Features
ASEAN Conundrum
by Nilantha Ilangamuwa
Despite the clamor of numerous advocates, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) must swiftly and resolutely confront critical issues to establish its position as the dominant force shaping the future of Asia. Unlike other Asian organizations, ASEAN holds invaluable lessons to impart. The Asian region has been marred by the ruthless expansion of powers, serving as a formidable battleground haunted by a grim and harrowing past, riddled with unresolved genocides and crimes against humanity.
To compound matters, individuals of Asian origin, now in influential positions within Western nations, persistently view Asian countries through the narrow lens of Western interests, prioritizing their own needs over ours and offering solutions that may not align with the best interests of Asians. The age-old strategy of divide and conquer continues to plague this region, as it does others. Hence, the path ahead for ASEAN demands a relentless commitment to learning from its history, replete with betrayals and manipulations. Only by embracing its past and heeding the lessons it holds can ASEAN rise above and propel itself towards a future of true strength and leadership in shaping the destiny of Asia.
While ASEAN strives to make progress, other regional organizations have faltered. SAARC has been crippled by the longstanding hostility between India and Pakistan, failing to convene annual meetings for several years. Similarly, the Non-Aligned Movement has devolved into an empty platform, filled with hollow rhetoric that squanders time and resources. However, the conflict of opinions between ASEAN and the Non-Aligned Movement intensifies; the specter of an Asian nightmare looms large. The recent statement released after the meeting of ASEAN’s foreign affairs ministers holds immense significance.
“We are seriously disappointed over the failure of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) to update paragraphs on the South China Sea in the Final Document of the Ministerial Meeting of the Coordinating Bureau of the Non-Aligned Movement in Baku,” declared ASEAN. The NAM must not only pay lip service but also staunchly uphold the core principles enshrined in the Bandung Principles, demonstrating an unwavering commitment to fostering peace, friendship, and cooperation among regional countries. This inexcusable display of disunity among Asian nations demands immediate and unwavering action on critical issues.
The challenges confronting ASEAN and the broader Asian region demand an unprecedented level of resolve and unyielding cooperation. Drawing from the indelible lessons of history, confronting the harsh realities of the present, and forging a resolute and unwavering unity, ASEAN can and must rise as a commanding and formidable force, charting the course of Asia’s destiny for the unmitigated betterment of all its people. The time for decisive action is now; any hint of hesitation not only risks repeating the grave mistakes of the past but also perpetuates the insidious dominance of external powers over the sovereign future of our region.
The paramount concern lies in safeguarding the Asian region from becoming a mere pawn of powerful states or their strategically established organizations seeking to expand their dominance. It is imperative to proactively devise a comprehensive strategic plan to thwart such machinations. We must exercise utmost caution regarding the potential hazards that can emerge, not only in trade and economy but also within the nations of the region and the military activities in the seas of region.
The success of ASEAN member countries in the market hinges on their adeptness in dealing with China and strategically engaging Western markets. To achieve this, both ASEAN member countries and those at the protectionist level must unite under collective programs. As unanimously agreed upon, this region should continue to be a bastion of peace, seeking peaceful resolutions rather than flexing military dominance in conflict zones.
However, the ominous proliferation of foreign military bases across the region and the manipulation of socio-political structures of countries surrounding China for potential wars against it paint a disheartening picture, leaving little room for optimism. The annihilation of the multipolar world order to make way for a unipolar world order stands as a stark reminder of the relentless pursuit of power. When a superpower perceives its influence gradually waning, it is unhesitant in implementing countermeasures, as history has taught us through millennia of human civilization.
Maintaining military bases in the countries around China underscores the strategic conflict between the two powers, a conflict that could escalate into a war when least expected. Such a war would not only plunge China but also numerous Asians who have painstakingly rebuilt their lives from the aftermath of past conflicts back into the darkness of history. This may not manifest as a direct conflict between the two countries, but rather a proxy war akin to the current situation in Ukraine.
