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Educational Experience in the COVID19 era : Challenges to Opportunities

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Senior Professor Chandrika N Wijeyaratne

MBBS (Colombo), MD (Colombo), DM (Colombo), FRCP (London),Vice-Chancellor, University of Colombo

I am deeply humbled and greatly privileged to deliver the 2021 memorial lecture to honour Professor J.E. Jayasuriya – a pioneer educationist, academic and a brilliant son of Sri Lanka.

Born on February 14, 1918, he received his education in three schools ending with Wesley College, Colombo. Having excelled at the Cambridge Senior Examination and being placed third in the British Empire he was awarded a scholarship to the University College Colombo from where he obtained a First Class in Mathematics.   

He was the first principal of Dharmapala Vidyalaya, Pannipitiya and forsook a career in the coveted civil administrative service due to his resolute stand on encouraging Buddhist schools. He was handpicked by the father of free education and then minister of education, Dr. C.W.W. Kannangara, to lead the central school established in his own electorate of Matugama.   

Following Postgraduate studies at University of London he was placed in charge of Mathematics education at the Teachers’ College Maharagama until being appointed as a lecturer in the Department of Education of the University of Ceylon. In 1957, he succeeded Prof. T.L Green as Professor of Education, with the singular distinction of being the first Sri Lankan to hold this post.   

In his capacity as Professor and the Head of Department, Prof. Jayasuriya undertook the task of professionalizing education. He was a role model to the academia with his professionalism, erudite outlook, integrity and a deep commitment to his chosen field.. It was his vision that paved the way for the first undergraduate degree- Bachelor of Education awarded by University of Peradeniya in the nineteen sixties. The majority of the first generation of B.Ed. graduates achieved high professional status both locally and globally. The popularity of this course, which is now offered at the University of Colombo, testifies the foresight of Prof. Jayasuriya in developing this programme. While there are moves to expand today’s Bachelor of Education programmes, it is necessary to review these programmes in the light of Prof. Jayasuriya’s vision to maintain the quality of the very study course he designed.

I am captivated by Professor J. E Jaysuriya’s close association with medical education. He assisted Professor Senaka Bibile to establish the Medical Education Unit at Peradeniya. He delivered several guest lectures on measurement techniques and psychometry. He was elected as a Chartered Psychologist (U.K.) having the right to practice as a Psychologist. in the U, K. Later he was the UNESCO Regional Adviser on Population Education in Asia and the Pacific and one of his articles on the ‘Inclusion of Population Education in the Medical School Curriculum’ was ublished in the British Journal of Medical Education.

Educating the educators of Sri Lanka has now become a norm in Sri Lanka, about which Prof Jayasuriya would be extremely proud. The distinct features of Prof Jayasuriya’s approach to education, based on the information I gathered about him, include his distinctive approach to psychology and mathematics, intelligence testing and educational policy with a holistic, practical and pragmatic outlook; that I propose modern-day educationists should emulate. May his memory remain etched in the education landscape of mother Lanka!

 

Preamble

Sri Lanka has remained unique in its obligation to universal education over the past seven decades, well before more advanced countries gave due consideration to this aspect of social development. Despite multiple challenges faced, we have safeguarded education as a sacred and quintessential commodity.

The infrastructure, human resource and facilities for education have remained a priority in the eyes of the general public. Nevertheless, there are many unmet needs of tertiary education in Sri Lanka that caused concern for whole of society over the last two decades. It is noteworthy that University Grant Commission (UGC) statistics show that only six percent of young adults (between 18 and 24 years) are enrolled in state universities, while another five percent are enrolled in other state higher educational institutions. A further six percent are enrolled in non-state higher educational institutes with an additional three percent enrolling for external degree programmes. In total, the Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER) for tertiary education in Sri Lanka is only approximately 20%, being the lowest among all middle-income countries and below the average value of 24% for South Asia.

Furthermore, Sri Lanka has one of the highest rates of brain drain in South Asia. The World Bank figure for migration stands at 27.5% among those who received tertiary education, with an average annual migration level of 6,000 professionals. I consider this to be an underestimate by not factoring in the youth migrating for tertiary education while draining our foreign exchange.

The vision statement of the incumbent head of state, His Excellency President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, elucidated the need to introduce a reformed education policy and aim for no student who is suitably qualified to be deprived of higher education.

