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Ranil Wickremesinghe’s mission to India

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President Wickremesinghe and Indian Prime Minister Modi in New Delhi on Friday

By Uditha Devapriya

On Thursday, July 21, Ranil Wickremesinghe commemorated exactly one year since he took oaths as Sri Lanka’s President. He remains a president without a mandate, a leader selected by the parliament and not elected by his people. Nevertheless, since his accession, he has effected several reforms, overseeing IMF negotiations and debt restructuring talks. From July 1 to 3 he saw through the first stage of the most difficult phase of these reforms, domestic debt optimisation. These reforms have unleashed a flurry of debates, from both sides. The consensus among Colombo-based economists is that things have improved from a year ago. Yet here, too, some disagreement remains.

Instead of commemorating his accession on that day – reports say he has forbidden any ceremonies – Wickremesinghe chose to travel to India. This has been his first trip to the country since he became President. The delegation involved an entourage consisting of four important Ministers, including Foreign Minister Ali Sabry. According to various sources, the tour included a meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, as well as the signing of five agreements which will have a bearing on bilateral relations. To make arrangements for the visit, and the meeting, India’s Foreign Secretary Vinay Mohan Kwatra arrived in Sri Lanka and met President Wickremesinghe a week ago.

For Sri Lanka, India has become a factor it cannot ignore. This has almost always been the case since independence. Yet India’s aid and assistance to the island nation last year, to the tune of USD 4 billion, complicated this relationship. India, for its part, has recognised that it cannot dictate terms to the country, and has made concession after concession: the latest, announced a few weeks ago, may in effect defer repayments on USD 1.6 billion in debt by as long as 12 years. Moreover, as Rathindra Kuruwita noted in an analysis, India’s assistance to Sri Lanka exceeded its contribution to the United Nations and was just USD 3 billion less than its aid to developing countries in 2021. This is a reality Sri Lanka cannot sidestep.

In other words, India needs a stable Sri Lanka as much as Sri Lanka needs a dependable ally in India. To that end several issues would have been brought up in Wickremesinghe’s visit. These would have included not only subjects like the 13th Amendment, or the plight of Sri Lankan fisherman in the Northern Province vis-à-vis Indian fishermen and bottom trawlers, or continuing economic assistance, but also the two countries’ energy sectors. Indeed, the inclusion of Power and Energy Minister Kanchana Wijesekera in the delegation shows how important investments in that sector have become for India, especially after the suspension of Chinese energy projects in the island’s Northern Province.

A more crucial topic will be the adoption of the Indian rupee for transactions. India may have its sights on outer space, but it is feverishly concentrating on propping up its currency abroad. Its refusal to back a BRICS currency shows that while it is in agreement with the aims of organisations like BRICS, it does not want those aims to prevail over its interests. Sri Lanka seems to have fallen in line with this approach, as witness Ranil Wickremesinghe’s statement that he would like to see the rupee being used as much as the dollar.

China has not ignored these developments. From July 19 to 23, Yuan Jiajun, a high-ranking official of the Communist Party of China, will visit the island. Jiajun is currently Secretary of the CPC Municipal Committee in Chongqing, a strategic stronghold in the Belt and Road Initiative. The timing of the visit is interesting, not only because it coincides with the Indian tour but also because it has been arranged regardless of Wickremesinghe’s absence. The visit may be part of China’s efforts to show it has not let go of Sri Lanka. Beijing, moreover, has emphasised that it opposes all attempts at colonising the country, a point it brought up when Qi Zhenhong, China’s Ambassador in Colombo, paid tribute to Keppetipola Dissawe at a ceremony in the Uva Province on June 29.

India’s image in Sri Lanka improved substantially last year vis-à-vis China because of its assistance to the island. But it will have to be careful in managing the optics. On the one hand, it will have to satisfy its domestic electorate, who may have questions regarding the benefits India can reap from supporting Sri Lanka. On the other hand, it cannot make too many demands on Sri Lanka, since this can exert pressure on the island.

