Features
In retrospect: The protests that were
By Uditha Devapriya

When I look back at 2022, what strikes me more than anything else is how agonisingly slowly it passed. The early days of COVID-19 had been slow enough. But 2022 broke that record. From day one, we were hurtled into one crisis and shortage after another, from which there seemed to be no end. We wished for a way out, but there seemed to be no way out. Left with no options, and faced with the prospect of the country going further down, we developed our coping mechanisms. Some of us stood back. Others went out. Eventually many of us who stood back joined the others who went out.
I admit that, in their early days, I had some doubts about the protests. I failed to appreciate their unique, distinctive character, perhaps because I was sceptical of their intentions, and more importantly their objective. I had long felt that Gotabaya Rajapaksa was more inept than authoritarian, that he had been let down by his own policy advisors, that he was ceding more and more ground to fundamentalists and heterodox ideologues whose theories did not seem to deliver. I knew he had to go. The constitutional argument, that he could not be deposed without an election, seemed at best hollow: the president had violated the trust placed on him by the people, and the people had the right to call for his exit.
That I remained wary of the demonstrations against Sri Lanka’s president had less to do with the protesters than with the direction they wanted to go. Their primary objective was to eject the president. What, however, would they do after that? I threw this question at many demonstrators, only to get the same answer: they would look at that after getting Rajapaksa out. A perfectly valid answer, but also an inadequate one.
Of course, I appreciated the immense diversity of the protests and protesters themselves. The Gotagogama campaign included practically every demographic, from the north to the south, from the old to the young. Sinhalese, Tamil, Muslim, gay, straight, non-binary, it took in everyone and anyone who felt their hopes had been betrayed by a man who the country had elected to power three years ago on a massive, almost unprecedented mandate: what C. A. Chandraprema called “the mother of all landslides.” There was little the man could not do. Yet in the face of the biggest crisis in our post-independence history, he had chosen to do nothing. This could only invite dissent and defiance from every corner.
There were bound to be divisions in the protests. Northern civil society was initially not enthusiastic about throwing in their lot with their southern counterparts, not least because the latter had, in their view, failed to stand up for them when they were being targeted and marginalised by the State. Sri Lankans, regardless of their political beliefs, are more often than not misogynistic, homophobic, and bigoted: thus, when the LGBTQ community came out in Colombo, many protesters I knew threatened to eject them from the crowd, calling them a nuisance and a distraction. When Gotabaya appointed Ranil Wickremesinghe as Prime Minister – perhaps the shrewdest thing he ever did – not a few protesters moved out, claiming that he would, regardless of the Rajapaksas, deliver the goods.
But all in all, the protesters remained a fitting demonstration of a grassroots spontaneous order: a gathering that had no higher hand, that depended more than anything else on the will and the defiance of the people. Of course, it would be a little far-fetched to claim the protests weren’t funded or organised. Expats, financiers, and merchants, not to mention Western NGOs: they all had a hand in bringing people together. Yet the grass roots, the young in particular, were moved by altruistic reasons: they felt their future was wasting away, and felt they needed to do something to ensure a better future for everyone else. Their intentions were genuine, even if their tactics may have been vague.
But genuine intentions do not make up for vague tactics. I think the fundamental mistake made by the protesters, which serves as a lesson for movements of this sort in general, is that at its inception they wanted it to be free of politics. Parading themselves as apolitical, they paradoxically permitted certain political elements to enter their movement. Most of these elements were drawn from a left and left-liberal civil society: not just NGOs, but also trade unions and women’s collectives. Arguably the most popular of these groups was the IUSF, the student collective that demonstrated that it is those who seize the moment who win the people’s respect. And the IUSF won that respect, quickly.
The IUSF has never been a darling of Colombo middle-class people. Their positions and stances, particularly on private education, have always been opposed by the middle-classes. Yet in the face of an insurmountable crisis, the middle-classes felt they had nothing to lose, and so they threw their support behind these groups. Moreover, the middle-classes in Sri Lanka have always had an anarchist strain: once a particular social order deteriorates, they tend to gravitate to groups and parties which promise immediate action. It was this, after all, which mobilised them to vote for Maithripala Sirisena in 2015 and Gotabaya Rajapaksa in 2019. Once Rajapaksa fell from grace, they searched for an alternative. They found one in not just the IUSF, but also anti-establishment parties like the FSP.
