Features
Internal armed conflicts: Inherent imbalances in accountability
Unlike conflicts between states where parties to an armed conflict are required to abide by internationally accepted rules of war, inherent imbalances in accountability exist in the case of internal armed conflicts between state and non-state actors for different reasons. This is the case with the armed conflict between the Sri Lankan state and the non-state actor – the LTTE. These imbalances are due to the fact that although the Sri Lankan state and the LTTE as parties to the conflict are bound alike, the evidence against the LTTE is not enforceable due the nonexistence of its perpetrators, unlike in the case of the security forces.
In such a context, where those who participated in the conflict on behalf of the Sri Lankan government and the LTTE are citizens of Sri Lanka, accountability for actions relating to the armed conflict should be guided by a combination of its existing domestic laws and those international laws that Sri Lanka has accepted as part of domestic law, except for military acts. Furthermore, the question of enforcing punishment for violations committed during and after hostilities ceased, is different due to the fact that identification and access to LTTE violators presents a near impossible challenge, while it is not so with the Sri Lankan security forces. Consequently, imbalances in accountability are inevitable.
THE IMBALANCE in ACCOUNTABILITY
The inherent imbalance between state and non-states actors such as the LTTE, enables them to evade consequences of accountability to an extent that it amounts to a virtual amnesty, while the security forces would be compelled to face the full rigors of investigations and punishment. The resulting outcome would be the serious polarization of the communities and a barrier to reconciliation.
In recognition of such an outcome, it is reported that the Government has rejected “OHCHR’s external accountability initiative” (Sunday Times, Sept. 7, 2025) on the grounds that: “Sri Lanka observes that external initiatives will only serve as hindrances to the ongoing national efforts and serve to polarise the population”. While acknowledging the inevitability of such an outcome by the Government is noteworthy, the Government should not overlook the fact that the exercise of any form of accountability, even domestic, would polarize communities because of the inherent imbalance in outcomes due the prevailing real life circumstances associated with the LTTE compared with the circumstances of the security forces.
For instance, despite the fact that reports exist of violations such as, assassination of Presidents, Cabinet Ministers and other political leaders, acts of terrorism, taking civilians hostage, shooting civilians attempting to flee the conflict zone, using the protection of civilians as a human shield to carry out attacks against the security forces, carrying out hostilities under cover of neutral objects such as hospitals, use of child soldiers, to mention a few, any individual, commander or former leaders of the LTTE could be held accountable, because either they do not exist, located or brought before a court of law.
This however, is not the case with the circumstances of the Security Forces that were associated with the conflict. Thousands of them along with their high ranking military officers and political leaders survived. Some of them have already been sanctioned on account of alleged war crimes based on alleged existing evidence. If serious investigations are carried out by an independent Prosecutor, as contemplated by the government, the possibility is that a disproportionate number of former security force members would be found guilty and punished for various crimes. Such an outcome would be inevitable if the government proceeds with its plan to investigate and prosecute perpetrators of crimes in the name of justice for the victims of such crimes.
Retribution in the name of justice ignores the fact that they happened to be those who gave their full measure of devotion to make the country whole and bring security to millions who endured insecurity of a sort that families would not travel together and parents would anxiously await the return of children from school because of possible terror attacks. Therefore, whether it is an external or domestic mechanism, any form of accountability exercise would be a blowback to reconciliation.
ALTERNATIVE APPROACH to RECONCILIATION
Justice to victims through Investigation and Prosecution that is being pursued by the Government is Justice through Retribution; a belief that relies on the warped notion that punishing perpetrators of crimes would ease the pain inflicted on the surviving victims. In the particular context of Sri Lanka, where two communities are involved, such an approach runs counter to the objective of Reconciliation, without which Sri Lanka would be a divided Nation. This division arises from the reality that Retribution is directed at the Security Forces identified with one community, while the need for Retribution against the LTTE for the crimes committed against their own people would with time fade from memory as it is with the JVP. Therefore, it is in the best interests of this one community to oppose the attempts by the Government to adopt Retributive Justice, and to propose arrangements that foster Restorative Justice because there is more to be gained by and for them, to be an integral part of one Nation.