The concessions India has granted so far may be trivial compared to its economic strength. But the assistance it has doled out, and the relief it has conceded, have been substantial. There must be a tit-for-tat arrangement, and for Delhi, the most obvious arrangement would involve promoting Indian investments, especially in energy. That is only to be expected, since unlike Sri Lanka, which has virtually no international business presence, the Indian State uses the private sector to further its foreign policy. At the same time, though, it will have to be careful not to be seen as cashing in on this moment, to the extent where it seems dismissive of fears of Sri Lanka’s resources being auctioned to the highest bidder.

India will also have to resolve any longstanding grievances with Sri Lanka. While Ali Sabry’s and Kanchana Wijesekera’s inclusion in Wickremesinghe’s delegation do not underlie such grievances, Fisheries Minister Douglas Devananda’s participation may.

Sri Lanka’s Northern and Eastern Provinces have always been within India’s radar. But fishermen from there complain about Indian fishermen intruding on their waters, and about the use of trawlers that have damaged marine life and deprived them of their livelihoods. The Indian government’s response has been to force Colombo to compromise. Yet it may be in New Delhi’s interests to make the first move, since it is eyeing the country’s North and East and cannot afford to sour ties with civilian stakeholders in these regions. The fact that even Tamil MPs who are generally predisposed towards India have castigated Delhi over this matter shows that India will have to step up its game there.

All this ties in with the crucial question of what India can and cannot do, what its options are in the world today. Its forays into outer space – if Chandrayaan-3 makes a soft landing on the moon in August, India will be only the fourth country to have done so, after the US, China, and the Soviet Union – underlie its ambitions. To be sure, as the hegemon in South Asia and the Indian Ocean, it does possess much clout. But there are questions about the country’s ambitions for the world beyond its neighbourhood. Foxconn’s recent decision to pull out of an arrangement with Vedanta, despite the geopolitical advantages of a US company shifting production from China, indicate that for all the talk of India’s rise as the next Asian economic giant, the US and the West in general harbour doubts about its future.

India faces hostility from almost all its neighbours in the subcontinent, Pakistan in particular. The crisis in Sri Lanka has in that sense been a fait accompli for Delhi. Through diplomatic manoeuvring, it has managed to keep Sri Lanka from turning into another Lebanon, a point the Speaker of the country’s Parliament noted when he thanked India for having prevented a bloodbath last year at the peak of the protests, or the aragalaya,. What that means is India, through its assistance, has helped stabilise the country, and it can now point at that country as an example of its intentions, altruistic and beneficent, for the region.

All these may doubtless have weighed in on President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s mind as he embarks on his visit to New Delhi. Coming as it does one year after he took oaths as the President, it remains deeply symbolic. On the other hand, it comes weeks after he concluded the first phase of a highly polarising debt restructuring process at home. He may be hoping to show that he has done all his homework, that his country is doing the hard yards, inflicting austerity on itself even as unions and civil society outfits hold protests and campaign against his government. At the same time, the latest surveys register a slight uptick in approval for his regime. This is still a marginal improvement. Yet whatever his future may be, he sees India as a priority. The visit, in that sense, is more than just a visit. It is in fact a mission.

The writer is an international relations analyst, researcher, and columnist who can be reached at udakdev1@gmail.com.



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Cricket and the National Interest

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The appointment of former minister Eran Wickremaratne to chair the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee is significant for more than the future of cricket. It signals a possible shift in the culture of governance even as it offers Sri Lankan cricket a fighting possibility to get out of the doldrums of failure. There have been glorious patches for the national cricket team since the epochal 1996 World Cup triumph. But these patches of brightness have been few and far between and virtually non-existent over the past decade. At the centre of this disaster has been the failures of governance within Sri Lanka Cricket which are not unlike the larger failures of governance within the country itself. The appointment of a new reform oriented committee therefore carries significance beyond cricket. It reflects the wider challenge facing the country which is to restore trust in public institutions for better management.