While discussion and deliberations were in progress on how this transformation must be addressed, the country faced the first wave of the COVID19 pandemic and a shutdown of all education institutions by mid-March 2020. The Presidential Task Force (PTF) on Sri Lanka’s Education Affairs was established through a gazette notification on March 31, 2020. The PTF which consisted of experts in the fields of education and higher education, was initially formed into three (03) Core Groups to propose suitable recommendations in the education sectors of General Education, Higher Education and Vocational Education. This was probably the first attempt to address education holistically under one umbrella and as a lifelong need. The TF was required to explore differences and variation of students, institutions and available resources.

 

COVID19 pandemic – the basis for the response of Higher Education Institutes

The single purpose required from us was to ensure there was no shutdown of education and to optimize the conversion of the process to online learning. Undoubtedly, adult education was the main sector deemed appropriate for an overnight transformation to the Online Distance Education (ODL) format.

With regard to long-term educational reforms beyond Covid-19 and the national expectations for broadening opportunities in tertiary education, far-reaching changes were required. The PTF recognized the need to transform the current tertiary education sector in Sri Lanka to become a globally recognized tri-partite system that consists of three key types of higher educational institutions (HEIs), namely,

 

1) State and Non-state Undergraduate HEIs

2) Postgraduate Research Universities, and

3) State and Non-state Vocational and Professional Institutions

 

This transformation was proposed with the explicit purpose to improve access to tertiary education, provide more flexibility and mobility within and among the three tiers and sectors, offer diverse opportunities for education, training and career paths, enhance standards, quality and relevance of training and promote postgraduate education, with particular emphasis on research, innovation and commercialization; all of which can upscale the economy and national development.

In terms of the required immediate change over to the digital mode, let us recollect the Sri Lankan State Sector experience with ODL by early 2020, immediately preceding the COVID19 pandemic. The Open University of Sri Lanka (OUSL), with a student population of 40,000, had the longest experience with ODL spanning 40 years. Online teaching commenced at the OUSL in 2003, with 50% of the courses made available online. This facility was provided as Supplementary, Blended and as an Online Plus. The open university included formative assessments as assignments, quizzes and discussion forums in the blended online courses. Limited summative assessments (final examinations) were conducted online, under a supervised environment in the computer laboratories of the Regional Centers of the OUSL.

An open-sourced support such as Moodle for the LMS, cloud based digital infra-structure and sustained interaction with LEARN, provided the necessary pathway to achieving the digital transformation.

Indeed, our IT experts provided speedy and unstinted support at the request of the UGC, with our own director of the University of Colombo School of Computing (UCSC) being a great pillar of strength. Permit me to divert here and share with you how this very personality, Prof KP Hewagamage the incumbent director of UCSC, recalls with gratitude how Prof J E Jayasuriya’s book on ‘Veeja Ganithaya’ for schoolchildren captivated his attention and was a life changing experience to learn mathematics from grade six in school! Free access to internet connection via LEARN was negotiated with service providers by HE the President, that ensured that the economically disadvantaged segments of our university population were not left behind. Nevertheless, many of our students still do not own a device to access online and/or have adequate internet bandwidth in their homes to effectively use the LMS. Smart phones were the first best option to ensure a timely transition – and was our only choice.

The concept of a virtual campus through the OUSL system that provides free internet access to students via computer laboratories based in Regional and Study Centers situated in every district was re-visited. Ensuring the provision of a Tablet PC to every student was recognized as priority, so that the new entrants in 2020/2021 are to be provided with student loans for this purpose.

Student centered independent learning was propelled into action. Despite many challenges, this transformation of the educational process would be viewed by the late Professor Jayasuriya as a veritable liberation from a stifled system, that was the main reason for the broader vision to transform education. Without doubt, Sri Lanka was entrapped in a tuition-based examination-oriented rote learning ethos, from which we clearly require to disengage. The COVID19 related shift in demand of educational lifestyle was the ideal opportunity for the deliverance of a more fulfilling and productive educational process and outlook for 21st Century Sri Lanka.

 

Learning Resources for
Online Education

Quality learning resources are vital for the success of online learning. In this context, internationally recognized free and open educational resources are available in the cyberspace free of charge.

It is noteworthy that the Government of India supports the most disadvantaged through an indigenously developed IT platform. Highly ranked Indian universities provide courses on the distance mode through SWAYAM (Study Webs of Active Learning for Young Aspiring Minds) and share quality teaching learning resources for Indian nationals anywhere, at any time.