On the other hand, the atrocities committed by the JVP involved one community. Although more citizens of Sri Lanka are reported to have lost their lives during the insurrections initiated by the JVP from 1971 to 1990, than during the Armed Conflict, NO attempt was made by the UN Human Rights Commission that existed prior to the current Human Rights Council, to adopt the doctrine of Retributive Justice, for whatever reason. Furthermore, although the public is aware of those responsible for the crimes committed by the JVP, the fact is that NO Domestic or Foreign Government attempted to initiate a Mechanism to identify and punish the perpetrators responsible. This has contributed immeasurably to healing and reconciliation within the Community to an extent that, after decades, the Nation has elected them to govern Sri Lanka. This should be the lesson for all communities, for the simple reason that the healing process is free of the enduring trauma associated with Retributive Justice.
The healing process involving one community has taken decades. When it involves two communities the healing process would naturally be over a longer period. Since it is in the best interests of the Sri Lankan Nation to expedite the process, the Government should seriously consider granting the broadest possible Amnesty to all responsible for the crimes committed, however serious, during insurrections and Armed Conflicts as called for in Protocol II of 1977 Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 1949. The primary justification for such an amnesty is because NO Investigation is in a position to establish with any degree of certainty the number of civilians who lost their lives due to measures adopted by both Security Forces and the LTTE. This compounds the imbalance associated with Accountability in whatever form.
Under the particular circumstance, where one party to the conflict cannot be held accountable, the most realistic option to adopt is what is stated in Article 6 (5) of Protocol II. This states: “At the end of hostilities, the authorities in power shall endeavour to grant the broadest possible amnesty to persons who have participated in the armed conflict, or those deprived of their liberty for reasons related to the armed conflict, whether they were interned or detained”.
CONCLUSION
The Report of the OHCHR Investigation on Sri Lanka (OISL) 2015 in its Conclusion states in paragraph 1267: “Counting or estimating the exact number of civilian casualties during the different stages of the armed conflict is impossible…”. Furthermore, another impossible fact is to establish the number of casualties due to measures adopted by the LTTE and separately by the Security Forces. The Report adds: “The LTTE caused further distress by forcing adults and children to join their rank and fight on their front lines. The fact that the civilians were forced to remain in the conflict area by the LTTE and suffered reprisals if they tried to leave added to the trauma that they lived through”.
Given these hard realities, it is not possible to identify those of the former LTTE who were responsible for such strategies because they do not exist. In contrast, although it may be possible to identify those of the Security Forces who were responsible for adopting measures called for by Military Necessity, unaware of its consequences to civilian lives. should they be investigated and prosecuted? This is the imbalance in accountability between the parties to Sri Lanka’s Armed Conflict. To hold the two parties to the conflict to different standards, is not Justice.
To start with, the Government should revisit its stand on what constitutes Justice. If it is to Investigate and Prosecute with an Independent Prosecutor, it is NOT justice for the reasons cited above. On the other hand, Restorative justice is not new to Sri Lanka, considering that out of “more than eleven thousand LTTE cadres who surrendered or were detained… 595 former LTTE child soldiers were rehabilitated…and reunited with their families… while a further 6130 were rehabilitated by 2011” (p.82, Ministry of Defence).
With such a history, the Government should explore all possibilities of Restorative Justice, starting with a blanket Amnesty to ALL associated with Insurrections and the Armed Conflict and extend it beyond to restore the livelihood and wellbeing of the survivors in ALL communities.
To achieve the desired results, the Government should carry out a National Campaign to convince the public of the merits of such an approach backed by Parliamentary approval without which it would not be possible to forge unity among ALL communities in a united Sri Lankan Nation. Having demonstrated a national consensus, the Government should initiate a Resolution and canvas members of the UNHRC of the need for the approach adopted if Sri Lanka is to be a reconciled nation.
by Neville Ladduwahetty
Features
Cricket and the National Interest
The appointment of former minister Eran Wickremaratne to chair the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee is significant for more than the future of cricket. It signals a possible shift in the culture of governance even as it offers Sri Lankan cricket a fighting possibility to get out of the doldrums of failure. There have been glorious patches for the national cricket team since the epochal 1996 World Cup triumph. But these patches of brightness have been few and far between and virtually non-existent over the past decade. At the centre of this disaster has been the failures of governance within Sri Lanka Cricket which are not unlike the larger failures of governance within the country itself. The appointment of a new reform oriented committee therefore carries significance beyond cricket. It reflects the wider challenge facing the country which is to restore trust in public institutions for better management.
