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VARIETIES OF CASTE CONSCIOUSNESS. Edited with an
Introduction by Kalinga Tudor Silva
and Mark E Balmforth. In CASTE: A
Global Journal on Social Exclusion, Vol 6:
No. 1, April 2025.

Caste is a social reality that structures human relationships. It serves as a framework for managing interactions among individuals and a platform for organising political, social and economic reforms. The caste system, with its complex histories and multifaceted institutions, encompasses social, economic, cultural, and religious aspects of human life. It guides and sometimes forces people to live in a complex social, cultural, political, and religious milieu.

Bundles of rules and values that have emerged from various locations within religious, social, and political traditions and actions sustain them. A caste system, over time, becomes an engulfing culture that helps organise people and their communities into a rigid system of relationships, hierarchically organised, and sometimes, sanctioned by dominant religions, such as Hinduism.

As a rigid hierarchical system, caste thrives on systemic a priori inclusion and exclusion modalities. Ambedkar aptly summarised the roots and the mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion as follows:

The outcaste, a term used to describe those who are considered untouchable and outside the caste system, is a byproduct of the caste system. There will be outcasts as long as there are castes. Nothing can emancipate the outcaste except by the destruction of the caste system. Nothing can ensure their survival except the purging of the Hindu faith of this odious and vicious dogma.

Ambedkar’s tireless advocacy for outcaste (Dalit) communities to adopt his visionary ideals of liberty, social justice, and equality helped to take caste out of parochial village spaces and premise it in a broader public sphere. According to him, national and regional Hindu dominance in India blocks the opportunities that the Dalits also can occupy to achieve a more just society. Ambedkar rejected Gandhi’s Harijan Seva Sangh because it was a paternalistic mechanism that reinforced Hindu dominance rather than empowered the Dalits.

Moreover, the Harijan Seva Sangh denied the lower castes an independent expression of their authentic social identity, thereby tacitly claiming their acquiescence to an inegalitarian social and ethical value set. Ambedkar recognised the embeddedness of the caste system in Hindu society and the economy. He wanted to ‘annihilate’ the caste system because nothing can emancipate the outcaste without first destroying the caste system.

Illustration of Ambedkar’s conversion of Dailts to Buddhism

Caste takes different forms in different countries. In India, Brahmins (priests), Kshatriyas (warriors), Vaishyas (merchants), and Sudras (labourers) form a caste system. It excludes the Dalits (outcastes or untouchables), who are not part of the varna system. The sacred dimension of the caste system enables the Brahmins to become the custodians of Hindu values, beliefs, practices and resources. The binary of ‘sacred’ and ‘polluted’ not only keeps the Dalits out of the hierarchy but also justifies exploitation and violence against them.

In Sri Lanka, on the other hand, the caste system does not have a manifested sacred dimension as found in India. There is no Brahmin caste in Sri Lanka, except for a few Hindu priests who handle Hindu rituals. The allocation of people and communities to various castes based on sacred and polluted criteria is absent in Sri Lanka. Instead, employment and differential ethics of interaction indicate the relative status of a caste in the caste hierarchy.

Although a caste system is a vertically organised system with formidable barriers against upward mobility, several mechanisms facilitate caste mobility. One is Sanskritization. By imitating the value system and general behaviour of the upper caste, a lower caste can, over a long period of time, move upward in the hierarchy, but still create a ‘shadow effect’ on the Dalits. Another way to climb higher, bypassing various rigidities, is to physically move away from the original location and embrace westernisation, primarily through education, mastering new skills, and investments in land and businesses.

The State and non-state sectors provide the most promising way for upward mobility through development programmes aimed at social transformation and land reform. Such programmes empower the lower castes and outcastes by treating them as normal citizens with equal rights to life, who can share in egalitarian state welfare.

The co-editors introduced the four articles (read at a symposium on Caste in Sri Lanka and the Sri Lankan Diaspora), succinctly outlining the main arguments and findings under three main themes. One theme is the legacy of the colonial administration, which attempted to separate caste from class to create the impression that caste is dead and the elite is triumphant. The second is historical mediation, which has shaped the expectations and imaginings of different castes and their coexistence with class identities, without erasing the binary of inclusion and exclusion. The third theme is that the caste system remains alive as a complex social reality influencing political, economic, cultural, and social spaces, refuting the belief that it has succumbed to modernisation and globalisation. The findings underscore the urgent need for further research and policy action to address this persistent issue.

