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Investment and accelerated progress during crises?

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Women in Sri Lankan State Universities – III

An adapted version of the keynote
delivered by Prof. Dinesha Samararatne
at the International Women’s Day celebration
organised by the Centre for Gender Equity and Equality for the University Grants Commission,
15 March, 2024.

(The second part this article appeared on 27 March, 2024)


Substantive equality means equality of opportunity, not only equality of access. In our context, having access to higher education is equality of access and being able to make informed and free choices based on your university education about your life and being able to enjoy the opportunities that come with such qualifications, would be substantive equality. I would like to make 3 specific points about substantive equality here. They relate to inclusion and progress for women within university, beyond university and in relation to our different disciplines.

On substantive representation within universities, consider the participation of women in student union activities in different faculties. I do not have the overall data for this but common experience suggests that this is an area that tends to be dominated by male undergraduates at the leadership level. At my own Faculty, men are approximately 10-12% in the student body but are more than 90% in the student union and it has been this way for more than two decades.

On substantive representation beyond university CHART 9 reminds us of the notable gap not just between men and women in the labour force, but how the data seems to change overall when we compare the number of women within university with women in the labour force. As we know, if we look at women in politics, the problem is much more serious. In my own field, law, this issue is quite pressing.

Women far outnumber men as law students but are rare to find in positions of leadership in the profession or in the judiciary. The data on enrolment to the legal profession in CHART 10n show that women enter in much greater numbers. However, research has shown that women become less and less visible in positions of leadership and authority.

On having a substantive impact within a discipline, let me draw examples from my own discipline. One of the notable gains made in the last few years is that the Sri Lankan Supreme Court has recognised that sexual harassment in the workplace violates a woman’s right to equality (Manohari Pelaketiya v Secretary, Ministry of Education SC/FR 76/2012, SC Minutes 28 Sept 2016 and Corea v Sri Lankan Airlines SC Appeal No 91/2017, SC Minutes 2 Feb 2024).

It is interesting to note that even though Sri Lanka accepted CEDAW in 1981, it is only in 2016 that our Supreme Court relied on CEDAW to interpret our right to be free from discrimination. In contrast, academic research, policy intervention and state appointed committees have, for a while, revealed the need to reform Sri Lanka’s personal laws, vagrancy laws and other aspects of criminal law, public law, land law and family law to ensure that the law protects women’s substantive equality. However, that research and evidence-based call has not yet resulted in substantive law reform. Although proposals have been made for over two decades, to date, we do not have an enabling law to give effect to CEDAW in our domestic law.

The reasons for some these gaps are not unknown. Surveys and studies have shown that perceptions about gendered expectations in the family is a key factor that influences women to stay away from certain types of work or to stay away from work altogether. But what are the factors that prevent women from enjoying substantive equality within university and how can we advance the opportunities to advance substantive equality within our disciplines? It is time that these questions concern all of us and we work towards addressing the problem in a more systematic way.

If we take the view that respect for human dignity is essential and that society must be committed to advancing human flourishing, we have to respect the right of all persons to enjoy substantive equality and ensure that higher education in Sri Lanka offers substantive equality in terms of opportunity. Of course, such commitment must be accompanied with the openness to critically reflect and question these concepts. It is only when we engage with the question of substantive opportunity in this way, that we can consider the question of substantive equality of outcomes.

The commitment to realising substantive equality is essential for thinking about investment and accelerated progress for women in higher education. Today we concern ourselves with women, but this obligation extends to any person or group that is being left behind, is excluded or is being discriminated against, intentionally or unintentionally.

Let me turn finally to what we can do to address this grand puzzle. I would like to suggest that if we are to think about Investment and Accelerated Progress during Crises for women in Sri Lankan universities, we cannot but prioritise the substantive inclusion of women in higher education. I will speak to four areas that could concern us.

These four areas require the adoption of an orientation of respect for human dignity, commitment to human flourishing and therefore to the substantive inclusion of women. You may note here that cultivating this dispensation is not a question about allocation or availability of funds, but rather about the value commitments that we chose to make as a community.