The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne brings a professional administrator with a proven track record into the cricket arena. He has several strengths that many of his immediate predecessors lacked. Before the ascent of the present government leadership to positions of power, Eran Wickremaratne was among the handful of government ministers who did not have allegations of corruption attached to their names. His reputation for financial professionalism and integrity has remained intact over many years in public life. With him in the Cricket Transformation Committee are also respected former cricketers Kumar Sangakkara, Roshan Mahanama and Sidath Wettimuny together with professionals from legal and business backgrounds. They have been tasked with introducing structural reforms and improving transparency and accountability within cricket administration.
A second reason for this appointment to be significant is that this is possibly the first occasion on which the NPP government has reached out to someone associated with the opposition to obtain assistance in an area of national importance. The commitment to bipartisanship has been a constant demand from politically non-partisan civic groups and political analysts. They have voiced the opinion that the government needs to be more inclusive in its choice of appointments to decision making authorities. The NPP government’s practice so far has largely been to limit appointments to those within the ruling party or those considered loyalists even at the cost of proven expertise. The government’s decision in this case therefore marks a potentially important departure.
National Interest
There are areas of public life where national interest should transcend party divisions and cricket, beloved of the people, is one of them. Sri Lanka cannot afford to continue treating every institution as an arena for political competition when institutions themselves are in crisis and public confidence has become fragile. It is therefore unfortunate that when the government has moved positively in the direction of drawing on expertise from outside its own ranks there should be a negative response from sections of the opposition. This is indicative of the absence of a culture of bipartisanship even on issues that concern the national interest. The SJB, of which the newly appointed cricket committee chairman was a member objected on the grounds that politicians should not hold positions in sports administration and asked him to resign from the party. There is a need to recognise the distinction between partisan political control and the temporary use of experienced administrators to carry out reform and institutional restructuring. In other countries those in politics often join academia and civil society on a temporary basis and vice versa.
More disturbing has been the insidious campaign carried out against the new cricket committee and its chairman on the grounds of religious affiliation. This is an unacceptable denial of the reality that Sri Lanka is a plural, multi ethnic and multi religious society. The interim committee reflects this diversity to a reasonable extent. The country’s long history of ethnic conflict should have taught all political actors the dangers of mobilising communal prejudice for short term political gain. Sri Lanka paid a very heavy price for decades of mistrust and division. It would be tragic if even cricket administration became another arena for communal suspicion and hostility. The present government represents an important departure from the sectarian rhetoric that was employed by previous governments. They have repeatedly pledged to protect the equal rights of all citizens and not permit discrimination or extremism in any form.
The recent international peace march in Sri Lanka led by the Venerable Bhikkhu Thich Paññākāra from Vietnam with its message of loving kindness and mindfulness to all resonated strongly with the masses of people as seen by the crowds who thronged the roadsides to obtain blessings and show respect. This message stands in contrast to the sectarian resentment manifested by those who seek to use the cricket appointments as a weapon to attack the government at the present time. The challenges before the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee parallel the larger challenges before the government in developing the national economy and respecting ethnic and religious diversity. Plugging the leaks and restoring systems will take time and effort. It cannot be done overnight and it cannot succeed without public patience and support.
New Recognition
There is also a need for realism. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee does not guarantee success. Reforming deeply flawed institutions is always difficult. Besides, Sri Lanka is a small country with a relatively small population compared to many other cricket playing nations. It is also a country still recovering from the economic breakdown of 2022 which pushed the majority of people into hardship and severely weakened public institutions. The country continues to face unprecedented challenges including the damage caused by Cyclone Ditwah and the wider global economic uncertainties linked to conflict in the Middle East. Under these difficult circumstances Sri Lanka has fewer resources than many larger countries to devote to both cricket and economic development.