Undergirding all these developments, however, was a contradiction: between the political anarchism and the conservative social and economic beliefs of the middle-classes. One of the more ubiquitous placards the demonstrators held in the run-up to Gotagogama in April was a plea to “Go to the IMF.” The Gotabaya Rajapaksa government had experimented in heterodox economic theory: tax cuts, money printing, currency swaps. These policies had worked elsewhere, but only with the right conditions in place. In Sri Lanka these conditions – in particular, an efficient and responsive bureaucracy – were missing. The ruling party, moreover, tilted to the right, and were deeply corrupt and nepotistic. In such a context, it was only natural that their policies would fail, and the middle-classes would be swayed by Colombo-based think-tanks advocating IMF reforms as a solution.
Ahilan Kadirgamar has pointed out that economic discourses in Sri Lanka, which once revolved around food security, production, and poverty, have now centred on neoliberal paradigms of privatisation, deregulation, and tax and welfare reform. Sri Lanka’s middle-classes, however, have traditionally been amenable to these paradigms, because the think-tanks advocating them present them in an optimistic light: hence why several protesters I talked to believed that the IMF would clamp down on government waste and then press for political reforms. It took time for most of them to realise that the IMF’s programme involved crushing austerity, tax hikes, and welfare cuts. Thus, while not too long ago people could claim that the IMF would urge political reforms as a prerequisite for economic relief, now they view such institutions with scepticism, even disfavour.
None of this was evident in the protesters’ calls for Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s exit in the early days. Back then their concern was to get the president out: what followed came second. Thus, paradoxically, while supporting what they thought to be the IMF’s programme, they also supported Left groups that were on the other side of the economic debate, like the IUSF. The IUSF itself did not bother to articulate a clear economic programme; nor, for that matter, did the parties associated with it, the FSP in particular. This is not to say that these groups lacked vision: they did propose policies. But at the peak of the protests, when the aim was to get the president out, these organisations failed to establish themselves at the centre of the movement. Instead, they inadvertently allowed IMF discourses to prevail, thereby strengthening the neoliberal tendencies of a right-wing government, culminating in the grand and not altogether inapt alliance of the UNP and the SLPP.
Today, for all intents and purposes, the middle-class protesters who manned the docks at Gotagogama are enduring austerity without seriously questioning it. For them and for many others, there seems to be no alternative. The government too – a Frankenstein’s monster, the spawn of neoliberal and right-wing nationalist parties – has emphasised the lack of an alternative. Left activists, meanwhile, are constantly hounded and arrested. While not too long ago people would have come up to their defence by rallying the streets, today they are nowhere to be found. Whereas student activists used to be lauded, celebrated, just months ago, today they have become the target of attacks from the very people who championed and teamed up with them. This is only to be expected: once the peak of a movement passes, it can only divide and subside. This is a lesson the Left groups that manned the protests have realised only now – a lesson in strategies, and above all of practical politics.
The writer is an international relations analyst, researcher, and columnist who can be reached at udakdev1@gmail.com.
Features
Conduct transparent and truthful investigation to reveal the truth behind Easter Sunday massacre
(Speech delivered, in Colombo, by His Eminence Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith at the Seventh Year Commemoration of the Easter Sunday Bomb Victims)
Most Venerable Omalpe Sobitha Nayaka Thero, Ven. Sirs, Most Rev. Dr. Andrzej Józwowicz, Apostolic Nuncio in Sri Lanka, Most Rev. Dushantha Rodrigo, Bishop of Colombo of the Anglican Church, Most Rev. Anton Ranjith, Auxiliary Bishop of Colombo and the Apostolic Administrator of the Diocese of Batticaloa, His Excellency Andre Franchè, Permanent Representative of the United Nations in Sri Lanka, Rev.
