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Inflation – Public Enemy Number One

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Central Bank Governor Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe

[An article based on the Keynote Address delivered by Dr. P. Nandalal Weerasinghe, Governor of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka, recently at the Annual Research Symposium 2023 of the University of Colombo]

Introduction

Inflation affects every aspect of our lives; it is a force that shapes our purchasing power, influences our financial decisions, and impacts the overall stability of our society. In the year 2022, inflation reached extraordinary levels globally, driven by the lagged effects of ultra-easy monetary and fiscal support following the COVID-19 pandemic, supply shortages and capacity constraints, along with supply chain issues. Affected by global as well as domestic factors, Sri Lanka also experienced inflation at unprecedented levels in 2022. However, in late 2022, Sri Lanka entered an impressive disinflation path, eventually bringing inflation down to the targeted levels within a period of one year. Sri Lanka’s swift disinflationary process was supported by a combination of policy measures implemented by both the Central Bank and the Government.

In the forthcoming sections, I will delve into international experience and the academic outcomes on the causes and consequences of inflation; the role of monetary policy in coping with inflation; the dynamics of Sri Lanka’s high inflation episode; and the role of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka in managing inflation and inflation expectations, with special emphasis to the new Central Bank of Sri Lanka Act. A better understanding of the above could help shape academic research, which would also contribute towards effective policymaking and business decisions.

Declaring inflation as a public enemy

Inflation, a fundamental concept in economics, refers to the sustained increase in the general price level of goods and services in an economy over a period of time. When inflation occurs, each unit of currency buys fewer goods and services than it did before, leading to a decrease in the purchasing power of money. Over the years, economists and policymakers emphasised the seriousness and negative impact of inflation on the economy and people’s lives.

High inflation episodes have been a recurring phenomenon in economic history, causing significant challenges for nations and their citizens. It was in this context that Gerald Ford, the 38th president of the United States, even declared inflation as public enemy number one. In one of President Ford’s addresses to Congress in 1974 he stated “Only two of my predecessors have come in person to call upon Congress for a declaration of war, and I shall not do that. But I say to you with all sincerity that our inflation, our public enemy number one, will, unless whipped, destroy our country, our homes, our liberties, our property, and finally our national pride, as surely as any well-armed wartime enemy.” President Ford introduced the slogan “Whip Inflation Now (WIN)” as part of his campaign to fight inflation and even started wearing buttons with “WIN”. Although the outcome of this campaign is debatable, it illustrates how much of a problem inflation was in the 1970s.

Historical episodes of high inflation

Indeed, many countries have grappled with high inflation – and in some cases hyperinflation. One of the most infamous cases of hyperinflation occurred in Germany during the early 1920s. Following World War I, Germany experienced a severe economic crisis exacerbated by the reparations imposed by the Treaty of Versailles. The German government printed an excessive amount of money to meet its obligations, leading to hyperinflation. Prices skyrocketed, and people’s savings became worthless. At its peak, prices were doubling every few days, and workers were paid multiple times a day. Zimbabwe, in the late 2000s, faced hyperinflation due to a combination of economic mismanagement, land reforms, and political instability. The government printed money recklessly, causing prices to soar at an astronomical rate. At its peak, in mid-November 2008, Zimbabwe’s hyperinflation reached an astounding monthly rate of around 500 billion per cent (Moyo, 2023). The Zimbabwean dollar became practically worthless, and the country abandoned its own currency, relying on foreign currencies for transactions. Similarly, countries such as Argentina, Brazil and Venezuela experienced hyperinflation crises from time to time since the 1980s.

Why high inflation or hyperinflation is bad?

Inflation represents how much more expensive the relevant set of goods or services has become over a certain period, most commonly a year. To the extent that households’ nominal income does not increase as much as prices, they are worse off, because they can afford to purchase less. In other words, households’ purchasing power or real income (inflation-adjusted income) falls. Real income is a proxy for the standard of living. When real incomes are rising, so is the standard of living, and vice versa.

Savers and investors suffer significant losses during periods of high inflation. The real value of savings diminishes rapidly, while investors experience a decline in the real returns of their investments. Moreover, high inflation breeds uncertainty in the economy. Businesses face difficulties in planning for the future, unsure of their future costs and revenues. This uncertainty leads to reduced investments and hampers economic growth. Furthermore, nations experiencing high inflation find their international competitiveness severely compromised. As domestic prices rise, the cost of exports increases, making products less competitive in the global market. This situation can lead to trade imbalances and hinder economic recovery efforts, further exacerbating the challenges posed by high inflation.