When resources are scarce they cannot be wasted through corruption or incompetence. Drawing upon the strengths of all those who are competent for the tasks at hand regardless of party affiliation or ethnic or religious identity is necessary if improvement is to come sooner rather than later. The burden of rebuilding the country cannot rest only on the government. The crisis facing the country is too deep for any single party or government to solve alone. National recovery requires capable individuals from across society and from different sectors such as business and civil society to work together in areas where the national interest transcends party politics. There is also a responsibility on opposition political parties to support initiatives that are politically neutral and genuinely in the national interest. Not every issue needs to become a partisan battle.
Sri Lanka cricket occupies a special place in the national consciousness. At its best it once united the country and gave Sri Lankans a sense of pride and international recognition. Restoring integrity and professionalism to cricket administration can therefore become part of the larger task of national renewal. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee, while it does not guarantee success, is a sign that the political leadership and people of the country may be beginning to mature in their approach to governance. In recognising the need for competence, integrity and bipartisan cooperation and extending it beyond cricket into other areas of national life, Sri Lanka may find the way towards more stable and successful governance..
by Jehan Perera
Features
From Dhaka to Sri Lanka, three wheels that drive our economies
Court vacation this year came with an unexpected lesson, not from a courtroom but from the streets of Dhaka — a city that moves, quite literally, on three wheels.
Above the traffic, a modern metro line glides past concrete pillars and crowded rooftops. It is efficient, clean and frequently cited as a symbol of progress in Bangladesh. For a visitor from Sri Lanka, it inevitably brings to mind our own abandoned light rail plans — a project debated, politicised and ultimately set aside.
But Dhaka’s real story is not in the air. It is on the ground.
Beneath the elevated tracks, the streets belong to three-wheelers. Known locally as CNGs, they cluster at junctions, line the edges of markets and pour into narrow roads that larger vehicles avoid. Even with a functioning rail system, these three-wheelers remain the city’s most dependable form of everyday transport.
Within hours of arriving, their importance becomes obvious. The train may take you across the city, but the journey does not end there. The last mile — often the most complicated part — belongs entirely to the three-wheeler. It is the vehicle that gets you home, to a meeting or simply through streets that no bus route properly serves.
There is a rhythm to using them. A destination is mentioned, a price is suggested and a brief negotiation follows. Then the ride begins, edging into traffic that feels permanently compressed. Drivers move with instinct, adjusting routes and squeezing through gaps with a confidence built over years.
It is not polished. But it works.
And that is where the comparison with Sri Lanka becomes less about what we lack and more about what we already have.
Back home, the three-wheeler has long been part of daily life — so familiar that it is often discussed only in terms of its problems. There are frequent complaints about fares, refusals or the absence of meters. More recently, the industry itself has become entangled in politics — from fuel subsidies to regulatory debates, from election-time promises to periodic crackdowns.
In that process, the conversation has shifted. The three-wheeler is often treated as a problem to be managed, rather than a service to be strengthened.
Yet, seen through the experience of Dhaka, Sri Lanka’s system begins to look far more settled — and, in many ways, ahead.
There is a growing structure in place. Meters, while not perfect, are widely recognised. Ride-hailing apps have added transparency and reduced uncertainty for passengers. There are clearer expectations on both sides — driver and commuter alike. Even small details, such as designated parking areas in parts of Colombo or the increasing standard of vehicles, point to an industry slowly moving towards professionalism.
Just as importantly, there is a human element that remains intact.
In Sri Lanka, a three-wheeler ride is rarely just a transaction. Drivers talk. They offer directions, comment on the day’s news, or share local knowledge. The ride becomes part of the social fabric, not just a means of getting from one point to another.
In Dhaka, the scale of the city leaves less room for that. The interaction is quicker, more direct, shaped by urgency. The service is essential, but it is under constant pressure.