Administrators can review and revise their day-to-day practices and policies on this basis so that decisions, whether they relate to student admission, infrastructure development or policies on workplace conduct, will be undertaken on the basis of this commitment. Here, I think it is time to systematically review the policy on admission of undergraduates with disabilities to our streams of study. As per the UGC Handbook students with disabilities are admitted to state universities to study Arts, Commerce, Biological Science and Physical Science under special provisions.

The number of students admitted under this scheme 2010 to 2022 is provided in CHART 11. But for streams such as Law, Medicine or Engineering students with disabilities are required to compete along with everyone else for admission. I cannot go into this today but I do think there is a strong link between ensuring inclusion for persons with disabilities to these Faculties on a special basis and about ensuring representation of the lived experience and needs of persons with disabilities in these fields.

We know that even ensuring physical access for persons with disabilities to built environments in Sri Lanka has been a serious challenge. But when we remind ourselves that students with disabilities are not present in places where we study engineering or architecture, we perhaps begin to see why this is such a challenge.

Therefore, I do think that it is past time we revisit this policy and engage in a robust review, taking all views and needs into consideration along with Sri Lanka’s responsibilities to respect the dignity and rights of persons with disabilities. Let me note here that Sri Lanka has ratified the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and that our Supreme Court, in 2011 and in 2019 strongly affirmed the obligation on state actors to ensure respect for the rights of persons with disabilities.

Sexual harassment in higher education whether in the classroom, canteen or in the staff common room is another area in which we have made some progress, but where we still have a long way to go. Our energies should focus both on prevention of sexual harassment and on offering meaningful remedies and closure for victims of sexual harassment among us.

Academics can reflect their commitment to investment and accelerated progress for women in several ways. If we agree with the approach to investment and accelerated progress that I laid out today, it should affect our disciplinary engagements. How will the way we teach plant science or forensic medicine or history or Artificial Intelligence change if we consider women and women’s lived experiences as substantive and significant? In my own field, taking account of lived experiences of women led to significant changes in the law.

One example is the recognition of a battered woman’s syndrome in criminal law and another is the compulsory legal provision of maternity leave. However, there is much more work to be done at the normative, doctrinal levels and at the level of practice in advancing substantive equality for women in my own discipline. In my view, respect for human dignity, commitment to human flourishing are substantive concerns and should not be seen as limited to ‘soft skills’ or confined to the diversity and inclusion push that we see in many parts of the world today.

Academics and administrators should further utilise engagement as means for advancing the university’s commitment to investment and accelerated progress for women. Over the years and across the disciplines we have had inspiring examples of robust engagement by academics with communities including with communities of practice. In the legal field, Emeritus Prof Savitri Goonesekere easily comes to mind as a law academic who was able to bring together legal norms and doctrine in conversation with lived experiences of women to routinely offer robust critiques of the law – nationally but also at the international level.

Emeritus Prof Kumari Jayawardena is a similar example from Political Science. Her academic work is steeped in practice and lived experience all the while paying close attention to the politics of positionality and the academic disciplinary demands of objectivity. Dr Rajini Thiranagama is an example of an academic who paid the highest prize for living the life of a public intellectual, fearlessly critiquing those who abused power.

There are many other similar examples. It is through this synthesis of firm commitment to one’s discipline that is matched with openness to and engagement with different communities within and outside the university, that we can meaningfully think about investment and accelerated progress, particularly in a society where crises are normalised. I think we should avoid the trap of limiting engagement to partnerships and collaborations with other institutions, private sector, professional bodies etc and think more broadly about the university as an open space for engagement across the spectrum of society – from the CEO to the farmer to the unemployed and the homeless.

Time does not permit me to go into detail about the general conditions that are necessary for the approach that I have advocated thus far. If we are to meaningfully consider investment and accelerated progress for women in higher education, I think respect for academic freedom and institutional autonomy is a prerequisite. The right to dissent must be respected in the classroom and all levels of decision making in higher education. A journey towards the truth cannot be made, if we cannot question the status quo, whether it be in relation to teaching, research, administration or engagement.