In recent years, the failure of attempting separate implementations of soft power and hard power has starkly revealed itself, resulting in a surge of proxy wars. States now sponsor non-state proxies as fifth columns to undermine rival powers, supporting factions engaged in civil wars, sponsoring terrorists and insurgent groups. The historical backdrop of the Cold War era exemplifies the risks, as proxy warfare became an attractive alternative to conventional conflict, yet it still brought grave consequences. With the relentless advancement of artificial intelligence, the future’s strategic conflicts with China remain unpredictable, adding an additional layer of uncertainty to the evolving landscape of technological capabilities and potential conflicts.
To safeguard the Asian region from becoming a mere playground for superpowers, decisive action and international cooperation are indispensable. Only by collectively fortifying our sovereignty and championing peace can we forge a path towards a future that empowers the region to shape its destiny, free from the manipulations of external forces.
The sheer scale of the U.S. military presence in East Asia is staggering, with a striking 313 military base sites alone, and this is just one part of a vast global network encompassing approximately 750 U.S. military bases spread across 80 countries and colonies worldwide. This extensive network stands unparalleled in the annals of history, surpassing any other nation, empire, or people.
Conversely, China maintains only a modest count of around eight foreign military bases, with one located in Djibouti and others established on human-made islands in the South China Sea.
The significance of strategic competition from a rising and ambitious China was notably underscored by US Central Intelligence Agency Director William Burns during the annual Ditchley lecture this year. He emphasized that rise of China represents one of the three key features upon which U.S. success hinges. Subsequently, the United Kingdom’s foreign intelligence service, Secret Intelligence Service commonly known as MI6, echoed this sentiment, declaring China as the primary challenge to realizing their ambitions. Richard Moore, who is the head of MI6, revealed last week during his speech in Prague that they are devoting increasing resources to address the implications of China’s growing global importance.
In light of these developments, it is imperative that ASEAN demonstrates an unwavering and assertive commitment to resolving conflicts through resolute and diplomatic means—now more crucial than ever before. We cannot tolerate the unchecked proliferation of foreign military bases across the Asian region any longer. When these formidable forces delineate its adversary, smaller nations must unite against overwhelming odds. Our nations must unite and take decisive action to put an end to these bases, which merely serve as tools for advancing Western interests, fueling wars, and testing lethal weaponry, all while neglecting the pressing issues of climate change, man-made disasters, poverty, education, and healthcare.
Instead, our focus should be on prioritizing the sharing of technology to combat these pressing challenges, thereby fostering prosperity and well-being for our people. We must firmly advocate for dialogue, negotiation, and peaceful cooperation as the cornerstones of our approach. Through this, ASEAN will not only contribute to fostering unparalleled stability and tranquility in the region but also ensure that conflicts are thwarted and tensions effectively deescalated.
As the true guardians of peace in Asia, our united efforts to address this escalating situation will undoubtedly play a pivotal role in shaping the future of our continent. We must stand unwavering in our resolve, rejecting any notion of becoming a human laboratory for testing modern technologies. Our pursuit is of a better, harmonious tomorrow for all Asian nations—one that champions peace, prosperity, and progress while firmly rejecting the notion of being a testing ground for others’ interests. Devoid of this essence, the notion of an Asian century becomes nothing more than a fantasy.
[ The writer can be reached at ilangamuwa@gmail.com]
Features
Cricket and the National Interest
The appointment of former minister Eran Wickremaratne to chair the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee is significant for more than the future of cricket. It signals a possible shift in the culture of governance even as it offers Sri Lankan cricket a fighting possibility to get out of the doldrums of failure. There have been glorious patches for the national cricket team since the epochal 1996 World Cup triumph. But these patches of brightness have been few and far between and virtually non-existent over the past decade. At the centre of this disaster has been the failures of governance within Sri Lanka Cricket which are not unlike the larger failures of governance within the country itself. The appointment of a new reform oriented committee therefore carries significance beyond cricket. It reflects the wider challenge facing the country which is to restore trust in public institutions for better management.