What stands out, across both countries, is that the three-wheeler is not a temporary or outdated mode of transport. It is a necessity in dense, fast-growing Asian cities — one that fills gaps no rail or bus system can fully address.
Large infrastructure projects, like light rail, are important. They bring efficiency and long-term capacity. But they cannot replace the flexibility of a three-wheeler. They cannot reach into narrow streets, respond instantly to demand or provide that crucial last-mile connection.
That is why, even in a city that has invested heavily in modern rail, Dhaka still runs on three wheels.
For Sri Lanka, the lesson is not simply about what could have been built, but about what should be better managed and valued.
The three-wheeler industry does not need to be politicised at every turn. It needs steady regulation — clear fare systems, proper licensing, safety standards — alongside encouragement and recognition. It needs to be seen as part of the solution to urban transport, not as a side issue.
Because for thousands of drivers, it is a livelihood. And for millions of passengers, it is the most immediate and reliable form of mobility.
The tuk-tuk may not feature in grand policy speeches or infrastructure blueprints. It does not run on elevated tracks or attract international attention. But on the ground, where daily life unfolds, it continues to do what larger systems often struggle to do — show up, adapt and keep moving.
And after watching Dhaka’s streets — crowded, relentless, yet functioning — that small, three-wheeled vehicle feels less like something to argue over and more like something to get right.
(The writer is an Attorney-at-Law with over a decade of experience specialising in civil law, a former Board Member of the Office of Missing Persons and a former Legal Director of the Central Cultural Fund. He holds an LLM in International Business Law)
by Sampath Perera recently in Dhaka, Bangladesh
Features
Dubai scene … opening up
According to reports coming my way, the entertainment scene, in Dubai, is very much opening up, and buzzing again!
After a quieter few months, May is packed with entertainment and the whole scene, they say, is shifting back into full swing.
The Seven Notes band, made up of Sri Lankans, based in Dubai, are back in the spotlight, after a short hiatus, due to the ongoing Middle East problems.
On 18th April they did Legends Night at Mercure Hotel Dubai Barsha Heights; on Thursday, 9th May, they will be at the Sports Bar of the Mercure Hotel for 70s/80s Retro Night; on 6th June, they will be at Al Jadaf Dubai to provide the music for Sandun Perera live in concert … and with more dates to follow.
These events are expected to showcase the band’s evolving sound, tighter stage coordination, and stronger audience engagement.
With each performance, the band aims to refine its identity and build a loyal following within Dubai’s vibrant nightlife and event scene.

Pasindu Umayanga: The group’s new vocalist
What makes Seven Notes standout is their versatility which has made the band a dynamic and promising act.
With a growing performance calendar, new talent integration, and international ambitions, the band is definitely entering a defining phase of its journey.
Dubai’s music industry, I’m told, thrives on diversity, energy, and audience connection, with live bands playing a crucial role in elevating events—from corporate shows to private concerts. Against this backdrop, Seven Notes is positioning itself not just as another band, but as a performance-driven musical unit focused on consistency and growth.
Adding fresh momentum to the group is Pasindu Umayanga who joins Seven Notes as their new vocalist. This move signals a strategic upgrade—not just filling a role, but strengthening the band’s front-line presence.
Looking beyond local stages, Seven Notes is preparing for an international tour, to Korea, in July.

Bassist Niluk Uswaththa: Spokesperson for Seven Notes
According to bassist Niluk Uswaththa, taking a band abroad means: Your sound must hold up against unfamiliar audiences, your performance must translate beyond language, and your discipline must be at a professional level.
“If executed well, this tour could redefine Seven Notes from a local band into an emerging international act,” added Niluk.
He went on to say that Dubai is not an easy market. It’s saturated with highly experienced, multi-genre bands that can adapt instantly to any crowd.
“To stand out consistently you need to have tight rehearsal discipline, unique sound identity (not just covers), strong stage chemistry, audience retention – not just applause.”
No doubt, Seven Notes is entering a critical growth phase—new member, multiple shows, and an international tour on the horizon. The opportunity is real, but so is the pressure.
However, there is talk that Seven Notes will soon be a recognised name in the regional music scene.
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