 

Learner Support

A distance learner should have plenty of self-motivation. A web conferencing system through which the teachers make regular contacts, both synchronously and asynchronously, enables access for students located in remote locations. As per the OUSL experience, effective learner support is achieved by offering multi-device/ multi-mode learning opportunities to meet the learning needs of a mixed student population.

The COVID 19 pandemic impacted severely on our educational processes and systems. Permit me to share with you my experience in this transition as the administrative and academic lead of the University of Colombo, the pioneer institution of modern tertiary education in Sri Lanka. I consider this experience personifies how challenges imposed by the pandemic were transformed into opportunities.

The need for a flexible attitude to the learning and teaching process is of paramount importance to achieve any success with ODL. I am proud to say that a wider sector of our own staff encouraged their students to engage in home gardening; with a view to augmenting psycho-social adjustment to the sudden transition to home-based education, loss of peer group interaction and encouraged students to support their family economy through agriculture. Nevertheless, tilling the land fell far short of the dignity of university education! Acquisition of skills from hands-on laboratory and clinical settings in parallel with the development of leadership, teamwork, soft skills, sports and recreation were clearly not possible with ODL.

We received baseline information on the major issues faced by the students following relocation in their own homes. The impact had socio-economic and gender sensitive dimensions that required intensive support. Thus, the COVID19 threat of a pandemic brought into focus many unmet needs of the modern-day university student; ranging from the need for self-employment opportunities to sustain student education to their individual preferences for city-based versus. rural living. The wider community of the student groups suffered a major anxiety, with the haunting question – when can we graduate? Thereby, every faculty and institute along with the Sripalee campus and the school of computing, were able to effectively create and maintain channels of communication by linking the students with the central administrative process, in order to ensure a coordinated process for the provision of optimum support. I take pride in recounting this staff and alumni support for students that I believe made a meaningful impact on the personality development of our student population.

Our university, in parallel, was catalyzed into a new work norm – of a digital transformation in our educational activities. Online meetings became standard daily practice to manage the University administration. We took pride on becoming paperless, with the formalizing of an online document management system, with the official use of e-signatures and digital certification which resulted in improved efficiency, transparency and flexibility. The benefits of work from home, adopting healthy practices in the working environment, promotion of innovation to address social needs, with a fair share of the responsibility falling upon university systems were positive developments from the Covid-19 pandemic, that should be harnessed for future implementation.

I reiterate that our staff was very supportive to support the new model of ODL; often taking on re-orienting and re-learning while coping with the additional workload. Traditional wisdom and foresight enabled us to think positively and respond pragmatically. We had a few doubting Thomas’s, but such negative thoughts were considerably mitigated by an overwhelming ethos of resilience. Library information services were required to be digitalized.

Based on anecdotal evidence we have received from most sectors, many students became more aware of e-resources and started using the library journal databases at a greater speed that is supported by the recorded numbers of access or hits.

Online surveys were initiated for obtaining student feedback. We received feedback of the major impact on socio-economic and gender-based violence that soon followed student relocation in their own homes. COVID19 indeed brought into focus many unmet needs of the modern-day university student; ranging from self-employment opportunities in the city through tuition, Uber deliveries etc versus. rural living with no earning opportunity. The general anxiety among students was: When can we graduate? When can we stop being a burden to our parents?

As time progressed the digital engagement became apparent among diverse groups. Student centered community related e-activities, such as the Gavel Club, Societies related to social and cultural groups, leadership development through community service such as Rotaract and Leo clubs held their induction ceremonies on time through the digital mode. Addressing on-line, gender-based violence and psychological issues of COIVD 19, by the Golden Zs that comprises female and male medical students (supervised by a faculty representative of the Zonta Club of Colombo I) was an enriching and novel experience.

Online delivery of learning resources for students with disabilities and their special needs received special attention. The majority of students with special needs demonstrated a preference to attend a face-to-face teaching. The Faculty of Arts that accommodates the great majority of this special group that has developed a centre for disability research, education and practice (CEDREP) affiliated to the Department of Sociology. I am proud to state that CEDREP offers support to all students with disabilities irrespective of which faculty they belong to or which study stream they have chosen. They also individualize educational support and mitigate stigma and marginalization of the students with specific needs.