The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne brings a professional administrator with a proven track record into the cricket arena. He has several strengths that many of his immediate predecessors lacked. Before the ascent of the present government leadership to positions of power, Eran Wickremaratne was among the handful of government ministers who did not have allegations of corruption attached to their names. His reputation for financial professionalism and integrity has remained intact over many years in public life. With him in the Cricket Transformation Committee are also respected former cricketers Kumar Sangakkara, Roshan Mahanama and Sidath Wettimuny together with professionals from legal and business backgrounds. They have been tasked with introducing structural reforms and improving transparency and accountability within cricket administration.

A second reason for this appointment to be significant is that this is possibly the first occasion on which the NPP government has reached out to someone associated with the opposition to obtain assistance in an area of national importance. The commitment to bipartisanship has been a constant demand from politically non-partisan civic groups and political analysts. They have voiced the opinion that the government needs to be more inclusive in its choice of appointments to decision making authorities. The NPP government’s practice so far has largely been to limit appointments to those within the ruling party or those considered loyalists even at the cost of proven expertise. The government’s decision in this case therefore marks a potentially important departure.

National Interest

There are areas of public life where national interest should transcend party divisions and cricket, beloved of the people, is one of them. Sri Lanka cannot afford to continue treating every institution as an arena for political competition when institutions themselves are in crisis and public confidence has become fragile. It is therefore unfortunate that when the government has moved positively in the direction of drawing on expertise from outside its own ranks there should be a negative response from sections of the opposition. This is indicative of the absence of a culture of bipartisanship even on issues that concern the national interest. The SJB, of which the newly appointed cricket committee chairman was a member objected on the grounds that politicians should not hold positions in sports administration and asked him to resign from the party. There is a need to recognise the distinction between partisan political control and the temporary use of experienced administrators to carry out reform and institutional restructuring. In other countries those in politics often join academia and civil society on a temporary basis and vice versa.

More disturbing has been the insidious campaign carried out against the new cricket committee and its chairman on the grounds of religious affiliation. This is an unacceptable denial of the reality that Sri Lanka is a plural, multi ethnic and multi religious society. The interim committee reflects this diversity to a reasonable extent. The country’s long history of ethnic conflict should have taught all political actors the dangers of mobilising communal prejudice for short term political gain. Sri Lanka paid a very heavy price for decades of mistrust and division. It would be tragic if even cricket administration became another arena for communal suspicion and hostility. The present government represents an important departure from the sectarian rhetoric that was employed by previous governments. They have repeatedly pledged to protect the equal rights of all citizens and not permit discrimination or extremism in any form.

The recent international peace march in Sri Lanka led by the Venerable Bhikkhu Thich Paññākāra from Vietnam with its message of loving kindness and mindfulness to all resonated strongly with the masses of people as seen by the crowds who thronged the roadsides to obtain blessings and show respect. This message stands in contrast to the sectarian resentment manifested by those who seek to use the cricket appointments as a weapon to attack the government at the present time. The challenges before the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee parallel the larger challenges before the government in developing the national economy and respecting ethnic and religious diversity. Plugging the leaks and restoring systems will take time and effort. It cannot be done overnight and it cannot succeed without public patience and support.

New Recognition

There is also a need for realism. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee does not guarantee success. Reforming deeply flawed institutions is always difficult. Besides, Sri Lanka is a small country with a relatively small population compared to many other cricket playing nations. It is also a country still recovering from the economic breakdown of 2022 which pushed the majority of people into hardship and severely weakened public institutions. The country continues to face unprecedented challenges including the damage caused by Cyclone Ditwah and the wider global economic uncertainties linked to conflict in the Middle East. Under these difficult circumstances Sri Lanka has fewer resources than many larger countries to devote to both cricket and economic development.