Kannan Kurukkal of the Hindu Community, dear Moulavi Rev. Masook Shajeer, dear Rev. Fathers, brothers and sisters, family members of the Easter 2019 attack victims, Your Excellencies, members of the Diplomatic Corps, Hon. Ministers, Members of Parliament, Distinguished guests and beloved brethren,
TERROR ATTACKS
I wish to first of all thankfully welcome all of you who have accepted our invitation to join us in this 7th Anniversary commemoration ceremony of the Easter Sunday bomb attacks which took place on 21st April 2019. We are aware that due to these destructive attacks 278 people lost their lives and more than 500 people received injuries which harmed them seriously or partially. It also rendered a severe blow to the economy of Sri Lanka and dangerously disturbed the atmosphere of reconciliation and unity that was by then painstakingly established between the different religions and ethnic groups in the aftermath of the 30-year war. St. Anthony’s Church, Kochchikade, where we are now gathered, St. Sebastian’s Church, Katuwapitiya, in Negombo, Zion Church of the Pentecostal Communion in Batticaloa, Cinnamon Grand Hotel, Shangri-La Hotel Colombo, Kingsbury Hotel and Tropical Inn Hotel in Colombo were the scenes of the seven bomb explosions that caused a serious bloodbath killing or maiming fully or partially the innocent worshipers in the Churches and the tourists and staff in the tourist hotels. We cannot but remember that, among the dead there were 68 children. There were 45 tourists from 14 countries who also lost their lives.
HIDDEN AGENDA
That there was a subtle but sure attempt to again create ethnic and religious disharmony in the country through these bomb attacks became clearer to us from the fact that having realised that their attempts to create inter racial and religious disturbances in the aftermath of these attacks had miserably failed due to the constant appeals made by religious leaders for calm, these plotters organised provocative attacks on the Muslim community in the Negombo Poruthota area two weeks after the April 21st attacks, on the night of the 5th May and, once again, on the 11th, 12th and 13th May starting from the Nattandiya-Madampe area, through Kotaramulla to Minuwangoda, throwing stones at Muslim houses and setting Muslim establishments on fire. One Muslim devotee was killed. The Presidential Commission of Inquiry into the Easter attacks has, in its final report, in volume one, Chapter 27, spoken extensively of these subsequent provocations. The report has clearly stated that certain Police officers and security personnel had neglected their duty and had done nothing much to control the situation during these sad second series of incidents. I wish to affirm that it is equally important to investigate as to who organised these subsequent attacks. This may have a link to the main attacks on 21st April 2019. One must also verify as to whether anyone in the security establishment prevented those responsible from controlling these attacks as and when they began. In any case looking at these subsequent provocations at creating ethnic strife, one can conclude that some people who disliked the religious leaders’ move to calm down the atmosphere after the Easter attacks, wanted to somehow create strife among the religious and ethnic communities by these subsequent provocations. In this regard, we observe that the Presidential Commission of Inquiry, too, has gone on to identify several persons involved in these post-Easter Sunday attack violent incidents in the aforementioned Chapter 27, who should be further investigated, as there is a real possibility that such acts were linked to the main attack.
In any case we have to gratefully affirm that, it is due to the deep commitment of the Most Venerable Ittepane Dhammalankara Maha Nayaka Thero, the head of the Kotte Chapter of the Siyam Maha Nikaya, and Ven. Omalpe Sobitha Nayaka Thero, who is present here with us today, who joined me in appealing for calm constantly then, over repeated press conferences given, that we succeeded in preventing any violence from breaking out in the aftermath of these bomb attacks.
CULTURE OF MURDER
What we, who organising this commemoration, ask of all those in authority is to kindly inquire into these attacks with severity and seriousness and to reveal to us as to who really was behind them. We state so in the light of the fact that in Sri Lanka, over several past decades, there had come into being a dangerous tendency to let murder, disappearances and political assassinations be buried in the sands of time without any proper investigation or inquiry. This nationally disastrous policy which began in the ’70s, still continues to haunt us as a nation. It is a very sad situation indeed. The rule of law, which had been gradually weakened over this period, especially through political interference, had become a slave of selfishness, political bankruptcy, enthroning of falsity and criminality. The tragedy of all of this, is the spreading of falsity in order to suppress the truth, daring to challenge uprightness and lawfulness within a culture of corruption, leading society into a situation where holders of wealth and power determine the truth and enjoy all the benefits thus leading society into a vortex of evil and the country into a situation of serious moral and spiritual hypocrisy and decay. In this background where values have lost their importance, affecting social discipline and resulting in the deterioration of the most important value of respect for the rule of law, sense of discipline, respect for human life and dignity, civilized and principled behaviour are all seen to be moving away from our society.