The digital transition was undertaken as a collective project to ensure a quality transition of Onsite Learning to Blended Learning at the University of Colombo. Blended learning is defined as an approach to education that effectively integrates classroom practices (teaching learning and assessment) with online learning (teaching learning and assessment) practices.

Soon after the COVID19 related shut down we had several inquiries made from highly rated universities in the USA. The foreign university looked to us as worthy partners to sustain their recruitment of Sri Lankan students at a discounted rate of 1/6 their original on campus fees with 10% for our university. Based on the discussion we did express an interest in partnership in the award of dual degrees through the “cyber campus” modality; which is a long process of planning. What brings into focus is that the format of blended learning provides opportunities for external partnerships to collaborate with foreign university in teaching and research.

Let me end by reiterating that consciously or unconsciously our inherent Lankan Culture encouraged us to counter threats imposed on higher education from the COVID19 pandemic by responding to the trendy management acronym VUCA through facing “Volatility with Vision, Uncertainty with Understanding, Complexity with Clarity and Ambiguity with Agility”.

Our fundamental values encouraged us to prioritize, risk manage, make pragmatic decisions, foster a change and seek sustainable solutions, while encouraging quick responses and a holistic outlook.



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Features

A wage for housework? India’s sweeping experiment in paying women

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Women in Maharashtra aged 21-65 receive a monthly cash transfer of 1,500 rupees ($16) [BBC]

In a village in the central Indian state of Madhya Pradesh, a woman receives a small but steady sum each month – not wages, for she has no formal job, but an unconditional cash transfer from the government.

Premila Bhalavi says the money covers medicines, vegetables and her son’s school fees. The sum, 1,500 rupees ($16: £12), may be small, but its effect – predictable income, a sense of control and a taste of independence – is anything but.

Her story is increasingly common. Across India, 118 million adult women in 12 states now receive unconditional cash transfers from their governments, making India the site of one of the world’s largest and least-studied social-policy experiments.

Long accustomed to subsidising grain, fuel and rural jobs, India has stumbled into something more radical: paying adult women simply because they keep households running, bear the burden of unpaid care and form an electorate too large to ignore.

Eligibility filters vary – age thresholds, income caps and exclusions for families with government employees, taxpayers or owners of cars or large plots of land.

“The unconditional cash transfers signal a significant expansion of Indian states’ welfare regimes in favour of women,” Prabha Kotiswaran, a professor of law and social justice at King’s College London, told the BBC.

The transfers range from 1,000-2,500 rupees ($12-$30) a month – meagre sums, worth roughly 5-12% of household income, but regular. With 300 million women now holding bank accounts, transfers have become administratively simple.

Women typically spend the money on household and family needs – children’s education, groceries, cooking gas, medical and emergency expenses, retiring small debts and occasional personal items like gold or small comforts.

What sets India apart from Mexico, Brazil or Indonesia – countries with large conditional cash-transfer schemes – is the absence of conditions: the money arrives whether or not a child attends school or a household falls below the poverty line.

AFP  Women voters stand in queues to cast their ballots at a polling station during the first phase of voting for assembly elections on November 6, 2025, at the Raghopur constituency in the Vaishali district of the Indian state of Bihar.
Bihar transferred 10,000 rupees to women’s bank accounts ahead of polls [BBC]

 

Goa was the first state to launch an unconditional cash transfer scheme to women in 2013. The phenomenon picked up just before the pandemic in 2020, when north-eastern Assam rolled out a scheme for vulnerable women. Since then these transfers have turned into a political juggernaut.

The recent wave of unconditional cash transfers targets adult women, with some states acknowledging their unpaid domestic and care work. Tamil Nadu frames its payments as a “rights grant” while West Bengal’s scheme similarly recognises women’s unpaid contributions.

In other states, the recognition is implicit: policymakers expect women to use the transfers for household and family welfare, say experts.

This focus on women’s economic role has also shaped politics: in 2021, Tamil actor-turned-politician Kamal Haasan promised “salaries for housewives”. (His fledgling party lost.) By 2024, pledges of women-focused cash transfers helped deliver victories to political parties in Maharashtra, Jharkhand, Odisha, Haryana and Andhra Pradesh.