The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne brings a professional administrator with a proven track record into the cricket arena. He has several strengths that many of his immediate predecessors lacked. Before the ascent of the present government leadership to positions of power, Eran Wickremaratne was among the handful of government ministers who did not have allegations of corruption attached to their names. His reputation for financial professionalism and integrity has remained intact over many years in public life. With him in the Cricket Transformation Committee are also respected former cricketers Kumar Sangakkara, Roshan Mahanama and Sidath Wettimuny together with professionals from legal and business backgrounds. They have been tasked with introducing structural reforms and improving transparency and accountability within cricket administration.
A second reason for this appointment to be significant is that this is possibly the first occasion on which the NPP government has reached out to someone associated with the opposition to obtain assistance in an area of national importance. The commitment to bipartisanship has been a constant demand from politically non-partisan civic groups and political analysts. They have voiced the opinion that the government needs to be more inclusive in its choice of appointments to decision making authorities. The NPP government’s practice so far has largely been to limit appointments to those within the ruling party or those considered loyalists even at the cost of proven expertise. The government’s decision in this case therefore marks a potentially important departure.
National Interest
There are areas of public life where national interest should transcend party divisions and cricket, beloved of the people, is one of them. Sri Lanka cannot afford to continue treating every institution as an arena for political competition when institutions themselves are in crisis and public confidence has become fragile. It is therefore unfortunate that when the government has moved positively in the direction of drawing on expertise from outside its own ranks there should be a negative response from sections of the opposition. This is indicative of the absence of a culture of bipartisanship even on issues that concern the national interest. The SJB, of which the newly appointed cricket committee chairman was a member objected on the grounds that politicians should not hold positions in sports administration and asked him to resign from the party. There is a need to recognise the distinction between partisan political control and the temporary use of experienced administrators to carry out reform and institutional restructuring. In other countries those in politics often join academia and civil society on a temporary basis and vice versa.
More disturbing has been the insidious campaign carried out against the new cricket committee and its chairman on the grounds of religious affiliation. This is an unacceptable denial of the reality that Sri Lanka is a plural, multi ethnic and multi religious society. The interim committee reflects this diversity to a reasonable extent. The country’s long history of ethnic conflict should have taught all political actors the dangers of mobilising communal prejudice for short term political gain. Sri Lanka paid a very heavy price for decades of mistrust and division. It would be tragic if even cricket administration became another arena for communal suspicion and hostility. The present government represents an important departure from the sectarian rhetoric that was employed by previous governments. They have repeatedly pledged to protect the equal rights of all citizens and not permit discrimination or extremism in any form.
The recent international peace march in Sri Lanka led by the Venerable Bhikkhu Thich Paññākāra from Vietnam with its message of loving kindness and mindfulness to all resonated strongly with the masses of people as seen by the crowds who thronged the roadsides to obtain blessings and show respect. This message stands in contrast to the sectarian resentment manifested by those who seek to use the cricket appointments as a weapon to attack the government at the present time. The challenges before the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee parallel the larger challenges before the government in developing the national economy and respecting ethnic and religious diversity. Plugging the leaks and restoring systems will take time and effort. It cannot be done overnight and it cannot succeed without public patience and support.
New Recognition
There is also a need for realism. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee does not guarantee success. Reforming deeply flawed institutions is always difficult. Besides, Sri Lanka is a small country with a relatively small population compared to many other cricket playing nations. It is also a country still recovering from the economic breakdown of 2022 which pushed the majority of people into hardship and severely weakened public institutions. The country continues to face unprecedented challenges including the damage caused by Cyclone Ditwah and the wider global economic uncertainties linked to conflict in the Middle East. Under these difficult circumstances Sri Lanka has fewer resources than many larger countries to devote to both cricket and economic development.
When resources are scarce they cannot be wasted through corruption or incompetence. Drawing upon the strengths of all those who are competent for the tasks at hand regardless of party affiliation or ethnic or religious identity is necessary if improvement is to come sooner rather than later. The burden of rebuilding the country cannot rest only on the government. The crisis facing the country is too deep for any single party or government to solve alone. National recovery requires capable individuals from across society and from different sectors such as business and civil society to work together in areas where the national interest transcends party politics. There is also a responsibility on opposition political parties to support initiatives that are politically neutral and genuinely in the national interest. Not every issue needs to become a partisan battle.