Article 1 – Dynamics between Cinnamon and Salagama People – examines how the domestication of cinnamon production helped consolidate the caste system in southern Sri Lanka. It is premised on a ‘multispecies’ perspective to highlight the roles of human and non-human actors in shaping the Sinhala caste system. Apart from human interlocutors, a particular plant species, cinnamon, is associated with the natural resource base of the Sinhala caste system. Thus, the specificity of and challenges for caste need to be understood not only from the angle of social justice and human rights but also in terms of environmental justice and sustainability of caste occupations. Global marketing challenges, the absence of quality control mechanisms, land scarcity, urbanization, and smallholder farming practices have challenged the coexistence between the plant and the caste. Such factors have encouraged the formation of a subaltern group of low-paid cinnamon workers.

Article 2 – Cultural Ambivalences Towards and Among Drummer Caste Members explores three types of cultural ambivalences. One is the Sinhala society’s attitudes towards the caste; the second is the State’s ambivalence towards the drummer caste; and the third is mixed attitudes towards drumming and rituals within the caste itself. The article highlights how the drummer caste has reacted and coped with such ambivalences. The neoliberal economic framework has enhanced such ambivalences in the context of radical political movements such as the Janatha Vimukti Peramuna (JVP). Some gave up drumming and dancing altogether and transitioned to non-caste employment and businesses. In contrast, others took advantage of the new opportunities opened up by the local tourist economy to earn a living through performing their ritualistic performances.

Article 3 – Recasting the Brahmin: the Epistemic Critique of Caste – discusses how the Sinhala literature has emphasized ethnicity over caste in selecting themes for creative writing, reflecting the public silence on the caste system. Based on Martin Wickramasighe’s Bava Tharanaya (Crossing the Cycle of Existence) and Bamunu Kulaye Bindavatima (Fall of the Brahmin Caste), the article examines the justification and limitations of knowledge and belief, questioning how and why particular claims are accepted or rejected, thereby fostering more rigorous understanding and critical thinking. As allegorical narratives, the two books present stories where characters, events, and settings represent deeper, symbolic meanings that are moral and political in nature. They are useful literary devices, the article argues, to sensitize the Sinhala reading public about the caste at a time when caste has become politically salient.

Article 4 – Caste, Space, and Retail Religiosity in Tamil Toronto demonstrates how the caste system still plays an important role in the Tamil diaspora in Canada, particularly in marriage partner selection at the family level, and temple construction and welfare activities at the community level. The article shows that emigrants from Sri Lanka to Canada think that their community cultural centres, such as Hindu temples, should deploy caste as a part of their cultural heritage that includes temples, the Tamil language, and Tamil music. The emigrant generation believes that preserving such heritage would help them and their children survive in a foreign environment.

The first generation, born in Canada, on the other hand, are reticent about caste, and sees it as an inappropriate transplant that makes it more difficult for them, to assimilate into local communities. The article describes significant differences between diaspora temples in Toronto and Tamil temples in Sri Lanka. Such differences are structural and could impact on the survival of the caste in its current form. Hindu temples in Toronto are often movable entities, frequently located in urban areas within rented warehouses. Local Zoning laws and the ‘light industrial’ retail market limit the sacred rights of Hindu caste groups in owning temple land. Toronto temple custodians move back and forth between describing temples as businesses and as kôvil. Temple managers use mass media to attract devotees in a competitive temple market. Moreover, Toronto temples attract diaspora devotees by offering a shelter from the morally corrosive, identity-eroding influences of urban Canada.

Five general research articles on Indian caste issues follow the four symposium articles. The first research Article – Reimagining Resources: The Politics of Dalit Land Struggles – analyses the history and dynamics of land alienation in Kerala, the representation of land in social reform movements that transcend Brahmin-imposed sub-caste fragmentation, and how social reforms provide a platform to assert the rights of the deprived sections. Although some reform movements have unified the untouchable castes around common concerns such as land ownership and education, the ruling classes, dominated by higher castes, with the support of the Communist Party, have thwarted such movements by employing the strategy of sub-caste fragmentation. The article recognizes the value and usefulness of charismatic leaders who can guide social mobilization, particularly in a caste-ridden society, to build trust and unity among the depressed castes.