In the recent elections in Bihar, the political power of cash transfers was on stark display. In the weeks before polling in the country’s poorest state, the government transferred 10,000 rupees ($112; £85) to 7.5 million female bank accounts under a livelihood-generation scheme. Women voted in larger numbers than men, decisively shaping the outcome.

Critics called it blatant vote-buying, but the result was clear: women helped the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led coalition secure a landslide victory. Many believe this cash infusion was a reminder of how financial support can be used as political leverage.

Yet Bihar is only one piece of a much larger picture. Across India, unconditional cash transfers are reaching tens of millions of women on a regular basis.

Maharashtra alone promises benefits for 25 million women; Odisha’s scheme reaches 71% of its female voters.

In some policy circles, the schemes are derided as vote-buying freebies. They also put pressure on state finances: 12 states are set to spend around $18bn on such payouts this fiscal year. A report by think-tank PRS Legislative Research notes that half of these states face revenue deficits – this happens when a state borrows to pay regular expenses without creating assets.

But many argue they also reflect a slow recognition of something India’s feminists have argued for decades: the economic value of unpaid domestic and care work.

Women in India spent nearly five hours a day on such work in 2024 – more than three times the time spent by men, according to the latest Time Use Survey. This lopsided burden helps explain India’s stubbornly low female labour-force participation. The cash transfers, at least, acknowledge the imbalance, experts say.

Do they work?

Evidence is still thin but instructive. A 2025 study in Maharashtra found that 30% of eligible women did not register – sometimes because of documentation problems, sometimes out of a sense of self-sufficiency. But among those who did, nearly all controlled their own bank accounts.

Swastik Pal Soma Das sells clothes using the money, supporting her seven-member household in West Bengal
Soma Das sells clothes using the money, supporting her household in West Bengal [BBC]

 

A 2023 survey in West Bengal found that 90% operated their accounts themselves and 86% decided how to spend the money. Most used it for food, education and medical costs; hardly transformative, but the regularity offered security and a sense of agency.

More detailed work by Prof Kotiswaran and colleagues shows mixed outcomes.

In Assam, most women spent the money on essentials; many appreciated the dignity it afforded, but few linked it to recognition of unpaid work, and most would still prefer paid jobs.

In Tamil Nadu, women getting the money spoke of peace of mind, reduced marital conflict and newfound confidence – a rare social dividend. In Karnataka, beneficiaries reported eating better, gaining more say in household decisions and wanting higher payments.

Yet only a sliver understood the scheme as compensation for unpaid care work; messaging had not travelled. Even so, women said the money allowed them to question politicians and manage emergencies. Across studies, the majority of women had full control of the cash.

“The evidence shows that the cash transfers are tremendously useful for women to meet their own immediate needs and those of their households. They also restore dignity to women who are otherwise financially dependent on their husbands for every minor expense,” Prof Kotiswaran says.

Importantly, none of the surveys finds evidence that the money discourages women from seeking paid work or entrench gender roles – the two big feminist fears, according to a report by Prof Kotiswaran along with Gale Andrew and Madhusree Jana.

Nor have they reduced women’s unpaid workload, the researchers find. They do, however, strengthen financial autonomy and modestly strengthen bargaining power. They are neither panacea nor poison: they are useful but limited tools, operating in a patriarchal society where cash alone cannot undo structural inequities.

Swastik Pal Women at a cash transfer camp in West Bengal
Women welcome the dignity the cash transfers provide [BBC]

 

What next?

The emerging research offers clear hints.

Eligibility rules should be simplified, especially for women doing heavy unpaid care work. Transfers should remain unconditional and independent of marital status.

But messaging should emphasise women’s rights and the value of unpaid work, and financial-literacy efforts must deepen, researchers say. And cash transfers cannot substitute for employment opportunities; many women say what they really want is work that pays and respect that endures.

“If the transfers are coupled with messaging on the recognition of women’s unpaid work, they could potentially disrupt the gendered division of labour when paid employment opportunities become available,” says Prof Kotiswaran.

India’s quiet cash transfers revolution is still in its early chapters. But it already shows that small, regular sums – paid directly to women – can shift power in subtle, significant ways.

Whether this becomes a path to empowerment or merely a new form of political patronage will depend on what India chooses to build around the money.