Sri Lanka cricket occupies a special place in the national consciousness. At its best it once united the country and gave Sri Lankans a sense of pride and international recognition. Restoring integrity and professionalism to cricket administration can therefore become part of the larger task of national renewal. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee, while it does not guarantee success, is a sign that the political leadership and people of the country may be beginning to mature in their approach to governance. In recognising the need for competence, integrity and bipartisan cooperation and extending it beyond cricket into other areas of national life, Sri Lanka may find the way towards more stable and successful governance..
by Jehan Perera
Features
From Dhaka to Sri Lanka, three wheels that drive our economies
Court vacation this year came with an unexpected lesson, not from a courtroom but from the streets of Dhaka — a city that moves, quite literally, on three wheels.
Above the traffic, a modern metro line glides past concrete pillars and crowded rooftops. It is efficient, clean and frequently cited as a symbol of progress in Bangladesh. For a visitor from Sri Lanka, it inevitably brings to mind our own abandoned light rail plans — a project debated, politicised and ultimately set aside.
But Dhaka’s real story is not in the air. It is on the ground.
Beneath the elevated tracks, the streets belong to three-wheelers. Known locally as CNGs, they cluster at junctions, line the edges of markets and pour into narrow roads that larger vehicles avoid. Even with a functioning rail system, these three-wheelers remain the city’s most dependable form of everyday transport.
Within hours of arriving, their importance becomes obvious. The train may take you across the city, but the journey does not end there. The last mile — often the most complicated part — belongs entirely to the three-wheeler. It is the vehicle that gets you home, to a meeting or simply through streets that no bus route properly serves.
There is a rhythm to using them. A destination is mentioned, a price is suggested and a brief negotiation follows. Then the ride begins, edging into traffic that feels permanently compressed. Drivers move with instinct, adjusting routes and squeezing through gaps with a confidence built over years.
It is not polished. But it works.
And that is where the comparison with Sri Lanka becomes less about what we lack and more about what we already have.
Back home, the three-wheeler has long been part of daily life — so familiar that it is often discussed only in terms of its problems. There are frequent complaints about fares, refusals or the absence of meters. More recently, the industry itself has become entangled in politics — from fuel subsidies to regulatory debates, from election-time promises to periodic crackdowns.
In that process, the conversation has shifted. The three-wheeler is often treated as a problem to be managed, rather than a service to be strengthened.
Yet, seen through the experience of Dhaka, Sri Lanka’s system begins to look far more settled — and, in many ways, ahead.
There is a growing structure in place. Meters, while not perfect, are widely recognised. Ride-hailing apps have added transparency and reduced uncertainty for passengers. There are clearer expectations on both sides — driver and commuter alike. Even small details, such as designated parking areas in parts of Colombo or the increasing standard of vehicles, point to an industry slowly moving towards professionalism.
Just as importantly, there is a human element that remains intact.
In Sri Lanka, a three-wheeler ride is rarely just a transaction. Drivers talk. They offer directions, comment on the day’s news, or share local knowledge. The ride becomes part of the social fabric, not just a means of getting from one point to another.
In Dhaka, the scale of the city leaves less room for that. The interaction is quicker, more direct, shaped by urgency. The service is essential, but it is under constant pressure.
What stands out, across both countries, is that the three-wheeler is not a temporary or outdated mode of transport. It is a necessity in dense, fast-growing Asian cities — one that fills gaps no rail or bus system can fully address.
Large infrastructure projects, like light rail, are important. They bring efficiency and long-term capacity. But they cannot replace the flexibility of a three-wheeler. They cannot reach into narrow streets, respond instantly to demand or provide that crucial last-mile connection.
That is why, even in a city that has invested heavily in modern rail, Dhaka still runs on three wheels.
For Sri Lanka, the lesson is not simply about what could have been built, but about what should be better managed and valued.
The three-wheeler industry does not need to be politicised at every turn. It needs steady regulation — clear fare systems, proper licensing, safety standards — alongside encouragement and recognition. It needs to be seen as part of the solution to urban transport, not as a side issue.