The second research article – Struggle for Emancipation and Dalit Consciousness – analyses inter-generational struggles among Dalits to emancipate themselves from high-caste aggression. The article is based on an autobiography ‘My Father Baliah.’ By following one family over three generations, the autobiography examines the rise, fall, and resurgence of the caste system. During the second ascending generation, “untouchability presented itself glaringly just like the sound of a howling steam engine.”

During the British period, the caste system became antithetical to the modernity introduced through colonialism. However, it did not vanish altogether. Instead, it has transformed into subtler forms of aggression by silently infiltrating modern institutions, thereby posing a threat to the struggles for Dalit emancipation. The “upper” caste people and also the Sudras were reluctant to discard their superiority and purity claims, not only within colonial institutions but also in post-independent India. The book reaffirms Ambedkar’s observation that no constitutional safeguards so far had really helped the hapless Dalits; they remained excluded, segregated and untouchable in free India. The mindset of upper-caste Hindus had not changed much despite the relentless efforts of Dr B.R. Ambedkar.

The third research article – From Margins to Mainstream: Caste, Women, and Panchayati Institutions – evaluates the effects of the Haryana Panchayati Raj Amendment Act, 2015, on the empowerment of Scheduled Caste women in Panchayati Raj Institutions. It argues that empowerment of women, particularly in political contexts, is vital for advancing gender equality and enabling them to combat social and economic marginalization and exploitation by higher castes. The article emphasizes the need for targeted educational initiatives to encourage female participation in development discourse.

The fourth research article – Caste Prejudices in Denial: University Students’ Perceptions – points out that caste prejudices are more pronounced among dominant castes than among others, and are more likely to resist caste-oriented reforms, such as reservations and inter-caste marriages, by delegitimizing caste as a category of contemporary discrimination. At the same time, the disadvantaged communities demonstrate their awareness of the structural inequalities that suppress them. The above patterns mirror broader societal trends in India, where dominant caste groups often endorse economic or meritocratic framings to avoid the acknowledgment of caste inequalities. Caste group identification has emerged as a key predictor in shaping the views on reservation policies.

The ‘General’ category people perceive the policies as unfair and discriminatory because they think such policies would shrink their opportunities to gain. Conversely, scheduled castes, scheduled tribes, and other backwards caste categories support reservation policies, as they directly benefit from the affirmative actions. The article also reaffirms the importance of higher education as a potential space for social transformation, as it engages students in meaningful reflection and cross-group interaction.

The fifth Research Article – Consciousness Not Without Dangers – focuses on Dalits’ willingness to abandon Hinduism as a protest against untouchability, assert their rights as citizens, and also to escape from its suppression. The key question is whether the Dalits have the capacity to break free from the caste system and become a new, independent Self. The article cogently points out the risks and dangers that surround such a willingness and actions. The majority of Hindus would consider such converted Dalits as transgressors who have challenged the social stratification of the sacred Hindu caste system. Such actions inevitably invite physical violence and violation of their constitutional rights. In the case of Dalit conversions to non-Indic religions, violence tends to be overt, raw, and physical, often driven by a fear of losing cultural and social control within the Hindu fold. In contrast, conversions to Indic religions, which theoretically reject the caste system, face more covert forms of violence, such as legal and political obstacles.

The absence of a concluding chapter, especially one summarising the five general research articles and providing a general conclusion for the entire collection, leaves the reader with the intellectual task of connecting the dots between the articles. From a stylistic point of view, symposium articles are well structured and edited than the five general research articles. Although the difference between an ‘article’ and a ‘research article’ is known to academic journal readers, the general reader might get confused by the distinction. They might think the distinction reflects the quality or the depth of an article.

The articles cogently deliver a cohesive narrative of how caste is embedded in the South Asian social fabric, reinforcing social hierarchies, maintaining power structures, and ensuring their continuity. The authors have elaborated on covert forms of everyday caste aggression, resistance, and compliance in rural spaces and urban environments. Some articles have shown how school education and the generation of non-caste employment help the privileged and the non-privileged to move upwards in social and economic ladders. The collection highlights the need for further anthropological research on caste systems, caste politics, social and economic transformations, Dalit resistance movements, and the role of the State in actively promoting Dalit emancipation. The articles will also interest those curious about caste and mobility, as they offer a compelling and multifaceted examination of the caste system.

