportive agricultural policies can help minimise the effects of extreme climate events. As climate uncertainty becomes the new normal, proactive measures are essential to protect Sri Lanka’s food future. While El Niño presents significant challenges, strategic planning, innovation, and collaboration can help the nation build resilience and ensure that every citizen has access to safe, nutritious, and affordable food. More importantly, policy support is crucial in building a resilient food system. Government agencies, research institutions, and the private sector must work together to develop sustainable agricultural practices and strengthen food supply chains. Diversifying food production and reducing post-harvest losses can also contribute to greater food security.
El Niño as a stark reminder
El Niño is a reminder that climate challenges do not respect geographical boundaries. While Sri Lanka cannot control global climate phenomena, it can strengthen its ability to adapt and respond. By combining scientific knowledge, sustainable farming practices, and effective planning, the nation can protect its food systems and ensure a more secure future in an era of increasing climate uncertainty.
As the climate continues to change, preparedness is no longer an option; it is a necessity for protecting Sri Lanka’s food security and the livelihoods of generations to come.
Features
Getting organised for the new arrival
BY Dr B. J. C. Perera
MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paediatrics), MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin), FRCP(Lond),
FRCPCH(UK), FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony. FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow,
Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
An independent freelance medical correspondent
KEY POINTS
=Being parents of a newborn baby is a tremendous responsibility.
=To attend to the necessary chores and duties at home, the home set-up must be well organised.
=The routine care of a baby, throughout 24 hours, is a demanding one. But if things are well looked after and prearranged, it would make the task that much easier.
=It is a joint responsibility of the mother, as well as the father, and all other inmates of the same household.
At long last, the baby has arrived, and the parents will be taking him or her home. Usually in uncomplicated deliveries, even after Caesarean operations, the baby is sent home in a couple of days. It is generally a hectic time, and if steps have not already been taken to get things organised at home, it can be quite difficult for new parents. Getting things in shape should have started well before the baby’s birth, but even if he or she arrives earlier and unexpectedly, getting organised at that stage is important to make life easier for both parents. This is perhaps easier said than done, especially for a young couple, but it is a process that would pay dividends. All that is required is plenty of common sense. Getting organised for the newborn baby well in time will make life that much easier in the subsequent months and years to come.
An important thing to do is to arrange everything in the bedroom so that the ‘baby things’ are easily accessible and you know where to find each item. As an example, it should not be necessary to look high and low for nappy pins once a nappy has been put on the baby. What is advocated today is to keep the baby in the same bed as the parents, and this means an extra cot may not always be necessary. It would also provide a little more space in the room, which would otherwise have been taken up by a cot. However, a small baby cot is sometimes useful to put the baby to sleep and provide some rest and relaxation to the mother.
If the baby is kept on the same bed as the mother, there is no danger of the mother rolling over the baby during sleep, as the natural in-built maternal instincts would wake her up at the slightest touch from the baby or the tiniest noise from the baby.
Clothes and nappies
The clothes and nappies of the baby should be easily accessible and available at all times. It is not necessary to buy a new almirah or a cupboard for the baby. A couple of shelves of a cupboard that is already in the bedroom would do nicely. Even a small separate wooden or cane rack with shelves too would be more than adequate for this purpose. The secret is to still have sufficient room in your own bedroom to move about even after getting the baby’s things organised. Sweeping and cleaning the bedroom should be done every day. Some people elect to wet-mop the floor, which is a really good thing. These tasks should not take too much time and could be quickly attended to when the baby is resting quietly after a feed.
Other people in the household and perhaps the father of the baby could help in this regard. Battery torch lights and emergency lights for power failures should be kept in places that are easily accessible, even in the dark. It is no joke to start looking for these things when there is a loss of electrical power. One needs to be prepared, as such unexpected power failures are so very frequent in certain areas of the country. Incidentally, there is nothing against the use of electric fans in the bedroom where the baby is.