Because for thousands of drivers, it is a livelihood. And for millions of passengers, it is the most immediate and reliable form of mobility.
The tuk-tuk may not feature in grand policy speeches or infrastructure blueprints. It does not run on elevated tracks or attract international attention. But on the ground, where daily life unfolds, it continues to do what larger systems often struggle to do — show up, adapt and keep moving.
And after watching Dhaka’s streets — crowded, relentless, yet functioning — that small, three-wheeled vehicle feels less like something to argue over and more like something to get right.
(The writer is an Attorney-at-Law with over a decade of experience specialising in civil law, a former Board Member of the Office of Missing Persons and a former Legal Director of the Central Cultural Fund. He holds an LLM in International Business Law)
by Sampath Perera recently in Dhaka, Bangladesh
Features
Dubai scene … opening up
According to reports coming my way, the entertainment scene, in Dubai, is very much opening up, and buzzing again!
After a quieter few months, May is packed with entertainment and the whole scene, they say, is shifting back into full swing.
The Seven Notes band, made up of Sri Lankans, based in Dubai, are back in the spotlight, after a short hiatus, due to the ongoing Middle East problems.
On 18th April they did Legends Night at Mercure Hotel Dubai Barsha Heights; on Thursday, 9th May, they will be at the Sports Bar of the Mercure Hotel for 70s/80s Retro Night; on 6th June, they will be at Al Jadaf Dubai to provide the music for Sandun Perera live in concert … and with more dates to follow.
These events are expected to showcase the band’s evolving sound, tighter stage coordination, and stronger audience engagement.
With each performance, the band aims to refine its identity and build a loyal following within Dubai’s vibrant nightlife and event scene.

Pasindu Umayanga: The group’s new vocalist
What makes Seven Notes standout is their versatility which has made the band a dynamic and promising act.
With a growing performance calendar, new talent integration, and international ambitions, the band is definitely entering a defining phase of its journey.
Dubai’s music industry, I’m told, thrives on diversity, energy, and audience connection, with live bands playing a crucial role in elevating events—from corporate shows to private concerts. Against this backdrop, Seven Notes is positioning itself not just as another band, but as a performance-driven musical unit focused on consistency and growth.
Adding fresh momentum to the group is Pasindu Umayanga who joins Seven Notes as their new vocalist. This move signals a strategic upgrade—not just filling a role, but strengthening the band’s front-line presence.
Looking beyond local stages, Seven Notes is preparing for an international tour, to Korea, in July.

Bassist Niluk Uswaththa: Spokesperson for Seven Notes
According to bassist Niluk Uswaththa, taking a band abroad means: Your sound must hold up against unfamiliar audiences, your performance must translate beyond language, and your discipline must be at a professional level.
“If executed well, this tour could redefine Seven Notes from a local band into an emerging international act,” added Niluk.
He went on to say that Dubai is not an easy market. It’s saturated with highly experienced, multi-genre bands that can adapt instantly to any crowd.
“To stand out consistently you need to have tight rehearsal discipline, unique sound identity (not just covers), strong stage chemistry, audience retention – not just applause.”
No doubt, Seven Notes is entering a critical growth phase—new member, multiple shows, and an international tour on the horizon. The opportunity is real, but so is the pressure.
However, there is talk that Seven Notes will soon be a recognised name in the regional music scene.
-
News7 days agoTreasury chief’s citizenship details sought from Australia
-
News6 days agoRooftop Solar at Crossroads as Sri Lanka Shifts to Distributed Energy Future
-
News5 days ago“Three-in-one blood pressure pill can significantly reduce risk of recurrent strokes”
-
News7 days agoCentral Province one before last in AL results
-
Sports7 days agoWell done AKD!
-
News2 days agoUSD 3.7 bn H’tota refinery: China won’t launch project without bigger local market share
-
News19 hours agoCJ urged to inquire into AKD’s remarks on May 25 court verdict
-
News5 days agoAlarm raised over plan to share Lanka’s biometric data with blacklisted Indian firm
