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Getting Community Based Rehabilitation started in rural Botswana

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(Excerpted from Memories that Linger: My journey in the Word f Disability by Padmani Mendis)

The first group we visited wished to go together to the home of Ntchadi. Before we went to her home, the FWEs (Family Welfare Educators) told me that she had difficulty moving from place to place. She was about 10 years old. They said they wished they could do something for her. She had a very large head. She could not stand up because, they thought, she could not carry the weight of her head. I could see that she had hydrocephalus.

We visited Ntchadi’s home and were invited to sit on the bench outside the door. All the homes in the villages of Botswana were round mud huts. All the family members slept on mats which they would spread out on the floor at night. It was seldom that strangers were asked inside a home. We used the space available on the bench which was always to be found outside the door, while others stood by, leaning against the house or against a post. Ntchadi came close and sat on her haunches ready to join the conversation.

We talked with the mother about all her children until we came to Ntchadi. Her mother told us that Ntchadi wanted to go school. We asked Ntchadi whether she did and why, what she would do at school, did she have any friends and so on. She replied hesitantly and shyly. The mother added that Ntchadi stood at the fence to watch with a sad face as her brothers and sisters left for school. She would stand at the fence later when they were due back.

Ethel asked the group what we should do. “Shall we go and ask the school principal?” SSO (Social Servce Officer) Chele suggested. We asked Ntchadi and her mother whether they would like to do that. “But how can she go to school?” the mother asked. I stepped in say let’s go and ask the principal as Chele suggested.

It turned out the school was just opposite Ntchadi’s home. Chele went across, met the principal and asked him if he could meet us. We all walked across in a group to the school. The school was also made of small mud buildings. The principal, looking pleasant and stern at the same time, said first that he did not know that Ntchadi wanted to come to his school. He said now that he knew she did, of course she could.

At which Ntchadi’s face broke into a smile. SSO Joyce had questions. But how could she get here and back? What if she wanted to use the toilet? The principal replied that he had a wheelbarrow, and would ask children to take turns to fetch Ntchadi and take her back. And if she needed to use the toilet, someone will take her home in the wheelbarrow, he said.

There was a single neurosurgical specialist at the General Hospital in Gaborone, and a single physiotherapist. Where is the access to hospitals, specialised medical treatment and rehabilitation in countries such as these? Were these FWEs then delivering a cheap, low-cost service? Was this improving the quality of life of a child or not? Was this the medical model of rehabilitation? Or was it a developmental model? A rights-based model? Equal access to all or to the privileged few? To whatever questions critics had, this was CBR.

I heard that later the principal was a member of the Rehabilitation Committee Chele had helped their Kgotla or Village Chief to set up. Chele was happy with the interest the committee showed in their disabled people and with the support she got from them. The FWEs learned from this example that sometimes the solution lay within themselves.

Another group of FWEs took us to visit the home of three-year old Kealoboga. Ethel helped the FWEs assess her using Forms from the Manual. They found she could not sit by herself and she could not speak. They decided to teach the mother to use the Package on Play Activities to stimulate Kealoboga’s development. We went with Kealoboga and her mother to the village store and with difficulty got a cardboard box. Even a small box was a scarce resource in the village. The FWEs made some adjustments so that Kealoboga could sit in the box. They showed her mother how to speak to Kealoboga in the way that was shown in the Manual.

Not having the Manual in Setswana made it difficult for the families. Plans had already been made by Adelaide to have it translated. Funds were available, but the translation was taking a long time.

Family Welfare Educators

FWEs were the community health workers. They had a basic education, were full-time workers and came from the villages they worked in. The ones in our group of 15 were in the age group of perhaps 22 – 35 years. They were paid workers. After their field training was over, they told me they would visit the homes of the disabled members when they visited that part of the village for other reasons. In other words, they planned to integrate this task together with others they did in Primary Health Care.