A Review Article

by Jayantha Perera ✍️



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Cricket and the National Interest

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The appointment of former minister Eran Wickremaratne to chair the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee is significant for more than the future of cricket. It signals a possible shift in the culture of governance even as it offers Sri Lankan cricket a fighting possibility to get out of the doldrums of failure. There have been glorious patches for the national cricket team since the epochal 1996 World Cup triumph. But these patches of brightness have been few and far between and virtually non-existent over the past decade. At the centre of this disaster has been the failures of governance within Sri Lanka Cricket which are not unlike the larger failures of governance within the country itself. The appointment of a new reform oriented committee therefore carries significance beyond cricket. It reflects the wider challenge facing the country which is to restore trust in public institutions for better management.

The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne brings a professional administrator with a proven track record into the cricket arena. He has several strengths that many of his immediate predecessors lacked. Before the ascent of the present government leadership to positions of power, Eran Wickremaratne was among the handful of government ministers who did not have allegations of corruption attached to their names. His reputation for financial professionalism and integrity has remained intact over many years in public life. With him in the Cricket Transformation Committee are also respected former cricketers Kumar Sangakkara, Roshan Mahanama and Sidath Wettimuny together with professionals from legal and business backgrounds. They have been tasked with introducing structural reforms and improving transparency and accountability within cricket administration.

A second reason for this appointment to be significant is that this is possibly the first occasion on which the NPP government has reached out to someone associated with the opposition to obtain assistance in an area of national importance. The commitment to bipartisanship has been a constant demand from politically non-partisan civic groups and political analysts. They have voiced the opinion that the government needs to be more inclusive in its choice of appointments to decision making authorities. The NPP government’s practice so far has largely been to limit appointments to those within the ruling party or those considered loyalists even at the cost of proven expertise. The government’s decision in this case therefore marks a potentially important departure.

National Interest

There are areas of public life where national interest should transcend party divisions and cricket, beloved of the people, is one of them. Sri Lanka cannot afford to continue treating every institution as an arena for political competition when institutions themselves are in crisis and public confidence has become fragile. It is therefore unfortunate that when the government has moved positively in the direction of drawing on expertise from outside its own ranks there should be a negative response from sections of the opposition. This is indicative of the absence of a culture of bipartisanship even on issues that concern the national interest. The SJB, of which the newly appointed cricket committee chairman was a member objected on the grounds that politicians should not hold positions in sports administration and asked him to resign from the party. There is a need to recognise the distinction between partisan political control and the temporary use of experienced administrators to carry out reform and institutional restructuring. In other countries those in politics often join academia and civil society on a temporary basis and vice versa.

More disturbing has been the insidious campaign carried out against the new cricket committee and its chairman on the grounds of religious affiliation. This is an unacceptable denial of the reality that Sri Lanka is a plural, multi ethnic and multi religious society. The interim committee reflects this diversity to a reasonable extent. The country’s long history of ethnic conflict should have taught all political actors the dangers of mobilising communal prejudice for short term political gain. Sri Lanka paid a very heavy price for decades of mistrust and division. It would be tragic if even cricket administration became another arena for communal suspicion and hostility. The present government represents an important departure from the sectarian rhetoric that was employed by previous governments. They have repeatedly pledged to protect the equal rights of all citizens and not permit discrimination or extremism in any form.

The recent international peace march in Sri Lanka led by the Venerable Bhikkhu Thich Paññākāra from Vietnam with its message of loving kindness and mindfulness to all resonated strongly with the masses of people as seen by the crowds who thronged the roadsides to obtain blessings and show respect. This message stands in contrast to the sectarian resentment manifested by those who seek to use the cricket appointments as a weapon to attack the government at the present time. The challenges before the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee parallel the larger challenges before the government in developing the national economy and respecting ethnic and religious diversity. Plugging the leaks and restoring systems will take time and effort. It cannot be done overnight and it cannot succeed without public patience and support.