During very warm days, it will only make the baby more comfortable. It will not cause any illness. The same applies to air conditioners, provided they are maintained well and serviced regularly. If there is a telephone in the house, it would be worthwhile getting a cordless extension so that the mother does not have to run around in circles to answer the phone while attending to the needs of the baby. This is of course minimised completely today with the use of modern mobile phones.
Feeding the baby should not cause any problems at all. The need of the hour is to exclusively breastfeed for the first six months. THERE IS NO OTHER MILK THAT COMES EVEN CLOSE TO THE GOODNESS OF MOTHER’S MILK – FULL STOP; NO ARGUMENTS AND NO BUTS. There is extremely convincing and overriding scientific evidence for breast milk being the very best form of nutrition for a new arrival. It is the golden elixir of life, and there is nothing else, absolutely nothing else, that is as good as mother’s milk for a baby. The infant milk-food companies can even shout from the rooftops but they have no chance, whatsoever, against proven scientific medical evidence. It is also important to stress that babies need to be fed on demand and very definitely NOT BY THE CLOCK. All babies will indicate by various actions when they are hungry and feel the need to be fed.
Breastfeeding obviates need for bottles, etc.,
Exclusive breastfeeding would obviate the need for bottles, teats, cups, spoons, formula milk powder, sterilising equipment, etc. There is no extra cost involved as well. Government legislation has provided working mothers with sufficient maternity leave to feed their babies with human milk for at least the first four months. If there are ways of getting a little bit more leave to stretch it to six months, this should be explored to the fullest, as the benefits of exclusive breastfeeding are worth a lot more than money could buy. There are added benefits of breastfeeding such as control of the mother’s weight and figure as she burns up a significant number of calories in producing her milk.
When it is time to give the baby a bath, arrange everything you need around the place where you are going to bathe the baby. Towels, soap, etc., should be at arm’s length. If there is help available at home in the form of members of the extended family or domestic aides, this is the time you could really make use of them. When the mother gets used to the procedure, bathing a baby is no big deal. In most instances, it is a thing that both mother and baby would enjoy. Get the baby used to bathing as early as possible. This will prevent him or her from making an almighty fuss at bath time later on. Almost all babies love to be in water provided they are introduced to bathing very early in their lives.
The mother must arrange her mealtimes and resting periods to coincide with the times when the baby is quiet or is sleeping. Mother’s meals just need to be nutritious, and everyday foods are more than adequate. It is not necessary to go out of the way to provide her with expensive supplementary foods or additional forms of nutrition. There is no scientific evidence to say that certain foods are not good for nursing mothers. The notions of “heaty” foods and “cooling” foods have no scientific rationale.
Most authorities believe that a nursing mother could and should eat anything and everything. The only thing necessary is to provide a nicely balanced and adequate diet. The mother needs to get a sufficient and acceptable amount of sleep, especially during the day. This is particularly important because she may have to get up several times during the night to feed and change clothes of the baby. Steps must be taken to provide her with these essential periods of rest. Organising a routine to help her with this aspect would be most desirable.
Father’s work schedule
It is also advantageous for the father to get his work schedules and duties rearranged as much as possible and in such a manner so as to provide sufficient time at home to help in caring for the baby. This, of course, depends on the exact type of work that he is involved in. In each and every case, a genuine effort should be made to have quality time with the mother and the baby. This is particularly useful for the first few months of the baby’s life. As far as possible, the father should be equally involved with the rearing practices of the baby. Looking after a baby should be a shared responsibility. This process also enhances the baby developing a very beneficial and desirable bond with both parents.
The arrival of a new baby should not lead to a complete social embargo for the family. One could travel outside the home with the baby, especially if the times of travel are carefully planned to suit the requirements of the baby, such as feeding times. Even then, if the baby is breastfed, he or she could be fed almost anywhere. Some babies are, however, prone to throwing up while travelling immediately after a feed. It is generally better to avoid intensely overcrowded social gatherings, but social visiting, attending weddings and parties, with the baby in tow, are quite in order, even when the baby is just a few weeks old.