And so we continued from day to day. When we needed a break for lunch we would find a bench to sit on quite close to a village store. FWEs and Ethel brought their own lunch. I would have an oil cake and a coke from the store. I disliked coke intensely, just for the brand name. But most often it was all the small store had. Home-made fresh oil cakes with coke which was probably from South Africa. That country was the source of all imports. Boy, did that white minority exploit their neighbours?

Over our lunch break the FWEs had lots of questions for me of a personal nature. One thing that seemed to fascinate many of them was my complexion. They commented on how smooth it was, and asked what I used. They were surprised when I said I used Nivea occasionally, just to prevent my skin from dryness. I was only forty years of age then. The wrinkles appeared three decades later. And the grey hairs took another decade.

The FWEs told me that most people living in Serowe were from the Bamangwato tribe. Each Motswana family had three homes. Now that they had regular jobs they themselves had to remain in Serowe all through the year. But some of their family when the rains came, had to spend time on their family lands and cultivate their fields. And then they went to the grazing areas or cattle posts to tend to their cattle. But every family was required to spend some time of the year in Serowe itself. They agreed with the chief that this was necessary to maintain tribal unity. They all spoke Setswana at home. At school they had studied in English.

Ethel Matiza

Ethel, always with a beaming smile on her face, always presenting an appearance of not having a care in the world. But there were times, and quite often too, that I caught in her eyes signs of desperation, of a deep unhappiness. In time I found out she had good reason for this. Ethel called herself a refugee from what was then Southern Rhodesia, now Zimbabwe. Southern Rhodesia had a white minority government dominating the black majority. You may remember Ian Smith the white prime minister? The black majority were being discriminated against, segregated and exploited as they were in South Africa.

The majority were struggling for their right to govern their country. Ethel told me this struggle was becoming increasingly violent. Her husband was actively involved in the struggle and his whole family was in danger of persecution. So much so her family believed it was safer for them to take refuge in Botswana. She was here with her parents and two children. Her husband continued to be a leader in the freedom movement. She was very afraid for him. This is the unhappiness, the desperation that I was seeing in her eyes. She told me that she thought their struggle would soon be over, but she still worried.

I heard early the following year that Zimbabwe finally gained its independence from Britain. It was of course world news. I was happy that Ethel could return home with her family and be safe with her husband. I knew at the same time that her going home will be a loss to the disabled people in Serowe, and indeed to Botswana. She was a dedicated worker with immense potential. She too, believed that CBR was the way forward.

The Serowe Hotel

The Serowe Hotel was situated on the Serowe-Palapye Road. The latter was then an important junction for both road and train travel. The distance between Palapye and Serowe was almost fifty kilometres. The road had been built only over ten years ago, so development alongside was recent. The Serowe Hotel was situated just inside the outer boundary of Serowe. From its appearance one would not have thought that it had been built within the last decade.

The hotel was a very small building. Two bedrooms for guests with a common bath and toilet, a small hall cum dining area, kitchen and a room for the manager. I was told that this had been built for travelling salesmen and the like. But in my three months, there were no other residential guests so I had the bath and toilet to myself.

No residential guests, but plenty of others. Every evening the hotel was filled with the male gender and loud noise. Much like the English pubs, they gathered here for beer, company and conversation. As the evening moved on many were intoxicated, plain drunk.

Given the way the hotel was used, after work I confined myself to my room. It was still spring and very cold. I had a single-bar electric heater in my room. Electricity was provided by the Council via generators which operated for two to three hours between 7 p.m. and 10 p.m. How long I could use my heater depended on how much diesel the Council had that day.

Before light fell, I was in the habit of sitting outside – one could not call it a garden, rather the space between the hotel and the road. This was to catch as much of the sun’s warmth as I could. To do this, I sat in a chair with a book, and while the shadow moved forward with the receding sun, I moved my chair and myself with the decreasing but still available sunlight. This made me a little bit warmer.