Although high inflation hurts an economy, deflation, or falling prices, is not desirable either. When prices are falling, consumers delay making purchases if they can, anticipating lower prices in the future. For the economy, this means less economic activity, less income generated by producers, and lower economic growth. As you may know, Japan is one country with a long period of nearly no economic growth, largely because of deflation. Given the above, most economists now believe that low, stable, and most importantly predictable inflation is good for an economy. If inflation is low and predictable, it is easier to capture it in price-adjustment contracts and interest rates, reducing its distortionary impact.

What causes inflation?

Inflation could be influenced by numerous factors. Understanding these diverse causes of inflation is essential for academics as well as policymakers to recommend and implement appropriate measures to maintain stable prices and support sustainable economic growth. Demand-pull inflation occurs when the demand for goods and services exceeds their supply. When the demand outstrips supply, businesses often raise prices to maximise their profits. Cost-push inflation occurs when the cost to produce goods and services increases, leading businesses to pass these additional costs on to consumers in the form of higher prices. This can be caused by rising wages, increased costs of raw materials, or other production-related expenses. Expectations also play a key role in determining inflation. If people or firms anticipate higher prices, they build these expectations into wage negotiations and contractual price adjustments. To the extent that people base their expectations on the recent past (adaptive expectations), inflation would follow similar patterns over time, resulting in inflation inertia.

In the long run, inflation is primarily caused by factors related to the overall increase in the money supply in an economy relative to the growth in the real output of goods and services. If the money supply grows too big relative to the size of an economy, the unit value of the currency diminishes; in other words, its purchasing power falls and prices rise. Milton Friedman, a Nobel laureate in economics, argued that “inflation is always and everywhere a monetary phenomenon.” Friedman argued that changes in the money supply, driven by central bank policies and other monetary factors, are the primary drivers of inflation in the long run, while other factors can cause short-term fluctuations in prices. While Friedman’s insight into the monetary roots of inflation remains a fundamental principle, economists and policymakers now consider a broader array of factors when analysing inflationary trends. Modern economic analysis incorporates a more holistic approach, recognising the interplay of various elements in shaping inflationary outcomes.

How policymakers deal with inflation and the role of monetary policy

The policies aimed at reducing inflation depend to a great extent on the causes of inflation. If the economy has overheated and inflation is primarily demand-driven, central banks can implement contractionary monetary policy that rein in aggregate demand. Indeed, the central banks play a crucial role in controlling inflation through monetary policy.

One of the primary objectives of monetary policy, as emphasised by many central banks around the world, is maintaining price stability. Price stability is crucial for a healthy economy as it ensures that the purchasing power of a currency remains relatively constant over time. Economists have argued that stable prices create a favourable environment for long-term economic growth and investment (e.g., Mishkin, 2007). Moreover, monetary policy also plays a role in promoting economic growth. Studies by Romer (1993) and Barro and Sala-i-Martin (2004) suggest that stable monetary policies are positively correlated with long-term economic growth.

Central banks use a range of tools to influence the money supply and interest rates, affecting inflation. Traditional tools include policy interest rates, open market operations, and reserve requirements. Following the 2008 financial crisis, central banks implemented unconventional monetary policies, such as forward guidance, quantitative easing (asset purchasing) and negative interest rates. Furthermore, central bankers are increasingly relying on their ability to influence inflation expectations as an inflation-reduction tool. Policymakers announce their intention to keep economic activity low temporarily to bring down inflation, hoping to influence expectations. The more credibility central banks have, the greater the influence of their pronouncements on inflation expectations.

However, monetary policy is faced with increasing challenges and trade-offs. For example, the Phillips curve, which describes the inverse relationship between inflation and unemployment or output, has been the subject of extensive research. Studies that integrate monetary policy, inflation, and output stabilisation, have provided insights into the trade-offs faced by policymakers (e.g., Clarida, Gali, and Gertler, 1999) when achieving price stability. Furthermore, with increased globalisation, international factors can have a heightened impact on domestic inflation (e.g., Obstfeld and Rogoff, 2002). This sheds light on the complexities of maintaining price stability in a globalised world.