[BBC]

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People set example for politicians to follow

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Disaster relief (AFP picture)

Some opposition political parties have striven hard to turn the disaster of Cyclone Ditwah to their advantage. A calamity of such unanticipated proportions ought to have enabled all political parties to come together to deal with this tragedy. Failure to do so would indicate both political and moral bankruptcy. The main issue they have forcefully brought up is the government’s failure to take early action on the Meteorological Department’s warnings. The Opposition even convened a meeting of their own with former President Ranil Wickremesinghe and other senior politicians who shared their experience of dealing with natural and man-made disasters of the past, and the present government’s failures to match them.

The difficulty to anticipate the havoc caused by the cyclone was compounded by the neglect of the disaster management system, which includes previous governments that failed to utilise the allocated funds in an open, transparent and corruption free manner. Land designated as “Red Zones” by the National Building Research Organisation (NBRO), a government research and development institute, were built upon by people and ignored by successive governments, civil society and the media alike. NBRO was established in 1984. According to NBRO records, the decision to launch a formal “Landslide Hazard Zonation Mapping Project (LHMP)” dates from 1986. The institutional process of identifying landslide-prone slopes, classifying zones (including what we today call “Red Zones”), and producing hazard maps, started roughly 35 to 40 years ago.

Indonesia, Thailand and the Philippines which were lashed by cyclones at around the same time as Sri Lanka experienced Cyclone Ditwah were also unprepared and also suffered enormously. The devastation caused by cyclones in the larger southeast Asian region is due to global climate change. During Cyclone Ditwah some parts of the central highlands received more than 500 mm of rainfall. Official climatological data cite the average annual rainfall for Sri Lanka as roughly 1850 mm though this varies widely by region: from around 900 mm in the dry zones up to 5,000 mm in wet zones. The torrential rains triggered by Ditwah were so heavy that for some communities they represented a rainfall surge comparable to a major part of their typical annual rainfall.

Inclusive Approach

Climate change now joins the pantheon of Sri Lanka’s challenges that are beyond the ability of a single political party or government to resolve. It is like the economic bankruptcy, ethnic conflict and corruption in governance that requires an inclusive approach in which the Opposition, civil society, religious society and the business community need to join rather than merely criticise the government. It will be in their self-interest to do so. A younger generation (Gen Z), with more energy and familiarity with digital technologies filled, the gaps that the government was unable to fill and, in a sense, made both the Opposition and traditional civil society redundant.

Within hours of news coming in that floods and landslides were causing havoc to hundreds of thousands of people, a people’s movement for relief measures was underway. There was no one organiser or leader. There were hundreds who catalysed volunteers to mobilise to collect resources and to cook meals for the victims in community kitchens they set up. These community kitchens sprang up in schools, temples, mosques, garages and even roadside stalls. Volunteers used social media to crowdsource supplies, match donors with delivery vehicles, and coordinate routes that had become impassable due to fallen trees or mudslides. It was a level of commitment and coordination rarely achieved by formal institutions.

The spontaneous outpouring of support was not only a youth phenomenon. The larger population, too, contributed to the relief effort. The Galle District Secretariat sent 23 tons of rice to the cyclone affected areas from donations brought by the people. The Matara District Secretariat made arrangements to send teams of volunteers to the worst affected areas. Just as in the Aragalaya protest movement of 2022, those who joined the relief effort were from all ethnic and religious communities. They gave their assistance to anyone in need, regardless of community. This showed that in times of crisis, Sri Lankans treat others without discrimination as human beings, not as members of specific communities.

Turning Point

The challenge to the government will be to ensure that the unity among the people that the cyclone disaster has brought will outlive the immediate relief phase and continue into the longer term task of national reconstruction. There will be a need to rethink the course of economic development to ensure human security. President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has spoken about the need to resettle all people who live above 5000 feet and to reforest those areas. This will require finding land for resettlement elsewhere. The resettlement of people in the hill country will require that the government address the issue of land rights for the Malaiyaha Tamils.

Since independence the Malaiyaha Tamils have been collectively denied ownership to land due first to citizenship issues and now due to poverty and unwillingness of plantation managements to deal with these issues in a just and humanitarian manner beneficial to the workers. Their resettlement raises complex social, economic and political questions. It demands careful planning to avoid repeating past mistakes where displaced communities were moved to areas lacking water, infrastructure or livelihoods. It also requires political consensus, as land is one of the most contentious issues in Sri Lanka, tied closely to identity, ethnicity and historical grievances. Any sustainable solution must go beyond temporary relocation and confront the historical exclusion of the Malaiyaha Tamil community, whose labour sustains the plantation economy but who remain among the poorest groups in the country.