Serowe got its water from boreholes located around the village. Water was rationed and supplied to consumers from these sites. The hotel had its rationed supply stored in their own tank. As is to be expected in a supply chain, the water made available to me by the hotel had also to be rationed. Every morning and evening I was given a basin of water.

I requested that I be given less in the morning and more in the evening.

With the basin I was given in the evening, I had my bath. Nalin still asks me how I did it – and my reply is, there was no choice, I just had to. After a day out on dirt roads, walking from house to house in a village one returned hot and dusty. I used a small towel, soaked it, washed the dust off my body, applied soap, and washed that off again with the flannel soaked in clean water. Finally, with the water that was left, I washed my hair. Necessity is indeed the mother of invention.

Meals at the Serowe Hotel

For dinner every night I had a treat – steak. Cattle-rearing is the main occupation of the Motswana. The daily meal of the people was beef with porridge, and so was mine. Only the preparation was different. In the villages they usually cooked it all in one pot – the beef and the grain, like a stew. Sometimes the grain was cooked separately and made into porridge. The grain was either sorghum or millet which they grew in their fields.

The cattle were reared on their family grazing land. The porridge I had for breakfast. For dinner the hotel gave me a choice cut of beef made into a steak, served usually with porridge. Or as an occasional treat, potatoes when they had a supply from South Africa.

From Serowe to Brazzaville

While I was in Serowe I received an urgent message from WHO, Geneva that I should go to Brazzaville to participate as a resource at the Consultation of Directors of Rehabilitation Centres in the African Region. The consultation was to be held from October 8 -12. It was organised by the WHO African Regional Office (AFRO). Gunnel and I were asked to present two papers. One on “A Community-Based Approach to Rehabilitation” and the second on “Manpower Policies in Rehabilitation”. Because Gunnel could not attend, I presented both papers.

Before I came to Brazzaville I had to look up a map to find out where it was. I had actually not heard of it before. And yet the WHO Regional Office for Africa was located here. I found out that what we knew as the “Congo” is two countries. Brazzaville is the capital of what is the Republic of Congo. This had been the French part of the Congo.

The Belgian Congo, or Zaire, is now called the Democratic Republic of Congo. The map showed that while Brazzaville was on the north shore of the Congo River, Kinshasa the capital of the former Belgian Congo was on the south side. From Brazzaville on the north side, I could look across the river and see Kinshasa.

The Democratic Republic of Congo at this time had a military dictator called Mobuto Sese Seko. Economically, the Democratic Republic was doing badly and people were poor. The consultation kept me confined to the hotel with meetings in the evenings and many people to talk with. The little bit I saw of Brazzaville was on my way from and to the airport. What I saw indicated to me that it was a much-neglected city.

It was yet early days for CBR but the discussion and recommendations of this consultation could have a very positive impact for disabled people in Africa. The first output of the consultation was that CBR is the likely solution to meet the needs of disabled people. It called for disabled people, family members, neighbours and friends of disabled people, teachers, community leaders and local authorities to all participate actively in this approach; also, to utilise the principles of primary health care.

Second, it referred to the draft WHO Manual and stated that it will be made available to be adapted by countries for their own use. Third, it referred to the Guide for Policy Makers and Planners which had been recently drafted by Einar in Geneva and recommended its use for CBR planning. Fourth, it referred to the need to develop support and referral systems for CBR and called on rehabilitation institutions to take a leading role in this.

Finally, the consultation stressed the need for multi-purpose or mid-level rehabilitation workers to support CBR. I shall be coming back to the mid-level worker many times later in my journey. For now, I was happy that the need for such a professional was expressed at this important forum; let me say for the first time since WHO introduced CBR.

This consultation led to a workshop in CBR being held in Serowe the following year. I returned to Botswana to facilitate that workshop with Gunnel



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Features

The significance of “Control” in foreign relations

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US Assistant Secretary of State South and Central Asian Affairs, Paul Kapur, Deputy Defence Minister Aruna Jayaskera, and Navy Commande Vice Admiral Kanchana Banagoda and others aboard SLNS Gajabahu.