Across the globe, monetary policy frameworks cover various approaches, strategies, and models employed by central banks to achieve their objectives, such as price stability. Among those, inflation targeting has been a widely adopted monetary policy framework since the 1990s. Under inflation targeting, central banks set explicit inflation targets and use policy instruments to achieve them. Studies show that countries adopting inflation targeting are benefited in terms of providing clear objectives to the stakeholders and enhanced transparency (Bernanke, Laubach, Mishkin, and Posen, 1999). Many central banks have moved toward flexible inflation targeting, a special case of inflation targeting, which allows temporary deviations from the target to accommodate shocks to the real economy. Flexible inflation targeting has its advantages in terms of stabilising both inflation and the real economy (Svensson, 2010).

Global inflation in 2023

Despite the advances in monetary policy frameworks, across the globe, inflation accelerated to unprecedented levels during the year 2022. According to the IMF, global inflation accelerated to 8.7 per cent in 2022, from 4.7 per cent in the previous year, reflecting the impact of the lagged effects of ultra-easy monetary and fiscal support following the COVID-19 pandemic, shortages of fuel and nonfuel commodities exacerbated by the Russia-Ukraine conflict, and capacity constraints along with supply chain issues. Many countries allowed the passthrough of high global prices to the domestic economy, as administrative price-setting measures that are not cost-reflective usually result in the government’s accrual of large subsidy bills to compensate producers for their lost income.

However, in light of substantial monetary tightening by major central banks in the world, the resultant slowing of economic activity, easing supply chain disruptions, and moderating prices of energy and other commodities, inflation started to moderate in 2023. Nonetheless, the forecast levels of inflation in 2023 and 2024 are still higher than the pre-pandemic (2017–2019) levels of around 3.5 per cent. Moreover, the underlying price pressures are proving sticky, with labour markets tight in several economies. Therefore, core (underlying) inflation is likely to decline more slowly in the period ahead. Further, with rising geopolitical tensions in the Middle East, upside risks to global inflation are on the rise.

Sri Lanka’s economic crisis and the rise in inflation

In 2022, Sri Lanka experienced its worst-ever economic crisis, which had been in the making for many years, triggered by policy errors and exacerbated by other exogenous factors. Failure to build fiscal and external buffers over time made the nation vulnerable to domestic and external shocks, and the COVID-19 pandemic and the related shocks exposed the vulnerabilities in the Sri Lankan economy, bringing about the worst economic crisis in Sri Lanka’s history. The resultant economic hardship led to public anxiety and political upheavals.

By early 2022, the economy faced severe challenges due to an unsustainable macroeconomic model along with persistent budget deficits and external account imbalances. These issues, influenced by global and domestic factors, had depleted the economy’s foreign reserves. As a result, the country experienced intense pressure on its balance of payments (BOP), leading to a shortage of foreign exchange, a weakened exchange rate, soaring inflation, and reduced economic activity.

Although Sri Lanka managed to have single-digit inflation for over 12 years since 2009, inflation rose to historically high levels in 2022 stemming from global oil and other commodity price hikes, adjustments to domestic administrative prices, domestic supply disruptions, the substantial depreciation of the Sri Lanka rupee against the US dollar and the lagged effects of extended period of relaxed monetary policy following the COVID-19 pandemic. Contrary to the co-movement in inflation and economic growth in regular business cycles, Sri Lanka witnessed inflation and economic growth moving in opposite directions, as supply, as well as demand-driven inflation, accelerated overall inflation and economic growth stalled.

Measures taken to overcome the sharp rise in inflation

Several policy measures have been taken by the Central Bank to stabilise the economy and tighten monetary and credit conditions. With a view to countering rising inflationary pressures and anchoring inflation expectations, the Central Bank tightened monetary policy significantly since August 2021, with a significant increase in policy interest rates happening in April 2022. Monetary policy had to be conducted with an unprecedented level of deliberations, as the country entered a phase of high inflation and economic stagnation and tightening of monetary conditions will not only result in a reduction in inflation, but also economic growth. In parallel, the Central Bank also implemented a series of policy measures aimed at maintaining external sector stability and reducing import demand.

Since the beginning of the monetary tightening cycle in August 2021, the Central Bank’s key policy interest rates, i.e., Standing Deposit Facility Rate (SDFR) and Standing Lending Facility Rate (SLFR), were raised by 11 percentage points till March 2023. Furthermore, during this tightening phase, the Central Bank increased the Statutory Reserve Ratio (SRR) by 2 percentage points, while several caps on interest rates were removed, allowing for greater upward adjustments in market interest rates. The unprecedented upward adjustment of policy interest rates helped arrest the further build-up of demand-driven inflationary pressures, thereby pre-empting the escalation of adverse inflationary expectations, easing the pressure on the external sector, and correcting anomalies observed in the market interest rate structure.