When resources are scarce they cannot be wasted through corruption or incompetence. Drawing upon the strengths of all those who are competent for the tasks at hand regardless of party affiliation or ethnic or religious identity is necessary if improvement is to come sooner rather than later. The burden of rebuilding the country cannot rest only on the government. The crisis facing the country is too deep for any single party or government to solve alone. National recovery requires capable individuals from across society and from different sectors such as business and civil society to work together in areas where the national interest transcends party politics. There is also a responsibility on opposition political parties to support initiatives that are politically neutral and genuinely in the national interest. Not every issue needs to become a partisan battle.

Sri Lanka cricket occupies a special place in the national consciousness. At its best it once united the country and gave Sri Lankans a sense of pride and international recognition. Restoring integrity and professionalism to cricket administration can therefore become part of the larger task of national renewal. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee, while it does not guarantee success, is a sign that the political leadership and people of the country may be beginning to mature in their approach to governance. In recognising the need for competence, integrity and bipartisan cooperation and extending it beyond cricket into other areas of national life, Sri Lanka may find the way towards more stable and successful governance..

by Jehan Perera

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From Dhaka to Sri Lanka, three wheels that drive our economies

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Court vacation this year came with an unexpected lesson, not from a courtroom but from the streets of Dhaka — a city that moves, quite literally, on three wheels.

Above the traffic, a modern metro line glides past concrete pillars and crowded rooftops. It is efficient, clean and frequently cited as a symbol of progress in Bangladesh. For a visitor from Sri Lanka, it inevitably brings to mind our own abandoned light rail plans — a project debated, politicised and ultimately set aside.

But Dhaka’s real story is not in the air. It is on the ground.

Beneath the elevated tracks, the streets belong to three-wheelers. Known locally as CNGs, they cluster at junctions, line the edges of markets and pour into narrow roads that larger vehicles avoid. Even with a functioning rail system, these three-wheelers remain the city’s most dependable form of everyday transport.

Within hours of arriving, their importance becomes obvious. The train may take you across the city, but the journey does not end there. The last mile — often the most complicated part — belongs entirely to the three-wheeler. It is the vehicle that gets you home, to a meeting or simply through streets that no bus route properly serves.

There is a rhythm to using them. A destination is mentioned, a price is suggested and a brief negotiation follows. Then the ride begins, edging into traffic that feels permanently compressed. Drivers move with instinct, adjusting routes and squeezing through gaps with a confidence built over years.

It is not polished. But it works.

And that is where the comparison with Sri Lanka becomes less about what we lack and more about what we already have.

Back home, the three-wheeler has long been part of daily life — so familiar that it is often discussed only in terms of its problems. There are frequent complaints about fares, refusals or the absence of meters. More recently, the industry itself has become entangled in politics — from fuel subsidies to regulatory debates, from election-time promises to periodic crackdowns.

In that process, the conversation has shifted. The three-wheeler is often treated as a problem to be managed, rather than a service to be strengthened.

Yet, seen through the experience of Dhaka, Sri Lanka’s system begins to look far more settled — and, in many ways, ahead.

There is a growing structure in place. Meters, while not perfect, are widely recognised. Ride-hailing apps have added transparency and reduced uncertainty for passengers. There are clearer expectations on both sides — driver and commuter alike. Even small details, such as designated parking areas in parts of Colombo or the increasing standard of vehicles, point to an industry slowly moving towards professionalism.

Just as importantly, there is a human element that remains intact.

In Sri Lanka, a three-wheeler ride is rarely just a transaction. Drivers talk. They offer directions, comment on the day’s news, or share local knowledge. The ride becomes part of the social fabric, not just a means of getting from one point to another.

In Dhaka, the scale of the city leaves less room for that. The interaction is quicker, more direct, shaped by urgency. The service is essential, but it is under constant pressure.

What stands out, across both countries, is that the three-wheeler is not a temporary or outdated mode of transport. It is a necessity in dense, fast-growing Asian cities — one that fills gaps no rail or bus system can fully address.