Foreign Relations are all about “Control” particularly in the context of Relations between Major Powers such as the USA, China and India and small sovereign States such as Sri Lanka. While in the case of such relations, benefits to both parties are inevitable, the need to do so is invariably driven by the national interests of the Major Powers because their interests far outweigh those of small States. This mismatch of interests is what calls for “Control” of relations by Major Powers

The advice to Sri Lanka by Foreign Relations experts thus far has been to balance challenges arising from such Relations, not realising that the compulsions driven by the interests of Major Powers are such that balancing by itself does not have the needed capabilities to overcome the consequences arising from Major Power Rivalries; a fact evidenced by the recent Middle East war.

For instance, the need for the USA to strengthen the capabilities of the Sri Lankan Navy is driven by the strategic location of Sri Lanka since it is the gateway to the Indo-Pacific. Notwithstanding such motivations, it cannot be denied that the infrastructure provided to Sri Lanka’s Navy was handy to meet internal challenges as it was during the final stages of the Armed Conflict to destroy arsenals of the LTTE out at sea and the capacity to meet both external and internal threats to and within Sri Lanka.

Similarly, one of China’s primary interests is its Belt and Road Initiative. Towards this end, China has established a solid foot print in Sri Lanka by building and owning solid infrastructure projects for 99 years and more, if it is in China’s interest. However, although benefits from such projects cannot be denied, the open question is whether their scale was established to suit China’s interests or sought by Sri Lanka to suit Sri Lanka’s interests. For instance, the offer to build a 200,000 barrels a day Refinery by Sinopec of China has more to do with serving China’s interests, in view of the decision by the Sri Lankan Government to expand the Refinery at Sapugaskanda to 100,000 barrels a day.

In the case of India, the issues are more complex arising from Sri Lanka’s proximity to India, the cultural and historical heritage shared by both and the presence of the Tamil community in both countries. Consequently, India is extremely conscious of the need to keep a sharp eye and “Control” developments taking place in Sri Lanka in respect of Sri Lanka’s relations with Major Powers. This concern is driven by the notion that the territorial security of India is dependent on Sri Lanka’s Relations with Major Powers; a concern that arises from India’s past territorial history where the territory of India was transformed from a motley group of Princely States into one unified sub-continent and then partitioned into two Nation States under the British Raj. Consequently, the present territory of India has been in existence only since its independence from Colonial Rule in 1947. Hence, the fear of history repeating itself is driven by internal compulsions and by external interventions.

US – SRI LANKA RELATIONS

Against the background of Geopolitical interests presented above, Sri Lanka adopted the Policy of Neutrality in 2019 and this Government continues to exercise and live by its Internationally recognised principles, as it did when Sri Lanka denied landing rights to US Aircraft during the Middle East conflict. Sri Lanka’s Foreign Minister stated that Sri Lanka was “always neutral” when he met the US Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs to convey Sri Lanka’s appreciation for the assistance rendered to procure fuel during the Middle East crisis and for the maritime vessels and aircraft gifted to Sri Lanka (Daily News, June 23, 2026).

In the meantime, The Island has reported that the “US declares SLN its Indo-Pacific Partner” (June 25, 2026). A statement issued by the US Embassy in Colombo quotes the Assistant Secretary of State as having stated: “Today, we announced the delivery of US satellite communication technology to the Sri Lankan Navy, our Indo-Pacific partner: This secure, real-time connection—representing a transformational upgrade for the Sri Lankan Navy-– will be available aboard their entire fleet of offshore patrol vessels…” (Ibid).