Let me conclude by revisiting the individual stories I shared with you at the beginning. How would the lives of these women have changed if they could benefit from the kind of vision that I have suggested for investment and accelerated growth? Recall that in each of those stories, the women had access to higher education and completed their studies. Let me suggest some alternative outcomes for them, if they had the opportunity to enjoy substantive equality. Geetha who had an illegal abortion, would have had access to health care services in a society which did not criminalize abortion.

Sarala who was born with a physical disability and acquired more disabilities due to the war would have thrived at university because it was an accessible environment and she would have found suitable employment beyond university. Savitri who left academia in Sri Lanka – may have remained and persevered because she felt supported by institutional policies and governance.

Jeya, who regrets not being able to ensure accountability for the sexual harassment she experienced would have been able to seek remedies for the same and had closure. Jayani would have flourished in her work as a cleaner at university and enjoyed dignity of labour. Rani would feel supported at university to continue her studies and not feel guilt about not conforming to gender stereotypes about motherhood.

The alternative life outcomes I have suggested reminds us that for meaningful investment choices and for planning for inclusive accelerated progress for women in Sri Lanka’s universities, there is a fair amount of work yet to be done.

I acknowledge feedback I received from some of my colleagues on a draft of this talk and thank Ishan Kuruwita Arachchi for assistance in collating the data. The charts were developed for the limited purpose of presenting overall trends. The views expressed are solely of the author.

Dinesha Samararatne, Professor, Department of Public & International Law, Faculty of Law, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.



Features

2025 Budget: Challenges, hopes and concerns

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Sri Lanka’s recent government budget has sparked both hope and concern. While some see it as a positive step toward improving the country’s economy, others worry about whether the government’s proposals can be successfully implemented. This analysis explores the budget’s approach and what it could mean for the country’s financial future.

Credit Rating Improvement and What It Means

Fitch Ratings recently upgraded Sri Lanka’s credit rating, moving it from a risky “Restricted Default” (RD) to a “CCC+” rating. This shows that the country’s financial situation is improving, though it still faces a high risk of default. The government aims to increase its revenue, especially through trade taxes and income tax, but experts warn that the success of these plans is uncertain, particularly when it comes to lifting restrictions on imports.

Economic Democracy and Market Regulation

The government claims that this budget is based on the idea of “economic democracy,” aiming to balance market forces with government control. While it promises fairer distribution of wealth, critics argue that it still relies on market-driven policies that may not bring the desired changes. The budget seems to follow similar strategies to past administrations, despite the government’s claim of pursuing a new direction.

The current government, led by a Marxist-influenced party, has shifted its approach by aligning with global economic institutions like the International Monetary Fund (IMF). This represents a departure from its previous, more radical stance. The government’s vision focuses on rural development, support for small businesses, and an export-driven economy, continuing strategies from previous administrations rather than implementing drastic changes.

Stability and Continuity in Policy

One of the more positive aspects of the budget is its consistency with the fiscal policies of the past government. Sri Lanka’s economy has suffered from sudden policy changes in the past, often triggered by political transitions. By maintaining a steady course, the current government seeks to ensure stability in the recovery process, despite criticisms from political opponents.

Sri Lanka continues to face significant financial challenges, including a large budget deficit. The government’s spending in 2025 is expected to exceed its revenue by about LKR 2.2 trillion, leading to a deficit of around 6.7% of GDP. To cover this gap, the government plans to borrow both locally and internationally. However, debt repayment remains a major concern, with billions needed to settle existing obligations.

Tax Revenue and Public Spending Issues

Sri Lanka’s tax collection remains critically low, which worsens the country’s financial troubles. Tax evasion, exemptions, and inefficient administration make it hard to collect sufficient revenue. The government has raised VAT to 18% to boost income, but this could increase inflation, further harming families’ ability to afford basic goods. Additionally, corruption in public institutions continues to drain state resources, preventing effective use of funds for national development.