New Recognition

There is also a need for realism. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee does not guarantee success. Reforming deeply flawed institutions is always difficult. Besides, Sri Lanka is a small country with a relatively small population compared to many other cricket playing nations. It is also a country still recovering from the economic breakdown of 2022 which pushed the majority of people into hardship and severely weakened public institutions. The country continues to face unprecedented challenges including the damage caused by Cyclone Ditwah and the wider global economic uncertainties linked to conflict in the Middle East. Under these difficult circumstances Sri Lanka has fewer resources than many larger countries to devote to both cricket and economic development.

When resources are scarce they cannot be wasted through corruption or incompetence. Drawing upon the strengths of all those who are competent for the tasks at hand regardless of party affiliation or ethnic or religious identity is necessary if improvement is to come sooner rather than later. The burden of rebuilding the country cannot rest only on the government. The crisis facing the country is too deep for any single party or government to solve alone. National recovery requires capable individuals from across society and from different sectors such as business and civil society to work together in areas where the national interest transcends party politics. There is also a responsibility on opposition political parties to support initiatives that are politically neutral and genuinely in the national interest. Not every issue needs to become a partisan battle.

Sri Lanka cricket occupies a special place in the national consciousness. At its best it once united the country and gave Sri Lankans a sense of pride and international recognition. Restoring integrity and professionalism to cricket administration can therefore become part of the larger task of national renewal. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee, while it does not guarantee success, is a sign that the political leadership and people of the country may be beginning to mature in their approach to governance. In recognising the need for competence, integrity and bipartisan cooperation and extending it beyond cricket into other areas of national life, Sri Lanka may find the way towards more stable and successful governance..

by Jehan Perera

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From Dhaka to Sri Lanka, three wheels that drive our economies

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Court vacation this year came with an unexpected lesson, not from a courtroom but from the streets of Dhaka — a city that moves, quite literally, on three wheels.

Above the traffic, a modern metro line glides past concrete pillars and crowded rooftops. It is efficient, clean and frequently cited as a symbol of progress in Bangladesh. For a visitor from Sri Lanka, it inevitably brings to mind our own abandoned light rail plans — a project debated, politicised and ultimately set aside.

But Dhaka’s real story is not in the air. It is on the ground.

Beneath the elevated tracks, the streets belong to three-wheelers. Known locally as CNGs, they cluster at junctions, line the edges of markets and pour into narrow roads that larger vehicles avoid. Even with a functioning rail system, these three-wheelers remain the city’s most dependable form of everyday transport.

Within hours of arriving, their importance becomes obvious. The train may take you across the city, but the journey does not end there. The last mile — often the most complicated part — belongs entirely to the three-wheeler. It is the vehicle that gets you home, to a meeting or simply through streets that no bus route properly serves.

There is a rhythm to using them. A destination is mentioned, a price is suggested and a brief negotiation follows. Then the ride begins, edging into traffic that feels permanently compressed. Drivers move with instinct, adjusting routes and squeezing through gaps with a confidence built over years.

It is not polished. But it works.

And that is where the comparison with Sri Lanka becomes less about what we lack and more about what we already have.

Back home, the three-wheeler has long been part of daily life — so familiar that it is often discussed only in terms of its problems. There are frequent complaints about fares, refusals or the absence of meters. More recently, the industry itself has become entangled in politics — from fuel subsidies to regulatory debates, from election-time promises to periodic crackdowns.

In that process, the conversation has shifted. The three-wheeler is often treated as a problem to be managed, rather than a service to be strengthened.

Yet, seen through the experience of Dhaka, Sri Lanka’s system begins to look far more settled — and, in many ways, ahead.

There is a growing structure in place. Meters, while not perfect, are widely recognised. Ride-hailing apps have added transparency and reduced uncertainty for passengers. There are clearer expectations on both sides — driver and commuter alike. Even small details, such as designated parking areas in parts of Colombo or the increasing standard of vehicles, point to an industry slowly moving towards professionalism.

Just as importantly, there is a human element that remains intact.

In Sri Lanka, a three-wheeler ride is rarely just a transaction. Drivers talk. They offer directions, comment on the day’s news, or share local knowledge. The ride becomes part of the social fabric, not just a means of getting from one point to another.

In Dhaka, the scale of the city leaves less room for that. The interaction is quicker, more direct, shaped by urgency. The service is essential, but it is under constant pressure.