What is most distressing is the fact that political leaders had developed a culture where they instrumentalised the security establishment to get them to do illegal acts, violating all codes of decency and good order.
In such a situation searching for the truth, behind some of the major acts of violence and terror that have marked our recent history, has become extremely difficult and cumbersome. An honest search for the truth behind some of the murders, disappearances and acts of corruption has become extremely difficult due to political interference and lying. Even though there is constitutional support for the faithful execution of the law, due to the fact that the institutions guiding these processes are run by people who think and act politically, abusing their freedom and authority, truth will never emerge and often looks so unreachable and distant. We face a question as to whether these institutions or persons handling the search for the truth and manning them do ever comprehend the untold pain that the victims of this violence continue to experience. We do not understand how some people can become so cruel as to do everything in their power to block or obstruct or even willfully seek to mislead these investigations with their own politically motivated fairy tales.
What is surprising is that, when investigations on several of the other past murders and assassinations, as well as disappearances, are also being conducted, some people who have never spoken about those investigations seem to be super interested in airing out their own so called presentations and views on the Easter Sunday 2019 attacks all the time. It is the only matter on which they seem to be active. We ask them why? Is it because of a fear that the truth may finally be found and it is likely to hurt them? What I see in these interferences is an attempt to hide the truth or to sabotage the investigations from taking their objective path. The attempt by these forces, who seem to represent certain political orientations, to block the investigators, from conducting their search for the truth freely, from questioning important players behind the Easter attacks, from engaging in a search for the truth behind new revelations that have surfaced lately, is to be clearly condemned. The attempt by some people to present their own theories concerning these attacks neglecting the possibility that there could have been other hands behind these attacks is also to be flatly rejected. The Easter attacks need to be investigated in all their different aspects, nuances, new revelations, contradictions in evidence that seems to disapprove a purely one-sided analysis. The insistence by one particular political orientation in Sri Lanka to lay the blame only on one group of people, ignoring all the contradictory evidence that has since emerged, is indicative of a certain fear on their side that if all the evidence is sifted through a more complex picture, involving the past political leaders of the country in this attack, could emerge. Else one cannot understand as to why the people representing these political orientations are so excited about the manner in which these investigations are now being conducted.
OTHER ELEMENTS
The Presidential Commission of Inquiry which investigated the Easter Sunday 2019 massacre
, mentioned in its final report that due to time constraints and other factors it could not look into some of the matters that needed special attention. Among these as indicated in the first volume of their report – pages 93-94, the Commission calls upon the authorities to investigate into the role of “Abu Hind” in the plot. On this matter the Commission in the same volume quotes Hadia the wife of Zahran Hasheem, whose evidence is reported in the 17th Chapter of the first volume, pages 218, 219 and 220 and pages 82 and 222. In that statement, Hadiya mentioned that each time her husband was on a call with this “Abu Hind” he asked her to leave the place. The Commission report also affirms that this person, “Abu Hind,” was mentioned again by the then Director of State Intelligence, Nilantha Jayawardena, in his own evidence before the Commission [First Volume p. 218]. And so, it is important to further investigate and find out who this secretive person “Abu Hind” was and whether he had any connection to the Easter Sunday attacks. Indeed, the Commission report does call upon the CID to investigate this matter further [ref. Volume 1 p. 222].
Second, the report of the Presidential Commission of Inquiry has decreed as follows on the matter concerning Sarah Jasmin, the wife of Hashtoon, the bomber who blew himself up at St. Sebastian’s Church, Katuwapitiya: “the COI received evidence of two witnesses who testified that Sara was seen alive after the Easter Sunday attacks and had fled to India. In her testimony Hadiya said that after the blast at Sainthamaruthu on 26th April 2019, she lost consciousness. After she regained it, she could faintly hear a voice of a woman which sounded like Sarah. The DNA analysis with the mother of Sarah did not establish that Sarah had died in the blast. In view of this testimony the COI recommends that investigations into Sarah be continued ….” [p. 223, PCOI Final Report Vol. 1].
Another riddle to be solved on this matter is that of verifying if any higher up political or security figure was involved in ordering repeated DNA tests on the alleged piece of spinal bone found at the site of the Sainthamaruthu blast seeking to attribute it to Sarah and to conclude that indeed she died in that blast and did not survive, as alleged by other evidence including that of Hadiya, the wife of Zaharan. Finding out as to what really happened to Sarah after this blast is important as she is said to have known a lot of information about these attacks as the wife of one of the main suicide bombers, Hashtoon.