The Auditor General’s Department recently uncovered financial irregularities in several ministries, reinforcing concerns over systemic corruption.

Sectoral Allocations, Budget Inequities and Falures

Despite claims of prioritizing social welfare, the government’s budget allocation for key sectors remains insufficient. For example, while the government allocated LKR 500 million to improve 379 childcare centers nationwide, this amount pales in comparison to regional standards. In neighboring Bangladesh, the government spends around USD 60 per child annually, while Sri Lanka spends less than USD 25. It’s unclear whether this allocation represents an increase in funding or just a reshuffling of existing resources.

One of the biggest criticisms of the budget is its failure to address the high cost of essential goods, going against promises made during the election. Prices for basic items like rice and coconut are still high, due to supply chain issues, rising fuel costs, and tax policies. The absence of targeted subsidies or price controls has led to growing public dissatisfaction.

Public sector salary adjustments are also a point of contention. The government plans to introduce salary increases in three phases, with the full benefits expected by 2027. However, much of this increase was already granted in previous years through allowances, meaning the adjustment is more about restructuring existing funds than providing real pay increases. This slow approach raises concerns about whether employees’ purchasing power will improve, especially with inflation still a pressing issue.

The government has also urged the private sector to raise wages, but past experiences suggest that private companies often resist such requests. Without formal agreements or laws to enforce wage hikes, there is uncertainty over whether employees will see real wage growth that matches the rising cost of living.

Neglecting Vulnerable Workers and Obstinate Behaviour

Another group left out of the budget’s plans is casual and contract workers, who were expecting improvements in job security and wages, particularly those earning below LKR 1,800 per day. Despite promises made during the election, these workers have not seen any significant changes, which raises doubts about the government’s commitment to improving labor rights and income equality.

The government’s handling of private sector wage increases has also been criticized for a lack of transparency. In a televised discussion, A government representative became visibly agitated when questioned about the date of the agreement with employers, displaying obstinate behavior and refusing to answer the opposition MP’s inquiry.

Review of the Banking Sector’s Role in Govt. Revenue and Economic Growth

The banking sector helps generate national revenue through taxes such as corporate income tax, value-added tax (VAT), and financial transaction levies. However, the claim that it contributed 10% to government revenue in 2024 needs to be understood in context. Past figures have shown fluctuations in financial sector taxes, influenced by economic conditions and fiscal policies. The government’s growing reliance on the banking sector for tax revenue could signal financial stress, and this situation warrants further analysis to understand its long-term sustainability.

While the Sri Lanka Bankers Association (SLBA) emphasizes banks’ support for implementing the government’s budget proposals, their ability to do so effectively depends on broader economic conditions, regulations, and financial stability. Sri Lanka has faced persistent economic issues like high public debt and inflation, which could hamper the ability of banks to help implement fiscal policies effectively. The real impact of the banking sector in driving economic growth remains uncertain, especially given factors like currency instability and a lack of foreign investment.

Digitization and Financial Transparency

The proposal to introduce Point-of-Sale (POS) machines at VAT-registered businesses aligns with global trends in digital financial integration. This move is expected to improve transparency, reduce tax evasion, and increase banking efficiency. Research has shown that digital payments can boost financial inclusion and reduce informal economic activities. However, Sri Lanka faces challenges such as limited digital infrastructure, cybersecurity concerns, and resistance from businesses that still prefer cash transactions.

More digital services could strengthen anti-money laundering (AML) controls, improve transaction monitoring, and reduce cyber threats. However, shifting to a fully digital banking system requires substantial investments in technology, regulatory alignment, and digital literacy among consumers.

Support for SMEs and Development Banking Initiatives

The creation of a Credit Guarantee Institute for SMEs is a significant step. Research shows that credit guarantees can reduce lending risks and improve SME access to financing. However, past state-managed financial programs in Sri Lanka have been inefficient, often involving politicized lending practices.