(To be continued)



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NASA’s Epic Flight, Trump’s Epic Fumble and Asian Dilemmas

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Epic Crew (L-R): Jeremy Hansen, Victor Glover, Reid Wiseman Christina and Christina Koch

Three hours after the spectacular Artemis II flight launch in Florida, US President Donald Trump delivered a forlorn speech from Washington. Thirty three days after starting the war against Iran as Epic Fury, the President demonstrated on national and global televisions the Epic Fumble he has made out of his Middle East ‘excursion’. It was an April Fool’s Day speech, 20 minutes of incoherent rambling with the President looking bored, confused, disengaged and dispirited. He left no one wiser about what will come next, let alone what he might do next.

There was more to April Fool’s Day this year in that it brought out the nation’s good, bad and the ugly, all in a day’s swoop. The good was the Artemis II flight carrying astronauts farther from the Earth’s orbit and closer to the moon for the first time in over 50 years. The mission is a precursor for future flights and will test the performance of a new spacecraft, gather new understanding of human conditioning, and extend the boundaries of lunar science. It is a testament to humankind being able to make steady progress in science and technology at one end of a hopelessly uneven world, while poverty, bigotry and belligerence simmer violently at the other end.

Terrible Trump

The four Artemis II astronauts, three Americans, Reid Wiseman, Victor Glover, and Christina Koch, and one Canadian, Jeremy Hansen, are also symptomatic of the endurance of America’s inclusive goodness in spite of efforts by the Trump Administration to snuff the nation’s fledgling DEI (Diversity, Equity and Inclusion) ethos. To wit, of the four astronauts, Victor Glover, a Caribbean American, is the first person of colour, Christina Koch the first woman, and Jeremy Hansen of Canada the first non-American – to fly this far beyond the earth’s orbit. All in spite of Trump’s watch.

Yet Trump managed to showcase his commitment to America’s ugliness, on the same day, by presenting himself at the Supreme Court hearing on the constitutionality of his most abominable Executive Order – to stop the American tradition of birthright citizenship. He keeps posting that America is Stupid in being the only country in the world that grants citizenship at birth to everyone born in America, regardless of the status of their parents, except the children of foreign diplomats or members of an occupying enemy force. In fact, there are 32 other countries in the world that grant birthright citizenship, a majority of them in the Americas indicating the continent’s history as a magnet for migrants ever since Christopher Columbus discovered it for the rest of the world.

And birthright citizenship in the US is enshrined in the constitution by the 14th Amendment, supplemented by subsequent legislation and reinforced by a century and a half of case law. Trump wants to reverse that. Thus far and no further was the message from the court at the hearing. A decision is expected in June and the legal betting is whether it would be a 7-2 or 8-1 rebuke for Trump. In a telling exchange during the hearing, when the government’s Solicitor General John Sauer quite sillily dramatized that “we’re in new world now … where eight billion people are one plane ride way from having a child who’s a US citizen,” Chief Justice John Roberts quietly dismissed him: “Well, it’s a new world. It’s the same Constitution!”

Trump’s terrible ‘bad’ is of course the war that he started in the Middle East and doesn’t know how to end it. Margaret MacMillan, acclaimed World War I historian and a great grand daughter of World War I British Prime Minister Lloyd George from Wales, has compared Trump’s current war to the origins of the First World War. Just as in 1914, small Serbia had pulled the bigger Russia into a war that was not in Russia’s interest, so too have Netanyahu and Israel have pulled Trump and America into the current war against Iran. World War I that started in August, 2014 was expected to be over before Christmas, but it went on till November, 2018. Weak leaders start wars, says MacMillan, but “they don’t have a clear idea of how they are going to end.”

There are also geopolitical and national-political differences between the 1910s and 2020s. America’s traditional allies have steadfastly refused to join Trump’s war. And Trump is under immense pressure at home not to extend the war. This is one American war that has been unpopular from day one. The cost of military operations at as high as two billion dollars a day is anathema to the people who are aggravated by rising prices directly because of the war. Trump’s own mental acuity and the abilities of his cabinet Secretaries are openly under question. There are swirling allegations of military contract profiteering and selective defense investments – one involving Secretary of War Pete Hegseth.