There is no doubt whatsoever that these assets would collectively boost the capabilities of the SL Navy to “strengthen maritime domain awareness, improve operational coordination, support emergency response, help interdict vessels engaged in illicit trafficking etc.” (Ibid). However, the unilateral declaration by US that the SL Navy is a “Indo-Pacific Partner” of the US has NO validity unless such a declaration has the approval of the SL Government. Furthermore, such an approval by the SL Government would compromise its Policy of Neutrality to which the country has pledged.

Therefore, the declaration should be accompanied with a caveat, that being, that the partnership should NOT extend to the entirety of the Indo-Pacific but be limited to Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone (EEC). It is only then that the SL Government is Internationally entitled to exercise its rights as a Neutral State, namely, to protect its territory under the UN Law of the Sea. Furthermore, considering the extent of Sri Lanka’s EEC in relation to the extent of the Indian Ocean, the Partnership would be proportionate.

CHINA – SRI LANKA RELATIONS

China’s interest is to consolidate its interests in its Belt and Road Initiative. Towards this end it has attempted to exercise “Control” over Sri Lanka by offering infrastructure projects of a scale that benefits China rather than Sri Lanka as evidenced by the example of the offer by Sinopec Refinery cited above. This example demonstrate that Sri Lanka should be faulted for accepting projects offered without question and when questioned, based on local evaluations of scale to meet Sri Lankan needs as in the case of the existing Refinery at Sapugaskanda, the scale of projects become significantly less. The lesson to be learnt from this experience is that no project offered should be accepted without question in respect of its suitability to Sri Lanka in all respects, if Sri Lanka is not to become a victim of self-inflicted debt traps.

INDIA –SRI LANKA RELATIONS

How India “Controls” Sri Lanka is by making Sri Lanka politically and economically vulnerable and dependent on India, not only through physical connectivity, but also by being a handmaiden in internal political arrangements where power is devolved to Provinces that are a threat to Sri Lanka’s territorial integrity (13th Amendment) and also by focusing development that benefit the Tamil community in Sri Lanka. The end result is to keep relations between communities in Sri Lanka on the “boil”, much against the interests of Sri Lanka to function as a united Nation State.

The proposal to connect Sri Lanka with India with under-water pipelines to transfer petroleum products from the Middle East and Power Grids would make Sri Lanka vulnerable and dependent on India as Germany was with Natural Gas from Russia when Nord-Stream I and II were sabotaged. Similarly, the road access through a Land Bridge connecting India and Sri Lanka would legalize access between the two countries that today takes place illegally because of the disparity in wages and livelihoods.

Despite such possible outcomes, there is a concerted effort by individuals and a body of NGOs who are of the opinion that it is in the best interests of Sri Lanka for Sri Lanka to hitch its wagons to the rising star of India. Others are grateful to India as the first responder to Sri Lanka at times of need, mindless of the weekly destruction of Sri Lanka’s marine resources etc. caused by thousands of fishing boats from India resorting to illegal fishing practices whose value over the years are beyond assessment.

CONCLUSIION

The reason for the recent conflict in the Middle East is all about “Control” of Nation States by Major Powers in pursuit of their Geopolitical interests. The need to “Control” Sri Lanka by the US is because of Sri Lanka’s location to the Indo-Pacific and by China because Sri Lanka is a vital link to its Belt and Road Initiative. On the other hand, Relations with India are influenced and guided by India’s obsession with the sustainability of its territorial integrity because that is what makes India a Major Power. The survival of Sri Lanka in such a complex background depends on how astutely Sri Lanka protects its Policy of Neutrality.

By Neville Ladduwahetty

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“Sir”: A prefix or a suffix in Sri Lanka?

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A file picture of King Charles making Sir Stephen Hough a Knight Bachelor at Windsor Castle.

The word “Sir” is classically and linguistically associated with Great Britain and His Majesty’s English Language. As an esteemed prefix, it generally refers to a Knight, but very strictly speaking, that is perhaps a rather narrow and restricted synonym. While a Knight of the British Empire is the most common type of knight people encounter today, Great Britain actually has several different orders of knighthood, as well as an ancient rank that does not belong to any such order at all.