For these new initiatives to succeed, they will need transparent governance, careful credit risk management, and strong regulations….

Conclusion

Sri Lanka’s banking sector is crucial for economic stability and revenue generation, but the increasing fiscal demands and the push for digital transformation present both significant opportunities and risks. Policymakers need to avoid over-taxation that could stifle credit expansion and investment while addressing digital finance challenges like cybersecurity and infrastructure gaps. The 2025 budget underscores the nation’s vulnerable fiscal situation, where efforts for economic stabilization are hampered by public debt, corruption, and welfare constraints. Achieving sustainability requires comprehensive tax reforms, better public expenditure management, and stronger anti-corruption measures. Without these reforms, Sri Lanka faces prolonged economic hardship, rising inequalities, and diminishing trust in governance. The budget also reflects a blend of ideological transformation and economic pragmatism, with policies largely aligning with past approaches. Fitch Ratings’ cautious optimism signals the potential for recovery, contingent on successful policy implementation. Ultimately, policy continuity is seen as Sri Lanka’s best bet for navigating fiscal uncertainty and achieving economic stability.

(The writer, a senior Chartered Accountant and professional banker, is Professor at SLIIT University, Malabe. He is also the author of the “Doing Social Research and Publishing Results”, a Springer publication (Singapore), and “Samaja Gaveshakaya (in Sinhala). The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the institution he works for. He can be contacted at saliya.a@slit.lk and www.researcher.com)

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Rethinking cities – Sustainable urban innovation

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Dr. Chandrasena

by Ifham Nizam 

Dr. Nadeesha Chandrasena is an urban innovator reshaping the landscape of sustainable development. With a background that spans journalism, banking, and military engineering, she brings a unique perspective to urban planning and environmental resilience.

Her work integrates cutting-edge technology with human-centered design, ensuring that cities of the future are not only livable but also adaptive to climate change and rapid urbanisation.

In this interview with The Island, Dr. Chandrasena shares insights into her journey—from her early days in journalism to pioneering the Smart Drain Initiative, a groundbreaking infrastructure project addressing urban drainage inefficiencies. She discusses the critical role of community engagement, the challenges of balancing innovation with political realities, and the urgent need for sustainable urban solutions in Sri Lanka and beyond.

Her story is one of relentless curiosity, problem-solving, and a deep commitment to building better cities. As she puts it, “Urbanisation is inevitable; our challenge is to shape it in ways that are inclusive, sustainable, and forward-thinking.”

Urbanisation is one of the defining challenges of the 21st century, and few understand its complexities better than Dr. Chandrasena. A trailblazer in sustainable urban development, she has dedicated her career to bridging the gap between technological innovation and environmental sustainability. Through her work, she emphasises a crucial message: cities must evolve—not just grow.

From Journalism to Urban Innovation

Dr. Chandrasena’s career path is anything but conventional. Beginning as a journalist, she honed her skills in field research and community engagement, which later became instrumental in her work as an urban planner. “Journalism taught me how to listen to people’s stories and understand the realities on the ground,” she explains. This background helped her develop urban solutions rooted in real-world insights rather than abstract theories.

Her transition into urban innovation was fueled by a deep-seated passion for environmental resilience. After a stint in banking and serving in the Sri Lanka Army Corps of Engineers, she pursued town and country planning, ultimately integrating her diverse experiences to address urban challenges holistically.

The Smart Drain Initiative: A Game Changer in Urban Infrastructure

One of Dr. Chandrasena’s most groundbreaking contributions is the Smart Drain Initiative—a next-generation urban drainage system designed to combat flooding and waste accumulation. Implemented in areas like Balapola and Ambalangoda, this technology incorporates IoT-based monitoring, predictive maintenance, and automated waste filtration to enhance resilience against climate change.

“Storm drains are often neglected, but they are the foundation of a city’s flood resilience,” she says. By modernising drainage infrastructure, her initiative is setting a precedent for cities worldwide to rethink their approach to urban water management.