Trump’s Administration is coming apart with sharp internal divisions over the war and government paralysis on domestic matters. There are growing signs of disarray – with Trump firing his Attorney General for not being effective prosecuting his political enemies and Secretary Hegseth ordering early retirement for Army Chief of Staff Randy George. In America’s non-parliamentary presidential system, Trump is allowed to run his own forum where he lies daily without instant challenger or contradiction, and it is impossible to get rid of his government by that simple device called no confidence motion.

Asian Dilemmas

Howsoever the current will last or end, what is clear is that its economic consequences are not going to disappear soon. Iran’s choke on the Strait of Hormuz has affected not only the supply and prices of oil and natural gas but a family of other products from fertilizers to medicines to semiconductors. The barrel price of oil has risen from $70 before the war to over $100 now. After Trump’s speech on April 1, oil prices rose and stock prices fell. The higher prices have come to stay and even if they start going down they are not likely to go down to prewar levels.

There are warnings that with high prices, low growth and unemployment, the global economy is believed to be in for a stagflation shock like in the 1970s. Even if the war were to end sooner than a lot later, the economic setbacks will not be reversed easily or quickly. Supplies alone will take time to get back into routine, and it will even take longer time for production in the Gulf countries to get back to speed. Not only imports, but even export trading and exports to Middle East countries will be impacted. The future of South Asians employed in the Middle East is also at stake.

In 1980, President Carter floated the Carter Doctrine that the US would use military force to ensure the free flow of oil through the Strait of Hormuz. Trump is now upending that doctrine – first by misusing America’s military force against Iran and provoking the strait’s closure, and then claiming that keeping the strait open is not America’s business. Ever selfish and transactional, Trump’s argument is that America is now a net exporter of oil and is no longer dependent on Middle East oil.

To fill in the void, and perhaps responding to Trump’s call to “build up some delayed courage,” UK has hosted a virtual meeting of about 40 countries to discuss modalities for reopening the Strait of Hormuz. US was not one of them. While Downing Street has not released a full list of attendees, European countries, some Gulf countries, Canada, Australia, Japan and India reportedly attended the meeting. Which other Asian countries attended the meeting is not known.

British Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper has blamed Iran for “hijacking” an international shipping route to “hold the global economy hostage,” while insisting that the British initiative is “not based on any other country’s priority or anything in terms of the US or other countries”. French President Emmanuel Macron now visiting South Korea has emphasized any resolution “can only be done in concert with Iran. So, first and foremost, there must be a ceasefire and a resumption of negotiations.”

Prior to the British initiative focussed on the Strait of Hormuz, Egypt, Pakistan and Türkiye have been playing a backdoor intermediary role to facilitate communications between the US and Iran. Trump as usual magnified this backroom channel as serious talks initiated by Iran’s ‘new regime’, and Trump’s claims were promptly rejected by Iran. There were speculations that Pakistan would host a direct meeting between US Vice President JD Vance and an Iranian representative in Islamabad. So far, only the foreign ministers of Egypt, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Türkiye have met in Islamabad, and Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar flew to Beijing to brief his Chinese counterpart, Wang Yi, of Pakistan’s diplomatic efforts.

The Beijing visit produced a five-point initiative calling for a ceasefire, the opening of the Strait of Hormuz and diplomacy instead of escalation. The five-point pathway seems a follow up to the 15-point demand that the US sent to Iran through the three Samaritan intermediaries which Iran rejected as they did not include any of Iran’s priorities. The state of these mediating efforts are now unclear after President Trump’s April Fool’s Day rambling. In fairness, Pakistan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs has announced that his country intends to keep ‘nudging’ the US and Iran towards resuming negotiations and ending the war.

While these efforts are welcome and deserve everyone’s best wishes, they have also led to what BBC has called the “chatter in Delhi” – “is India being sidelined” by Pakistan’s intermediary efforts? Indian Foreign Minister Jaishankar’s rather undiplomatic characterization of Pakistan’s role as “dalali” (brokerage) provoked immediate denunciation in Islamabad, while Indian opposition parties are blaming the Modi Government’s foreign policy stances as an “embarrassment” to India’s stature.