What stands out, across both countries, is that the three-wheeler is not a temporary or outdated mode of transport. It is a necessity in dense, fast-growing Asian cities — one that fills gaps no rail or bus system can fully address.

Large infrastructure projects, like light rail, are important. They bring efficiency and long-term capacity. But they cannot replace the flexibility of a three-wheeler. They cannot reach into narrow streets, respond instantly to demand or provide that crucial last-mile connection.

That is why, even in a city that has invested heavily in modern rail, Dhaka still runs on three wheels.

For Sri Lanka, the lesson is not simply about what could have been built, but about what should be better managed and valued.

The three-wheeler industry does not need to be politicised at every turn. It needs steady regulation — clear fare systems, proper licensing, safety standards — alongside encouragement and recognition. It needs to be seen as part of the solution to urban transport, not as a side issue.

Because for thousands of drivers, it is a livelihood. And for millions of passengers, it is the most immediate and reliable form of mobility.

The tuk-tuk may not feature in grand policy speeches or infrastructure blueprints. It does not run on elevated tracks or attract international attention. But on the ground, where daily life unfolds, it continues to do what larger systems often struggle to do — show up, adapt and keep moving.

And after watching Dhaka’s streets — crowded, relentless, yet functioning — that small, three-wheeled vehicle feels less like something to argue over and more like something to get right.

(The writer is an Attorney-at-Law with over a decade of experience specialising in civil law, a former Board Member of the Office of Missing Persons and a former Legal Director of the Central Cultural Fund. He holds an LLM in International Business Law)

 

by Sampath Perera recently in Dhaka, Bangladesh 

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Dubai scene … opening up

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Seven Notes: Operating in Dubai

According to reports coming my way, the entertainment scene, in Dubai, is very much opening up, and buzzing again!

After a quieter few months, May is packed with entertainment and the whole scene, they say, is shifting back into full swing.

The Seven Notes band, made up of Sri Lankans, based in Dubai, are back in the spotlight, after a short hiatus, due to the ongoing Middle East problems.

On 18th April they did Legends Night at Mercure Hotel Dubai Barsha Heights; on Thursday, 9th May, they will be at the Sports Bar of the Mercure Hotel for 70s/80s Retro Night; on 6th June, they will be at Al Jadaf Dubai to provide the music for Sandun Perera live in concert … and with more dates to follow.

These events are expected to showcase the band’s evolving sound, tighter stage coordination, and stronger audience engagement.

With each performance, the band aims to refine its identity and build a loyal following within Dubai’s vibrant nightlife and event scene.

Pasindu Umayanga: The group’s new vocalist

What makes Seven Notes standout is their versatility which has made the band a dynamic and promising act.

With a growing performance calendar, new talent integration, and international ambitions, the band is definitely entering a defining phase of its journey.

Dubai’s music industry, I’m told, thrives on diversity, energy, and audience connection, with live bands playing a crucial role in elevating events—from corporate shows to private concerts. Against this backdrop, Seven Notes is positioning itself not just as another band, but as a performance-driven musical unit focused on consistency and growth.

Adding fresh momentum to the group is Pasindu Umayanga who joins Seven Notes as their new vocalist. This move signals a strategic upgrade—not just filling a role, but strengthening the band’s front-line presence.

Looking beyond local stages, Seven Notes is preparing for an international tour, to Korea, in July.

Bassist Niluk Uswaththa: Spokesperson for Seven Notes

According to bassist Niluk Uswaththa, taking a band abroad means: Your sound must hold up against unfamiliar audiences, your performance must translate beyond language, and your discipline must be at a professional level.

“If executed well, this tour could redefine Seven Notes from a local band into an emerging international act,” added Niluk.

He went on to say that Dubai is not an easy market. It’s saturated with highly experienced, multi-genre bands that can adapt instantly to any crowd.

“To stand out consistently you need to have tight rehearsal discipline, unique sound identity (not just covers), strong stage chemistry, audience retention – not just applause.”

No doubt, Seven Notes is entering a critical growth phase—new member, multiple shows, and an international tour on the horizon. The opportunity is real, but so is the pressure.

However, there is talk that Seven Notes will soon be a recognised name in the regional music scene.

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