Livability as the Core Urban Challenge

For Dr. Chandrasena, urban planning is not just about infrastructure—it’s about people. She identifies livability as the root problem that must be addressed in city planning. “Congestion, pollution, lack of green spaces, and inefficient waste management are all symptoms of poor urban planning,” she explains. Her work focuses on designing cities that prioritise well-being, accessibility, and sustainability.

Sri Lanka, in particular, faces unique challenges due to rapid urbanisation. With cities like Colombo struggling to accommodate a massive influx of commuters, Dr. Chandrasena advocates for affordable housing solutions near economic hubs and improvements in public transportation. “A city’s economic success should not come at the cost of its residents’ quality of life,” she insists.

Technology and Community Engagement: The Future of Urban Development

Dr. Chandrasena sees technology as a powerful tool for fostering inclusive urban development. From using social media for community consultations to deploying smart infrastructure, she believes digital solutions can democratise urban planning. “We need to move beyond traditional engagement methods and empower people through accessible technology,” she says.

Her leadership philosophy reflects this inclusive approach. Through initiatives like the MyTurn Internship Platform, she mentors young professionals, encouraging them to take an active role in shaping the future of cities. “Leadership is not about authority—it’s about creating opportunities for collaboration,” she adds.

Global Urban Challenges and the Need for Collaboration

Urban issues are not confined to national borders. Dr. Chandrasena highlights the importance of global partnerships, citing the twin-city concept as a model for knowledge exchange. By pairing cities with similar challenges—such as Galle, Sri Lanka, and Penang, Malaysia—municipalities can co-create solutions that address both local and global urban challenges.

Her work has not gone unnoticed. She recently won Australia’s Good Design Award for Best in Class Engineering Design, a testament to the impact of her innovative approaches.

Call to Action for Sustainable Cities

Dr. Chandrasena’s vision for the future is clear: cities must be designed to be resilient, inclusive, and sustainable. While challenges like climate change and urban congestion persist, she remains optimistic. “There are no perfect cities—just as there are no perfect people. But by striving for practical solutions, we can make cities better for everyone.”

Her journey—from journalist to urban innovator—demonstrates that change begins with a vision and the determination to act on it. As urbanisation accelerates, her work serves as a blueprint for how cities can not only survive but thrive in an ever-evolving world.

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Need to appreciate SL’s moderate politics despite govt.’s massive mandate

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President Dissanayake

by Jehan Perera

President Donald Trump in the United States is showing how, in a democratic polity, the winner of the people’s mandate can become an unstoppable extreme force. Critics of the NPP government frequently jibe at the government’s economic policy as being a mere continuation of the essential features of the economic policy of former president, Ranil Wickremesinghe. The criticism is that despite the resounding electoral mandates it received, the government is following the IMF prescriptions negotiated by the former president instead of making radical departures from it as promised prior to the elections. The critics themselves do not have alternatives to offer except to assert that during the election campaign the NPP speakers pledged to renegotiate the IMF agreement which they have done only on a very limited basis since coming to power.

There is also another area in which the NPP government is following the example of former President Ranil Wickremesinghe. During his terms of office, both as prime minister and president, Ranil Wickremesinghe ruled with a light touch. He did not utilise the might of the state to intimidate the larger population. During the post-Aragalaya period he did not permit street protests and arrested and detained those who engaged in such protests. At the same time with a minimal use of state power he brought stability to an unstable society. The same rule-with-a-light touch approach holds true of the NPP government that has succeeded the Wickremesinghe government. The difference is that President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has an electoral mandate that President Wickremesinghe did not have in his final stint in power and could use his power to the full like President Trump, but has chosen not to.

At two successive national elections, the NPP obtained the people’s mandate, and at the second one in particular, the parliamentary elections, they won an overwhelming 2/3 majority of seats. With this mandate they could have followed the “shock and awe” tactics that are being seen in the U.S. today under President Donald Trump whose party has won majorities in both the Senate and House of Representatives. The U.S. president has become an unstoppable force and is using his powers to make dramatic changes both within the country and in terms of foreign relations, possibly irreversibly. He wants to make the U.S. as strong, safe and prosperous as possible and with the help of the world’s richest man, Elon Musk, the duo has become seemingly unstoppable in forging ahead at all costs.