If the parents own a car, it is a good idea to get a commercially available baby car seat that is fitted to the rear seat of the car. The sooner you get the baby used to travelling in this baby seat, the better it is for all around. It is the safest way to take the baby in the car. In some of the Western countries, newborn babies are not discharged from the hospital till a car seat is fitted to the car. Unfortunately, baby car seats are not that popular in this country, but it must be pointed out that they contribute a great deal towards the safety of a baby in the case of a traffic accident.
Unnecessary expenditure
Many parents spend unnecessary amounts of money on a baby. All kinds of expensive items, such as perfumes, colognes, powders, etc., are not quite essential for a baby. The natural milky smell of a baby is quite unique. The clothes that one buys for a baby should be simple, uncomplicated, light and preferably of cotton origin. Their design should be very safe for the baby. It is best to remember that babies grow up very fast, especially in the first two years of life and tend to outgrow clothes in next to no time. Even the toys for the baby should be appropriately selected and should be very safe and eminently affordable.
There is no reason whatsoever that the expenses for a little newborn baby should be more than what one would normally need to spend on an adult.
A newborn baby should be such a joy for the entire family, including the extended family. Grandparents would usually dote on the baby. If there are other children, it is important to provide the necessary attention to them as well so that they would not feel neglected. It would prevent sibling rivalry, and the other kids would go on to love the new arrival. All newborn babies are quite a delight and not a burden, and it is definitely their right to be treated as such.
Features
Shouldn’t foreign expert be appointed MD of SLP?
by J. A. A. S.R anasinghe,
Productivity Specialist
rathula49@gmail.com
The recent appointment of Vipul Misra, an Indian national, as Acting Chief Executive Officer of Sri Lankan Airlines deserves to be viewed from a much broader perspective than simply as an appointment to a vacant position. In my view, it is a sensible and courageous decision by the Government.
Sri Lankan Airlines is a national asset operating in an intensely competitive international aviation industry. It requires specialised aviation knowledge, commercial acumen, operational discipline and international exposure. According to the report on his appointment, Misra brings more than two decades of aviation engineering and leadership experience, including experience with major Indian carriers such as Air India, Vistara, IndiGo, SpiceJet, Kingfisher Airlines and Air Deccan.
Dr. Sarath Obeysekera, a high-profile CEO and the former Managing Director of Colombo Dockyard PLC contends the appropriateness of filling senior corporate positions of the public sector from foreign nationals, when positions of high-calibre CEOs are not locally available. He says that Sri Lankan Airlines has previously benefited from expatriate professional leadership. During the Emirates management period from 1998 to 2008, British aviation professional Peter Hill led the airline through rebranding, fleet modernisation, network expansion and improvements in service standards.
The airline reported profits during several of those years, although later analysis showed that gains from aircraft sales and leaseback transactions contributed significantly to some results. Nevertheless, the airline was run with greater commercial discipline, clearer accountability and considerably less day-to-day political interference.
Following the end of Emirates management, due to direct intervention by the then President, Sri Lankan Airlines faced turbulent situations and passed through numerous chairmen, chief executives, restructuring proposals, procurement controversies and political interventions while taxpayers continued to carry its debts and losses.
It would be unfair to suggest that every Sri Lankan chairman or CEO was incompetent or corrupt. Sri Lanka has produced many outstanding aviation professionals. The deeper problem has been a governance system in which even capable executives can be weakened by political appointments, interference in commercial decisions, frequent leadership changes and the absence of measurable accountability. He says that the arrival of Indian professional leadership is not limited to aviation.