When someone is dubbed a knight in Britain and referred to as “Sir” X, Y or Z, they generally fall into one of three categories. The first is a Knight Bachelor, undoubtedly the oldest rank. This is the most common form of knighthood awarded for public service, arts, or science. In that context, one should think of Sir Elton John, Sir Paul McCartney, or Sir Ian McKellen. It is not a part of an explicit “Order”, like that of the British Empire. It is the oldest mechanical form of knighthood, dating back to the 13th century under King Henry III. The recipients are simply styled as Sir, followed by the first name, such as Sir Ian, without any post-nominal letters like KBE or OBE attached to the end of their name.

The second is a Knight Commander of the Most Excellent Order of the British Empire (KBE). This is a specific group, established relatively recently in 1917 by King George V, to fill a gap for rewarding civilian and military effort during World War I. To qualify to be called “Sir” within this specific order, a man must be appointed as a Knight Commander (KBE) or a Knight Grand Cross (GBE).

The third is a group of Chivalric Orders, the so-called Elite and Ancient Orders. Several highly exclusive, ancient orders of knighthood sit much higher in precedence than the Order of the British Empire. These include the Most Noble Order of the Garter, the pinnacle of British honours founded in 1348, and scrupulously limited to the Monarch, the Prince of Wales, and only 24 other companion members. Then there is the Most Ancient and Most Noble Order of the Thistle, the highest chivalric honour in Scotland. The last of this group is the Most Honourable Order of the Bath; typically awarded to high-ranking military officers and senior civil servants.

The Summary Rule of this entire scenario is that every Knight of the British Empire (KBE) is a British Knight, but not every British Knight is a Knight of the British Empire. If you see a modern British knight who does not have military or diplomatic ties, odds are high that they are actually a Knight Bachelor.

With reference to the title of this presentation, now for the flip side of this, as we see things in our region of the globe. In Great Britain, it is the standard form of address to refer to a Knight as Sir John, Sir Ian etc. However, in Sri Lanka, as well as in the Indian sub-continent, very often people use the word “Sir” as a suffix or a postfix to honour someone and frequently use “X Sir”; the name followed by the word “Sir” as a suffix or postfix.

It is a fascinating linguistic oddity, and Sri Lanka is definitely not alone in this, and most definitely, we are second to none in that outlook. While using “Sir” as a suffix or postfix (e. g., De Silva Sir, Nihal Sir) completely cartwheels over the standard British etiquette, where “Sir” must strictly prefix a first name. This charming practice of using it as a suffix is actually widespread across South Asia and parts of Southeast Asia. It is a classic example of dialectal crossbreeding, where local grammatical structures and cultural norms go to the extent of rewriting even the rules of the standard English as a language.

In a very broad sense, this phenomenon is very definitely seen in the Indian Subcontinent (E.g. Sri Lanka, India, Bangladesh, Nepal, Bhutan and Pakistan). This is arguably where the “Name + Sir” phenomenon is largest and perhaps even the strongest. Across Sri Lanka, India and Bangladesh, you will constantly hear people refer to superiors, teachers, or public figures as Karu Sir, Vijay Sir, Sachin Sir, Shahrukh Sir, or Ahmad Sir, etc.

Then there is the Indian “Ji” Factor: In Indian languages like Hindi or Punjabi, it is a strict cultural taboo to call an elder or a superior by their bare name. People naturally append the respectful suffix “Ji” (e. g., Gandhi-ji, Sharma-ji). It is then no surprise at all that when switching to English, the Indian mind seamlessly swaps the local suffix Ji for the English honorific Sir, thereby turning Vijay-ji into Vijay Sir.