Third, it has been mentioned in evidence on 16th December 2020 before the PCOI by Chief Inspector Sampath Kumara that all data in the cellular phone and the laptop handed over by the then SIS Director Nilantha Jayawardena to the CID had been found to have been deleted. This is a serious matter and one has to investigate as to whether the said officer Nilantha Jayawardena deliberately erased off all these vital data in order to hide facts pertaining to the attacks and if so why he did that. Further, one needs to investigate thoroughly as to why this same officer tried to mislead the public on the murder of the two policemen at a check point in Batticaloa [Vavunathivu] seeking to protect Zaharan’s group who were the real authors of that murder which was, however, wrongly attributed by Jayawardena to an ex-LTTE cadre. One has to find out as to who prompted this officer to mislead the investigations into these murders and why?
Fourth, it is extremely important to find out as to why, when certain high up officials of the Police and the Security establishment were warned about these attacks several times, by the Indian intelligence services, well ahead of time, they did not take any effective action to prevent them and whether there was a superior involvement in this their gross inaction.
Fifth, it has been reported that the FBI investigations had handed over to the CID, the Internet Protocol [IP] address of a person who spoke frequently with Zaharan Hasheem and “when this person was arrested and was being questioned by the officers of the CID, the then Director of Military Intelligence, Brigadier Chula Kodithuwakku was sent by the Ministry of Defence to prevent the CID from detaining and questioning this person stating that since this person’s activities are a part of a secret military intelligence operation and it would affect national security, he cannot be questioned.” [No. 59 of the FR Petition presented by Shani Abeysekera before the Supreme Court]. We need to find out as to why and who blocked that investigation from proceeding. Who sought to protect the Military Intelligence and the Ministry of Defence from being investigated and why. We demand answers for that too.
Sixth, it has been found by now that the person who had used a pen name called “sonic-sonic” and had been in close contact with a person called “Matale Zaharan” or “Podi Zaharan”, had induced the latter to call a top level member of the ISIS overseas with whom he was in touch and plead with them to claim ownership for the Easter Sunday attacks in order to cover up the real authors behind these attacks. Why was this officer of the State Intelligence Service keen to get the ISIS to claim ownership of the attacks? Still intriguing is the fact that when investigations on the role of “sonic-sonic” or IP Bandara were proceeding the State Intelligence Service intervened urging the CID not to investigate this further as it was a matter of national security. Who then decided that contacts between State Intelligence and the ISIS was a matter of national security and why? We need to study this issue, too.
Seventh, it is necessary to investigate the matter concerning an instruction purported to have been given by the then DIG Deshabandu Tennakoon via telephone to two police officers who had sought to check the contents of a suspicious lorry exiting the Gelanigama gate of the southern highway and to let it pass through. The call had been given at 3.00 a.m. in the morning of the 5th April 2019. Why was the DIG himself giving these instructions and at that hour? What was being transported? Where was it going to in Panadura? Were the contents of that lorry transported elsewhere before or after the attacks? Where was it transported to from Panadura? It is known that Zaharan Hasheem and his team were staying at a rented house in Walana, Panadura, before the Easter attacks.
THE PAIN OF THE VICTIMS
It has to be affirmed at this point that all these years the families of those who lost their loved ones are in deep sorrow and pain, coming to us often sharing such pain with us and asking us as to when they will know the truth about those who perpetrated this crime. Since then there have been two committees and a Presidential Commission that conducted inquiries. Several smaller level committees, too, were appointed. And it is five years since the 1st volume (containing recommendations) of the Presidential Commission was published. The other volumes however, are still a secret.
And so in this kind of secretiveness the search for truth has become a cause of deep pain to all of us. Since most of those who died were Catholic faithful, and since these attacks took place in our churches, on our most holy day, Easter Sunday, the search for the truth behind these attacks becomes our basic right, that of the victim families as well as of the Church. The search for all those responsible for these murders and destruction is a right not only of the victims but of all of us, citizens of this country, and it is the duty of those in charge of the country to render justice to us on this in a fair and transparent manner.