Large infrastructure projects, like light rail, are important. They bring efficiency and long-term capacity. But they cannot replace the flexibility of a three-wheeler. They cannot reach into narrow streets, respond instantly to demand or provide that crucial last-mile connection.

That is why, even in a city that has invested heavily in modern rail, Dhaka still runs on three wheels.

For Sri Lanka, the lesson is not simply about what could have been built, but about what should be better managed and valued.

The three-wheeler industry does not need to be politicised at every turn. It needs steady regulation — clear fare systems, proper licensing, safety standards — alongside encouragement and recognition. It needs to be seen as part of the solution to urban transport, not as a side issue.

Because for thousands of drivers, it is a livelihood. And for millions of passengers, it is the most immediate and reliable form of mobility.

The tuk-tuk may not feature in grand policy speeches or infrastructure blueprints. It does not run on elevated tracks or attract international attention. But on the ground, where daily life unfolds, it continues to do what larger systems often struggle to do — show up, adapt and keep moving.

And after watching Dhaka’s streets — crowded, relentless, yet functioning — that small, three-wheeled vehicle feels less like something to argue over and more like something to get right.

(The writer is an Attorney-at-Law with over a decade of experience specialising in civil law, a former Board Member of the Office of Missing Persons and a former Legal Director of the Central Cultural Fund. He holds an LLM in International Business Law)

 

by Sampath Perera recently in Dhaka, Bangladesh 

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Dubai scene … opening up

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Seven Notes: Operating in Dubai

According to reports coming my way, the entertainment scene, in Dubai, is very much opening up, and buzzing again!

After a quieter few months, May is packed with entertainment and the whole scene, they say, is shifting back into full swing.

The Seven Notes band, made up of Sri Lankans, based in Dubai, are back in the spotlight, after a short hiatus, due to the ongoing Middle East problems.

On 18th April they did Legends Night at Mercure Hotel Dubai Barsha Heights; on Thursday, 9th May, they will be at the Sports Bar of the Mercure Hotel for 70s/80s Retro Night; on 6th June, they will be at Al Jadaf Dubai to provide the music for Sandun Perera live in concert … and with more dates to follow.

These events are expected to showcase the band’s evolving sound, tighter stage coordination, and stronger audience engagement.

With each performance, the band aims to refine its identity and build a loyal following within Dubai’s vibrant nightlife and event scene.

Pasindu Umayanga: The group’s new vocalist

What makes Seven Notes standout is their versatility which has made the band a dynamic and promising act.

With a growing performance calendar, new talent integration, and international ambitions, the band is definitely entering a defining phase of its journey.

Dubai’s music industry, I’m told, thrives on diversity, energy, and audience connection, with live bands playing a crucial role in elevating events—from corporate shows to private concerts. Against this backdrop, Seven Notes is positioning itself not just as another band, but as a performance-driven musical unit focused on consistency and growth.

Adding fresh momentum to the group is Pasindu Umayanga who joins Seven Notes as their new vocalist. This move signals a strategic upgrade—not just filling a role, but strengthening the band’s front-line presence.

Looking beyond local stages, Seven Notes is preparing for an international tour, to Korea, in July.

Bassist Niluk Uswaththa: Spokesperson for Seven Notes

According to bassist Niluk Uswaththa, taking a band abroad means: Your sound must hold up against unfamiliar audiences, your performance must translate beyond language, and your discipline must be at a professional level.

“If executed well, this tour could redefine Seven Notes from a local band into an emerging international act,” added Niluk.

He went on to say that Dubai is not an easy market. It’s saturated with highly experienced, multi-genre bands that can adapt instantly to any crowd.

“To stand out consistently you need to have tight rehearsal discipline, unique sound identity (not just covers), strong stage chemistry, audience retention – not just applause.”

No doubt, Seven Notes is entering a critical growth phase—new member, multiple shows, and an international tour on the horizon. The opportunity is real, but so is the pressure.

However, there is talk that Seven Notes will soon be a recognised name in the regional music scene.

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