In Hong Kong, a very specific variation of this exists within the police force and civil service. Influenced by decades of British administration, mixed with Cantonese naming customs, junior officers and the public address superiors by their surname followed by “Sir”, such as “Wong-Sir” or “Chan-Sir“. There is even a universal colloquial generic term, “Ah-Sir“, used commonly to address male police officers or teachers.

In the Philippines, while the syntax is slightly different, the sheer density of “Sir/Madam, Ma’am” usage matches that of Sri Lanka. Filipinos deeply value hierarchical courtesy. While they might say “Sir Jason“, it is incredibly common to use “Sir” almost like a pronoun or a mid-sentence suffix punctuation mark when addressing superiors, bosses, or clients, to ensure that respect is suitably maintained conscientiously.

The mismatch between British English and South/Southeast Asian English comes down to how different native cultures view status and intimacy. In South Asia, especially in Sri Lanka, there is the Linguistic Tradition of the suffix, where an extension in the nation’s own language is inserted into a word to enhance its status. In languages like Sinhala (-thuma / –mahathmaya), in Tamil (-ayyah / –avargal), and in Hindi (-ji), respect is always attached to the end of a name. It simply means that forcefully bringing a sleek word that implies social deference to the front, like Sir John, feels syntactically peculiar or even inappropriate to a native speaker of these local languages.

The “First Name Dilemma” is another type of rather quaint occurrence. In the West, calling your boss simply “John” is seen as a gesture that is egalitarian, free and open. In South Asia, calling an elder or superior by their first name feels somewhat jarringly rude. Conversely, using just “Mr Perera” can also feel too cold, official and even distant. “Perera Sir” or “Silva Sir” strikes the perfect culturally mitigatory concession, as it maintains a warm, personal connection by using the surname while also overtly and safely conveying a layer of professional public respect by adding the word “Sir” as a suffix or a postfix.

Yet for all that, it is worth noting that fundamentally, all languages are symbolic expressions of human thought and human intelligence. Whether expressed as spoken, written or sign language, all dialects are means of human communication. The type of words like “Sir” that we use in the English Language and the real context in which they are used indicate our thoughts in our human intellect. When they are used appropriately, they reflect our commitment to uninhibited respect and even admiration. While the British people and even their Monarch might feel quite a bit confused to hear someone called “Perera Sir”, right across Sri Lanka and its neighbouring nations. Yet for all that, it is simply the most natural and fusion technique to bridge and integrate traditional deference and admiration with modern expressive English.

by Dr B. J. C. Perera
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow,
Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
An independent freelance correspondent.

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The Murder Room

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Tales of Mystery and Suspense – 8

The Murder Room gets its title from a room of that name in a museum dedicated to Victorian memorabilia, including famous murders, which are featured in that room. But the first murder in the story occurs outside, when one of the trustees, who had been against renewing the lease of the building – which would have meant the museum having to close – is set on fire when he comes to the museum late one evening to pick up the car in which he went away for weekends. This was a regular habit, and the murderer had obviously lain in wait, with a can of petrol, and set him on fire.

James

I took several books with me when I went to England earlier this year, but as usual I read hardly any of them, finding enough and more of interest in the shelves of those I stayed with. My first stop was at New College, where, as on several previous occasions I stayed in what is known as the Bishop’s Room, on the topmost storey of the Warden’s Lodgings. Sadly, I shall not stay there again, for my friend who has been Warden there for a decade now, Miles Young, retires this year.

The bookshelves there have much of interest though on the last couple of occasions I have concentrated on the detective stories, which Miles says are not his, but came with the house. The second I read this time was by the generally workmanlike P. D. James, whose Adam Dalgliesh is in the long line of whimsical but efficient detectives that has Hercule Poirot at its head. Though I had not been impressed by the one novel I read, featuring James’ female detective, Dalgliesh, I liked it, and this novel confirmed my affection.