HIDING THE TRUTH
It has to be sadly affirmed that, unlike the present leaders of the country, almost all the power holders since these sad incidents in 2019, including former Presidents, Heads of the Police and the AGs department officials instead of sincerely finding out as to who and what was behind these dastardly attacks, tried their best to confuse the public, muddle up the investigations and appointing all kinds of committees with highly suspect investigators in order to come out with conclusions crafted by them, tried to sabotage the truth from emerging.
The incumbent government that came to power in 2024 is indeed taking a more positive attitude with regard to the Easter massacre. Yet certain officials of the “deep state” are seeking to obstruct the smooth flow of these investigations. For example, in spite of the fact that the PCOI had given clear directives to the Attorney General and to that department to take clear legal and disciplinary actions against some of the political figures, officials of the security establishment and organisations for criminal neglect of duty, very little has so far been done on this matter by them.
At the same time, what is emerging through the latest investigations pointing to the involvement of some top-level officials of the security establishment in these attacks, especially from evidence found in the British Channel Four TV programme, need to be courageously explored. This kind of investigation seems to have rubbed a raw nerve among certain political groups who are reacting to these in a most revealing way, revealing the possibility that these investigations are indeed on the right track. These politically oriented reactions seem to be the result of a certain fear and anger at the possibility that they too might be exposed in some way.
And this also means that if anyone, sitting in high positions in any area of life be it in the political arena, the security establishment or in the commercial field, if found to have had any link should be called upon to give evidence or be prosecuted without considering the service they rendered in the past. No person is above the law and cannot go unpunished if found to have been involved even if that person has served the country with dedication earlier. Such persons indeed are expected to behave better even after their actions of heroism. If a good person does an evil deed he is accountable for that. Our call to investigate, question, hold to account anyone involved is not a condemnation of everyone else involved in that service.
If an official of the security establishment is involved in a crime he, too, is liable before the law. To interpret bringing before the law of any such security official as betrayal of one’s country, is totally lop sided and wrong. Truth and justice overrides all such petty considerations and we strongly condemn the instrumentalisation of such a false sense of patriotism by certain parties in this case. We want to know the truth in its totality and that is our right.
On 6th October 2024, His Excellency the President of Sri Lanka on a visit to St. Sebastian’s Church, Katuwapitiya, pledged to a gathering of Easter attack victims and well-wishers of their families that he will not allow
“the sands of time to bury the truth“ behind these attacks and so we call upon him to make that promise a reality by conducting a full, transparent and truthful investigation into these murders and to reveal the truth behind this brutal massacre courageously.
OUR PRAYER
Here we draw strength in the faith we profess. Justice belongs to the Lord. The blood that was shed was of innocent men, women and children which cries out to heaven for justice. The Lord we know will surely heed this prayer somehow, someday.
He will surely render us justice. Until then our struggle will continue.
We are grateful to every one of you for the fraternity you show us in this pursuit. We wish you God’s abundant blessings.
Features
Rethinking global order in the precincts of Nalanda
It has become fashionable to criticise the US for its recent conduct toward Iran. This is not an attempt to defend or rationalise the US’s actions. Rather, it seeks to inject perspective into an increasingly a historical debate. What is often missing is institutional memory: An understanding of how the present international order was constructed and the conditions under which it emerged.
The “rules-based order” was forged in the aftermath of two catastrophic wars. Earlier efforts had faltered. Woodrow Wilson’s proposal for a League of Nations after World War I was rejected by the US Senate. Yet, it introduced a lasting premise: International order could be consciously designed, not left solely to shifting power balances. That premise returned after World War II. The Dumbarton Oaks process laid the groundwork for the UN, while Bretton Woods established the global financial architecture.
These frameworks shaped modern norms of security, finance, trade, and governance. The US played the central role in this design, providing leadership even as it engaged selectively- remaining outside certain frameworks while shaping others. This underscored a central reality: Power and principle have always coexisted uneasily within it.
This order most be understood against the destruction that preceded it. Industrial warfare, aerial bombardment, and weapons capable of unprecedented devastation reshaped both the ethics and limits of conflict. The post-war system emerged from this trauma, anchored in a fragile consensus of “never again”, even as authority remained concentrated among five powers.