EXTREME POWER

The U.S. has rightly been admired in many parts of the world, and especially in democratic countries, for being a model of democratic governance. The concepts of “checks and balances” and “separation of powers” by which one branch of the government restricts the power of the other branches appeared to have reached their highest point in the U.S. But this system does not seem to be working, at least at the present time, due to the popularity of President Trump and his belief in the rightness of his ideas and Elon Musk. The extreme power that can accrue to political leaders who obtain the people’s mandate can best be seen at the present time in the United States. The Trump administration is using the president’s democratic mandate in full measure, though for how long is the question. They have strong popular support within the country, but the problem is they are generating very strong opposition as well, which is dividing the U.S. rather than unifying it.

The challenge for those in the U.S. who think differently, and there are many of them at every level of society, is to find ways to address President Trump’s conviction that he has the right answers to the problems faced by the U.S. which also appears to have convinced the majority of American voters to believe in him. The decisions that President Trump and his team have been making to make the U.S. strong, safe and prosperous include eliminating entire government departments and dismissing employees at the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB), Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) which were established to protect the more disadvantaged sectors of society. The targets have included USAID which has had consequences for Sri Lanka and many other disadvantaged parts of the world.

Data obtained from the Department of External Resources (ERD) reveal that since 2019, USAID has financed Sri Lankan government projects amounting to Rs. 31 billion. This was done under different presidents and political parties. Projects costing USD 20.4 million were signed during the last year (2019) of the Maithripala Sirisena government. USD 41.9 million was signed during the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government, USD 26 million during the Ranil Wickremesinghe government, and USD 18.1 million so far during the Anura Kumara Dissanayake government. At the time of the funding freeze, there were projects with the Justice Ministry, Finance Ministry, Environment Ministry and the Energy Ministry. This is apart from the support that was being provided to the private sector for business development and to NGOs for social development and good governance work including systems of checks and balances and separation of powers.

MODERATE POLITICS

The challenge for those in Sri Lanka who were beneficiaries of USAID is to find alternative sources of financing for the necessary work they were doing with the USAID funding. Among these was funding in support of improving the legal system, making digital technology available to the court system to improve case management, provision of IT equipment, and training of judges, court staff and members of the Bar Association of Sri Lanka. It also included creating awareness about the importance of government departments delivering their services in an inclusive manner to all citizens requiring their services, and providing opportunities for inter-ethnic business collaboration to strengthen the economy. The government’s NGO Secretariat which has been asked to submit a report on USAID funding needs to find alternative sources of funding for these and give support to those who have lost their USAID funding.

Despite obtaining a mandate that is more impressive at the parliamentary elections than that obtained by President Trump, the government of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has been more moderate in its efforts to deal with Sri Lanka’s problems, whether in regard to the economy or foreign relations. The NPP government is trying to meet the interests of all sections of society, be they the business community, the impoverished masses, the civil society or the majority and minority ethnic and religious communities. They are trying to balance the needs of the people with the scarce economic resources at their disposal. The NPP government has demanded sacrifice of its own members, in terms of the benefits they receive from their positions, to correspond to the economic hardships that the majority of people face at this time.

The contrast between the governance styles of President Trump in the U.S. and President Dissanayake in Sri Lanka highlights the different paths democratic leaders can take. President Trump is attempting to decisively reshape the U.S. foreign policy, eliminating entire government departments and overwhelming traditional governance structures. The NPP government under President Dissanayake has sought a more balanced, inclusive path by taking steps to address economic challenges and governance issues while maintaining stability. They are being tough where they need to be, such as on the corruption and criminality of the past. They need to be supported as they are showing Sri Lankans and the international community how a government can use its mandate without polarising society and thereby securing the consensus necessary for sustainable change.

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