The Murder Room

gets its title from a room of that name in a museum dedicated to Victorian memorabilia, including famous murders, which are featured in that room. But the first murder in the story occurs outside, when one of the trustees, who had been against renewing the lease of the building – which would have meant the museum having to close – is set on fire when he comes to the museum late one evening to pick up the car in which he went away for weekends. This was a regular habit, and the murderer had obviously lain in wait, with a can of petrol, and set him on fire.

The other two trustees, his brother and his sister, obviously benefited from his death, for they promptly renewed the lease. The employees of the museum also clearly benefited, for they had all found some sort of refuge here. These included the caretaker/cleaner, who lived in a cottage on the premises, a manager who was unpaid but used the place for his research, the receptionist, who also looked after the flat at the museum which was used by the sister, and two volunteers plus a gardener’s boy.

The caretaker, Tally, came across the fire before discovery had been intended, for an evening class everyone knew she went to on Fridays had been cancelled. On her way in she was knocked off her bicycle by a speeding car, the driver of which stopped to make sure she was safe, before speeding off again. She manages then to summon everyone else, including Dalgliesh, who had visited the museum for the first time a few days earlier, brought by a friend who relished its strange attractions.

The museum has to be closed for a few days while investigations are carried out, but in the course of them the friend brings some transatlantic visitors, and when they are in the Murder Room a chest (in which a body had been supposed to have been hidden in Victorian times) is opened, and a body found there. That murder, the autopsy indicated, had taken place around the time of the first murder.

The body was that of a girl who had attended a finishing school part-owned by the Dupayne sister. When Tally, by chance, sees the man who had knocked her down, and identifies him as a Lord who was known for his philanthropy, Dalgliesh realises that there are wheels within wheels here. The Lord confesses that he belonged to a group that met for promiscuous sex in the flat, and that he had planned to meet the girl there but she had not turned up.

Lord Martlesham, when the girl failed to appear, thought he should get away after the fire broke out. It was then that he had bumped into Tally, and his stopping to make sure she was all right indicated that he could not have been the murderer. Dalgliesh then deduced that the murderer had seen the girl at the window of the murder room, from which she must have seen the preparations for the murder. That was why she too had been killed.

Dalgliesh then has a fair idea of who the murderer was, but in waiting for proof, he leaves room for yet another murder to happen. For Tally, who had been mulling over something said on the night of the murder, asking about the petrol that caused the fire, realized that she had not mentioned petrol herself. This happened on her way back to her cottage, and not having a phone herself she goes into the museum to call, and then gets back to her cottage and locks herself in.

But then she hears her cat howling and goes out to find him strung up. She cuts him down, but when she goes back to the cottage the murderer is waiting and knocks her down. That happens in the section called The Third Victim, but this is in fact a boy on a motorbike knocked down by the speeding car of the escaping murderer. So Dalgliesh is able to effect an arrest when he turns up as summoned, and fortunately is in time to resuscitate Tally and send her to hospital.

The reason for the murder and the identity of its perpetrator are then fairly straightforward, though the background to the second murder introduces an element of loose living that contrasts with the Victorian age, or at least the image it projected – undercut though that is by the murders highlighted in the Murder Room with their sexual overtones.

And there is another louche element in the adventures of the gardener’s boy, who lives with a Major who is homosexual, though he declares, truthfully it seems, that he was not attracted at all to the boy but had given him shelter because of his vulnerability. He is generally charming, but capable of rages, in one of which he knocked down the major, though he was forgiven. He had taken shelter with Tally, who was fond of him but decided she preferred to live alone, which was why she had sent him away the day before she was attacked.

The murdered brother was a psychiatrist, and it turns out that the mysterious weekends he spent away from his London home were spent at country inns, where he took long walks to clear his mind of the demons his practice kept bringing into it. His profession also contributed to his death, in addition to his standing in the way of the museum continuing to exist, for one of his patients, connected to the murderer, had set fire to herself.

Solid plotting, with all the loose ends tied up, of incidents and the bizarre cast of characters.

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