The rise of China, the re-emergence of India, and the growing assertiveness of Russia and regional powers are reshaping the global balance. Technological disruption and renewed competition over energy and resources are transforming the nature of power. In this environment, some American strategists argue that the US risks strategic drift Iran, in this view, becomes more than a regional issue; it serves as a platform for signalling resolve – not only to Tehran, but to Beijing and beyond. Actions taken in one theatre are intended to shape perceptions of credibility across multiple fronts.
Recent actions suggest that while the US retains unmatched military reach, it has exercised a level of restraint. The avoidance of escalation into the most extreme forms of warfare indicates that certain thresholds in great-power conflict remain intact. If current trends persist-where power increasingly substitutes for principle — this won’t remain a uniquely American dilemma.
Other major powers may face similar choices. As capabilities expand, the temptation to act outside established norms may grow. What begins as a context-specific deviation can harden into accepted practice. This is the paradox of great power transition: What begins as an exception risk becoming a precedent The question now is whether existing systems are capable of renewal. Ad hoc frameworks may stabilise the present, but risk orphaning the future. Without a broader framework, they risk managing disorder rather than designing order. The Dumbarton Oaks process was a structured diplomatic effort shaped by competing visions and compromise. A contemporary equivalent would be more complex, reflecting a more diffuse distribution of power and lower levels of trust Such an effort must include the US, China, India, the EU, Russia, and other key powers.
India could serve as a credible convenor capable of bridging divides. Its position -engaged with multiple powers yet not formally aligned – gives it a degree of convening legitimacy. Nalanda-the world’s first university – offers an appropriate symbolic setting for such dialogue, evoking knowledge exchange across civilisations rather than competition among them.
Milinda Moragoda is a former cabinet minister and diplomat from Sri Lanka and founder of the Pathfinder Foundation, a strategic affairs think tank could be contacted atemail@milinda.org. This article was published in Hindustan Times on 2026.04.19)
By Milinda Moragoda
Features
Father and daughter … and now Section 8
The combination of father and daughter, Shafi and Jana, as a duo, turned out to be a very rewarding experience, indeed, and now they have advanced to Section 8 – a high-energy, funk-driven, jazz-oriented live band, blending pop, rock, funk, country, and jazz.
Guitar wizard Shafi is a highly accomplished lead guitarist with extensive international experience, having performed across Germany, Australia, the Maldives, Canada, and multiple global destinations.
He is best known as a lead guitarist of Wildfire, one of Sri Lanka’s most recognised bands, while Jana is a dynamic and captivating lead vocalist with over a decade of professional performing experience.
Jana’s musical journey started early, through choir, laying the foundation for her strong vocal control and confident stage presence.
Having also performed with various local bands, and collaborated with seasoned musicians, Jana has developed a versatile style that blends energy, emotion, and audience connection.
The father and daughter combination performed in the Maldives for two years and then returned home and formed Section 8, combining international stage experience with a sharp understanding of what it takes to move a crowd.
In fact, Shafi and Jana performed together, as a duo, for over seven years, including long-term overseas contracts, building a strong musical partnership and a deep understanding of international audiences and live entertainment standards.
Section 8 is relatively new to the scene – just two years old – but the outfit has already built a strong reputation, performing at private events, weddings, bars, and concerts.
The band is known for its adaptability, professionalism, and engaging stage presence, and consistently delivers a premium live entertainment experience, focused on energy, groove, and audience connection.
Section 8 is also a popular name across Sri Lanka’s live music circuit, regularly performing at venues such as Gatz, Jazzabel, Honey Beach, and The Main Sports Bar, as well as across the southern coast, including Hikkaduwa, Ahangama, Mirissa, and Galle.
What’s more, they performed two consecutive years at Petti Mirissa for their New Year’s gala, captivating international audiences present with high-energy performance, specially designed for large-scale celebrations.
With a strong following among international visitors, the band has become a standout act within the tourist entertainment scene, as well.
Their performances are tailored to diverse audiences, blending international hits with dance-driven sets, while also incorporating strong jazz influences that add depth, musicianship, and versatility to their sound.
The rest of the members of Section 8 are also extremely talented and experienced musicians:
Suresh – Drummer, with over 20 years of international experience.
Dimantha – Keyboardist, with global exposure across multiple countries.
Dilhara – Bassist and multi-instrumentalist, also a composer and producer, with technical expertise.
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