Cyclone Ditwah has thus become a turning point. It has highlighted the need to strengthen governance and disaster preparedness, but it has also revealed a different possibility for Sri Lanka, one in which the people lead with humanity and aspire for the wellbeing of all, and the political leadership emulates their example. The people have shown through their collective response to Cyclone Ditwah that unity and compassion remain strong, which a sincere, moral and hardworking government can tap into. The challenge to the government will be to ensure that the unity among the people that the cyclone disaster has brought will outlive the immediate relief phase and continue into the longer term task of national reconstruction with political reconciliation.

by Jehan Perera

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An awakening: Revisiting education policy after Cyclone Ditwah

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One of the schools flooded during the recent disasters. (Image courtesy Sri Lanka Navy)

In the short span of two or three days, Cyclone Ditwah, has caused a disaster of unprecedented proportions in our midst. Lashing away at almost the entirety of the country, it has broken through the ramparts of centuries old structures and eroded into areas, once considered safe and secure.

The rains may have passed us by. The waters will recede, shops will reopen, water will be in our taps, and we can resume the daily grind of life. But it will not be the same anymore; it should not be. It should not be business as usual for any of us, nor for the government. Within the past few years, Sri Lankan communities have found themselves in the middle of a crisis after crisis, both natural and man-made, but always made acute by the myopic policies of successive governments, and fuelled by the deeply hierarchical, gendered and ethnicised divides that exist within our societies. The need of the hour for the government today is to reassess its policies and rethink the directions the country, as a whole, has been pushed into.

Neoliberal disaster

In the aftermath of the devastation caused by the natural disaster, fundamental questions have been raised about our existence. Our disaster is, in whole or in part, the result of a badly and cruelly managed environment of the planet. Questions have been raised about the nature of our economy. We need to rethink the way land is used. Livelihoods may have to be built anew, promoting people’s welfare, and by deveoloping a policy on climate change. Mega construction projects is a major culprit as commentators have noted. Landslides in the upcountry are not merely a result of Ditwah lashing at our shores and hills, but are far more structural and points to centuries of mismanagement of land. (https://island.lk/weather-disasters-sri-lanka-flooded-by-policy-blunders-weak-enforcement-and-environmental-crime-climate-expert/). It is also about the way people have been shunted into lands, voluntarily or involuntarily, that are precarious, in their pursuit of a viable livelihood, within the limited opportunities available to them.

Neo liberal policies that demand unfettered land appropriation and built on the premise of economic growth at any expense, leading to growing rural-urban divides, need to be scrutinised for their short and long term consequences. And it is not that any of these economic drives have brought any measure of relief and rejuvenation of the economy. We have been under the tyrannical hold of the IMF, camouflaged as aid and recovery, but sinking us deeper into the debt trap. In October 2025, Ahilan Kadirgamar writes, that the IMF programme by the end of 2027, “will set up Sri Lanka for the next crisis.” He also lambasts the Central Bank and the government’s fiscal policy for their punishing interest rates in the context of disinflation and rising poverty levels. We have had to devalue the rupee last month, and continue to rely on the workforce of domestic workers in West Asia as the major source of foreign exchange. The government’s negotiations with the IMF have focused largely on relief and infrastructure rebuilding, despite calls from civil society, demanding debt justice.

The government has unabashedly repledged its support for the big business class. The cruelest cut of them all is the appointment of a set of high level corporate personalities to the post-disaster recovery committee, with the grand name, “Rebuilding Sri Lanka.” The message is loud and clear, and is clearly a slap in the face of the working people of the country, whose needs run counter to the excessive greed of extractive corporate freeloaders. Economic growth has to be understood in terms that are radically different from what we have been forced to think of it as, till now. For instance, instead of investment for high profits, and the business of buy and sell in the market, rechannel investment and labour into overall welfare. Even catch phrases like sustainable development have missed their mark. We need to think of the economy more holistically and see it as the sustainability of life, livelihood and the wellbeing of the planet.