The larger view is that while it is Asia that is most impacted by the closure of Hormuz, with Singapore’s Foreign Affairs Minister Vivian Balakrishnan calling it an “Asian crisis”, Asia has no leverage in the matter and Asian countries have to make special arrangements with Iran to let their ships navigate through the Strait of Hormuz. There is no pathway for co-ordinated action. China is still significant but not consequentially effective. India’s all-alignment foreign policy has made it less significant and more vulnerable in the current crisis. And Pakistan has opened a third dimension to Asia’s dilemmas.

In the circumstances, it is fair to say that Sri Lanka is the most politically stable country among its South Asian neighbours. Put another way, Sri Lanka has a remarkably consensual and uncontentious government in comparison to the old governments in India and Pakistan, and even the new government in Bangladesh. But that may not be saying much unless the NPP government proves itself to be sufficiently competent, and uses the political stability and the general goodwill it is still enjoying, to put the country’s economic department in order. More on that later.

by Rajan Philips

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Ranjith Siyambalapitiya turns custodian of a rare living collection

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Siyambalapitiya’s ancsetral house built on 1923 at Vendala

From Parliament to Fruit Grove:

After more than two decades in politics, rising to the positions of Cabinet Minister and Deputy Speaker of Parliament, Ranjith Siyambalapitiya has turned his attention to a markedly different arena — one far removed from parliamentary debate and political intrigue.

Today, Siyambalapitiya spends much of his time tending to a sprawling 15-acre home garden at Vendala in Karawanella, near Ruwanwella, nurturing what has gradually evolved into one of the most remarkable private fruit collections in the country.

Situated in Sri Lanka’s Wet Zone Low Country agro-ecological region (WL2), Ruwanwella lies at an elevation of roughly 100–200 metres above sea level. Deep red-yellow podzolic soils, annual rainfall exceeding 2,500 millimetres, and a warm humid tropical climate combine to create conditions that make the region one of the richest areas in the island for fruit tree diversity.

Within this favourable ecological setting, Siyambalapitiya has become what may best be described as a custodian of a living collection—a fruit grove that now contains around 554 fruit trees and vines, many of them rare or seldom seen in contemporary agriculture.

Of these, 448 varieties have already been properly identified and documented with the assistance of agriculturist Dr. Suba Heenkenda, a retired expert of the Department of Agriculture. Together they have undertaken the painstaking task of cataloguing the plants by their botanical names, common Sinhala names, and the names used in ancient Ayurvedic and indigenous medical texts, assigning each species a unique identification number.

According to Siyambalapitiya, the Vendala estate is possibly the only single location in Sri Lanka where such a large number of fruit varieties—particularly rare and underutilized species—are maintained within one property.

“This garden came down to me through my grandfather, grandmother, mother and father,” he says. “It is a place shaped by three generations.”

The estate, he explains, began as a traditional home garden where crops such as tea, coconut and rubber were cultivated alongside fruit trees planted by family members over decades. Over time, however, it evolved into something much larger: a carefully nurtured grove preserving both common and obscure fruit species.

Siyambalapitiya recalls with affection one of the oldest trees in the garden—a honey-jack tree known locally as “Lokumänike’s Rata Kos Gaha.”

The story behind it has become part of family lore. According to village elders, his grandmother had brought home the sapling after visiting the Colombo Grand Exhibition in 1952 many decades ago and planted it near the house.

The tree soon gained fame in the village. Its tender jackfruit proved ideal for curry and mallum, while the ripe fruit was renowned for its sweetness.

“Ripe jackfruit from this tree tastes like honey itself,” Siyambalapitiya says. “Even the seeds are full of flour and can be eaten throughout the year.”

Yet age has not spared the venerable tree. It now shows signs of disease, and Siyambalapitiya and his staff have had to treat old wounds and monitor unusual bark damage.

“Once lightning struck it,” he recalls. “The largest branch began to die. Saving the tree required what I would call a kind of surgical operation.”

Such care, he says, reflects the deep attachment he feels toward the collection.

His fascination with fruit trees began in childhood. While attending Royal College in Colombo and living in a boarding house he disliked, Siyambalapitiya would insist that the family procure new fruit saplings for him to plant during his weekend visits home.

“That was the only ‘price’ I demanded for going to school,” he laughs.

Over the years the collection expanded steadily as he encountered new plants in forests, nurseries, and rural landscapes across the island.

The result today is a grove that includes traditional Sri Lankan fruit species, underutilized native varieties, forest fruits, and plants introduced from overseas.

Some species originate in Arabian deserts, while others thrive naturally in cooler climates such as Europe. Certain plants require greenhouse-like conditions, while others are hardy forest trees.