Colombo Dockyard presents another significant example. Following the acquisition of a controlling interest by India’s state-owned Mazagon Dock Shipbuilders, Capt. Jagmohan was appointed its non-executive chairman. He is a naval architect with extensive experience in warship design, naval dockyards, shipbuilding and major maritime projects. (Mazagon Dock leadership)
This partnership could give Colombo Dockyard access to capital, technology, Indian and international orders, specialised naval work and a much larger supply chain. However, because the Dockyard is an important national maritime asset, success must be measured by the creation of skilled Sri Lankan employment, expansion into commercial and offshore engineering, growth in exports, transfer of technology and development of local managerial successors—not merely by a change of ownership or boardroom nationality.
The rise of Indian professionals should not surprise us. Sundar Pichai leads Alphabet and Google, while Indian-born executives have led several other globally important technology and industrial corporations. India has built an enormous pool of engineers, scientists, accountants and managers through technical education, English-language capability, exposure to large competitive markets and international professional mobility.
India’s formal national ambition is Viksit Bharat 2047—to become a developed nation by the centenary of its independence. The target is 2047 rather than 2040, and its vision specifically combines economic growth, skills, social progress, sustainability and good governance. (Government of India)
The important lesson is that nationality should not be the principal criterion for selecting the person to lead a strategically important State enterprise. Competence should be, according to Dr. Obeysekera. This principle should now be extended to another equally important national institution — the Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA), as this post has fallen vacant and an advertisement has appeared in the newspapers calling for applications from suitable applicants.
The recent discussion surrounding the vacant substantive post of Managing Director of the SLPA, including Dr. Sarath Obeysekera’s call for the appointment of a “developer, not merely an administrator”, raises a fundamental question: Are we looking for someone merely to administer the existing machinery of the Ports Authority, or someone capable of transforming Sri Lanka’s ports into major engines of investment, industry, employment and foreign-exchange earnings?
The distinction is crucial. On the other hand, one should not be over excited for the manner in which foreign nationals are employed not in hundred perhaps in thousands in manual operational activities in heavy industries in Sri Lanka. In the case of Shipbuilding and Construction industries, the deployment of welders and skilled workers have now become a norm rather than an exception.
Sri Lanka possesses enormous maritime advantages. Colombo is strategically located on one of the world’s busiest shipping routes, while Hambantota and Trincomalee offer substantial possibilities for future development. Yet the challenge is no longer simply to operate ports efficiently. The country must develop the ecosystem around them — logistics, ship repair, shipbuilding, offshore services, maritime industries, warehousing, bunkering, technology, investment and related export-oriented activities.
This requires a different type of leadership. The government should therefore consider applying the same bold thinking demonstrated in the Sri Lankan Airlines appointment to the SLPA. If the best person to transform the Ports Authority is a Sri Lankan, appoint that person. If the best candidate is an internationally recognised professional from India, Singapore, Dubai, Europe, Japan or elsewhere, why should nationality become a barrier?
Indeed, the Sri Lanka Ports Authority Act itself provides that the Minister shall appoint a “competent and experienced person” as Managing Director, whose responsibility includes directing the business, exercising the Authority’s functions and controlling its employees. That statutory emphasis on competence and experience should guide the selection.
What Sri Lanka needs is not another appointment based primarily on seniority, institutional familiarity or traditional public-sector credentials. It needs a leader with a proven international track record in port development, maritime logistics, commercialisation, investment attraction and large-scale project execution. Such a person should be given clear targets and held accountable for delivering them.
The appointment of an international professional should not be regarded as an admission of failure on the part of Sri Lankan professionals. On the contrary, it would demonstrate confidence in the principle that Sri Lanka’s national assets deserve the best available talent, wherever that talent may be found.
The government has already demonstrated this new approach through the Sri Lankan Airlines appointment. I respectfully suggest that it should now have the courage to apply the same principle to the Sri Lanka Ports Authority.
Our national assets are too valuable to be confined to a search for talent within national boundaries. The best person for the job should be given the job irrespective of nationality.
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