The disaster has brought on an urgency for rethinking our policies. One of the areas where this is critical is education. There are two fundamental challenges facing education: Budget allocation and priorities. In an address at a gathering of the Chamber of Commerce, on 02 December, speaking on rebuilding efforts, the Prime Minister and Minister of Education Dr. Harini Amarasuriya restated her commitment to the budget that has been passed, a budget that has a meagre 2.4% of the GDP allocated for education. This allocation for education comes in a year that educational reforms are being rolled out, when heavy expenses will likely be incurred. In the aftermath of the disaster, this has become more urgent than ever.

Reforms in Education

The Government has announced a set of amendments to educational policy and implementation, with little warning and almost no consultation with the public, found in the document, Transforming General Education in Sri Lanka 2025 published by the Ministry of Education. Though hailed as transformative by the Prime Minister (https://www.news.lk/current-affairs/in-the-prevailing-situation-it-is-necessary-to-act-strategically-while-creating-the-proper-investments-ensuring-that-actions-are-discharged-on-proper-policies-pm), the policy is no more than a regurgitation of what is already there, made worse. There are a few welcome moves, like the importance placed on vocational training. Here, I want to raise three points relating to vital areas of the curriculum that are of concern: 1) streamlining at an early age; relatedly 2) prioritising and privileging what is seen as STEM education; and 3) introducing a credit-based modular education.

1. A study of the policy document will demonstrate very clearly that streamlining begins with Junior Secondary Education via a career interest test, that encourages students to pursue a particular stream in higher studies. Further Learning Modules at both “Junior Secondary Education” and “Senior Secondary Education Phase I,” entrench this tendency. Psychometric testing, that furthers this goal, as already written about in our column (https://kuppicollective.lk/psychometrics-and-the-curriculum-for-general-education/) points to the bizarre.

2. The kernel of the curriculum of the qualifying examination of Senior Secondary Education Phase I, has five mandatory subjects, including First Language, Math, and Science. There is no mandatory social science or humanities related subject. One can choose two subjects from a set of electives that has history and geography as separate subjects, but a Humanities/Social Science subject is not in the list of mandatory subjects. .

3. A credit-based, modular education: Even in universities, at the level of an advanced study of a discipline, many of us are struggling with module-based education. The credit system promotes a fragmented learning process, where, depth is sacrificed for quick learning, evaluated numerically, in credit values.

Units of learning, assessed, piece meal, are emphasised over fundamentals and the detailing of fundamentals. Introducing a module based curriculum in secondary education can have an adverse impact on developing the capacity of a student to learn a subject in a sustained manner at deeper levels.

Education wise, and pedagogically, we need to be concerned about rigidly compartmentalising science oriented, including technological subjects, separately from Humanities and Social Studies. This cleavage is what has led to the idea of calling science related subjects, STEM, automatically devaluing humanities and social sciences. Ironically, universities, today, have attempted, in some instances, to mix both streams in their curriculums, but with little success; for the overall paradigm of education has been less about educational goals and pedagogical imperatives, than about technocratic priorities, namely, compartmentalisation, fragmentation, and piecemeal consumerism. A holistic response to development needs to rethink such priorities, categorisations and specialisations. A social and sociological approach has to be built into all our educational and development programmes.

National Disasters and Rebuilding Community

In the aftermath of the disaster, the role of education has to be rethought radically. We need a curriculum that is not trapped in the dichotomy of STEM and Humanities, and be overly streamlined and fragmented. The introduction of climate change as a discipline, or attention to environmental destruction cannot be a STEM subject, a Social Science/Humanities subject or even a blend of the two. It is about the vision of an economic-cum-educational policy that sees the environment and the economy as a function of the welfare of the people. Educational reforms must be built on those fundamentals and not on real or imagined short term goals, promoted at the economic end by neo liberal policies and the profiteering capitalist class.

As I write this, the sky brightens with its first streaks of light, after days of incessant rain and gloom, bringing hope into our hearts, and some cheer into the hearts of those hundreds of thousands of massively affected people, anxiously waiting for a change in the weather every second of their lives. The sense of hope that allows us to forge ahead is collective and social. The response by Lankan communities, to the disaster, has been tremendously heartwarming, infusing hope into what still is a situation without hope for many. This spirit of collective endeavour holds the promise for what should be the foundation for recovery. People’s demands and needs should shape the re-envisioning of policy, particularly in the vital areas of education and economy.

(Sivamohan Sumathy was formerly attached to the Department of English, University of Peradeniya)

Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.

By Sivamohan Sumathy

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