Managing such diversity is no easy task.

“One plant asks for rain, another asks for cold, and yet another prefers heat,” Siyambalapitiya explains. “Too much rain makes some sick, too much sun troubles others. The older trees overshadow the younger ones. You cannot feed or medicate them all in the same way.”

He compares the task to caring for a household filled with people from many nations and ages—each with different needs.

Despite the challenges, he believes the effort is worthwhile, particularly because many of the trees are native species that have become increasingly rare.

“If things continue as they are, some of these plants may disappear from our lives,” he warns.

To preserve knowledge about them, Siyambalapitiya is preparing to launch a book titled “Mage Vendala Palathuru Arana” (My Vendala Fruit Grove), which serves as an introductory guide to the collection.

The book, scheduled for release on April 18 at the Vendala estate, will be attended by Ven. Dr. Kirinde Assaji Thera, Chief Incumbent of Gangaramaya Temple,

Uruwarige Wannila Aththo, the leader of the Indigenous Vedda Community,

a long-serving former employee who helped maintain the plantation, and Sunday Dhamma school students from the region, who will participate as guests of honour.

The publication will also mark Siyambalapitiya’s eighth book. Previously he authored seven works and wrote more than 500 weekly newspaper columns offering commentary on politics and current affairs.

While working on the fruit catalogue, he is simultaneously writing another volume reflecting on his 25-year political career, including his tenure as Deputy Finance Minister during Sri Lanka’s most severe economic crisis.

For Siyambalapitiya, however, the fruit grove represents more than a hobby or academic exercise.

“The fruit we enjoy is the result of a tree’s effort to reproduce,” he says. “Nature has given fruits their taste, fragrance and colour to attract us. All the tree asks in return is that its seeds be carried to new places.”

That simple cycle of life, he believes, has continued for tens of thousands of years.

“And those who love trees,” he adds, “are guardians of the world’s survival.”

by Saman Indrajith

Pix by Tharanga Ratnaweera

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Smoke Free Sweden calls out to WHO not to suggest nicotine alternatives

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It has been reported by the international advocacy initiative, ‘Smoke Free Sweden’ (‘SFS’) that many International health experts have begun criticizing the World Health Organization (WHO) for presenting safer nicotine alternatives rather than recognizing its role in accelerating decline in smoking.

As the world’s premier technical health agency, the WHO is empowered to support strategies that reduce morbidity and mortality even if they do not eliminate the underlying behaviour. Furthermore, it should base its guidance on evolving scientific knowledge, which includes comparative-risk assessments. Equating smoke-free nicotine alternatives with combustible cigarettes, is essentially putting lives at risk, according to the health experts contacted by SFS.

The warning follows recent WHO comments suggesting that vaping and other non-combustible nicotine products are driving tobacco use in Europe. This narrative ignores real-world evidence from countries like Sweden where access to safer alternatives has coincided with record low smoking rates.

A “Smoke-Free” status is defined as an adult daily smoking prevalence below 5% and Sweden is on the brink of officially achieving this milestone. This is clear proof that pragmatic harm-reduction policies work. Sweden’s success has been driven by adult smokers switching to lower-risk alternatives such as oral tobacco pouches (Snus), oral nicotine pouches and other non-combustible products.

“Vapes and pouches are helping to reduce risk, and Sweden’s smoke-free transition proves this,” said Dr Delon Human, leader of Smoke Free Sweden. “We should be celebrating policies that help smokers quit combustible tobacco, not spreading fear about the very tools that are accelerating the decline of cigarettes.”

It is further reported by health experts that conflating cigarettes with non-combustible alternatives risks deterring smokers from switching and could slow progress toward reducing tobacco-related disease.

Dr Human emphasized that youth protection and harm reduction are not mutually exclusive.

“It is critically important to safeguard against underage use, but this should be done by targeted, risk-proportionate regulation and proper enforcement, not by sacrificing the right of adults to access products that might save their lives,” he said.

Smoke Free Sweden is calling on global health authorities to adopt evidence-based policies that distinguish clearly between combustible tobacco – the primary cause of tobacco-related death – and lower-risk nicotine alternatives.

“Public health policy must be grounded in science and real-world outcomes,” Dr Human added. “Sweden’s experience shows that when adult smokers are given legal access to safer nicotine alternatives, smoking rates fall faster than almost anywhere else in the world.”

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