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Ranil’s special relationship with India and the peace process

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Ranil with Modi

Ranil gave a very special place towards relations with India. He obviously knew its political leaders and most of the important officials intimately. He knew a great deal about their background and not only of their politics. I was often surprised with his deep knowledge of Indian political alliances and even personal family relationships. He had visited many times in both north and south and had friends from Kerala to Bihar. He never missed, when in Delhi, paying a call on those who had become over time, his personal friends.

He always met in their homes I K Gujral, former Indian prime minister and Sonia Gandhi, leader of the Congress party. In addition, of course he had numerous opportunities of talking, lunching and dining with the former PM, Atal Behari Vajpayee, L K Advani, the virtual brain behind the BJP, former foreign minister Yashwant Sinha, Jaswant Singh, the former minister of finance and several of the excellent younger ministers of the Cabinet. The relationships were easy between Ranil and these men, and they seemed to enjoy each other’s company and the frequent visits of the Sri Lankan leadership.

In between Ranil’s visits, Milinda (Moragoda) would ‘keep the home fires burning’ with hurried dashes to the Indian capital. Both India and Sri Lanka had fine representatives at the time Nirupama Sen, a senior and thoroughly experienced professional of India in Colombo and the genteel and urbane Mangala Moonesinghe of Sri Lanka in New Delhi. They worked without much fuss and bother keeping the lines between the two capitals clear and following up diligently on the many new initiatives which Ranil was zealously pursuing.

Two of the more important of these were the possibility of entering into a defence agreement and moving forward on the Free Trade Agreement towards a Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA). Discussions on consolidating the training and procurement arrangements with India into a defence pact surfaced during the last of Ranil’s visits to New Delhi in October 2003. In fact these arrangements had been in force ever since the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord of July 29, 1987. In the letters exchanged between Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and President Jayewardene, which became an annexure to the Accord, it was agreed that India would “provide training facilities and military supplies for the Sri Lankan security forces”.

The Accord was never abrogated and this provision was faithfully carried out through the years. On an average over a thousand officers from the three services received advanced training at Indian staff colleges each year. As far as military supplies were concerned, this was restricted to what the security people called `non-lethal’ commodities like trucks and communication material. A strengthening of these arrangements was all that was being considered and this was seen to be of use in a domestic situation in which the opposition was making a lot of ground by charging that the LTTE were building up their strength through arms shipments by sea in readiness for a future war, while at the same time the Lankan forces were apparently been kept purposely under-equipped by the government.

The news that Indian help was forthcoming, at this stage, would make rubbish of the opposition claim, which in any event had no foundation. Opposition spokesmen were apt to repeat precise numbers, like 11, sometimes 15, arms shipments coming in without an iota of proof as to when they had come, what arms they carried, from where, and so on. If true, the Sri Lanka Navy would have had a great deal of explaining to do as to how this was possible with all the patrolling they were doing in the country’s northern and eastern waters.

The CEPA, Ranil had proposed, was to broaden the ambit of the FTA which had come into operation some years earlier. Under the Free Trade Agreement, bilateral trade in goods had increased by leaps and bounds but the balance had been, as was to be expected given the asymmetries in size and resources, in India’s favour. Although trade was nominally free and without duty, there were negative lists and quota restrictions which were inhibiting Sri Lankan exports to India. Moving into a broader economic partnership agreement would enable our services – banking, tourism, air services, investment and so on – to expand and help close the gap in the balance of payments between the two countries.

One of Ranil’s final acts in India was to accept along with Vajpayee the Report of the Joint Study Group and approve its recommendations for immediate implementation. The liberalization of the bilateral air agreement and the inclusion of private air services (and open skies) was one such recommendation. The historic entry of two private Indian airlines, Sahara and Jet into Sri Lankan air space in March 2004 signaled the beginning of concrete action on this important initiative.

It was clear that the Indian political leadership personally liked him and appreciated being kept in the picture about the evolving situation in Sri Lanka. Ranil was very familiar, too, with those in the Indian media world. He was invited as a guest speaker to the impressive ‘India Today’ global conclave in Delhi at the end of 2002 and made a major speech at the opening ceremony. He was also a close friend of the Ram family of The Hindu and would, when passing through Chennai, try to make contact with N Ram, its editor, who was a long time observer of the Sri Lankan scene. I know that he knew and enjoyed talking with Ms Jayalalitha, the mercurial and temperamental chief minister of Tamil Nadu.

Ranil and his wife Maithree, who accompanied him on his visits, were very much at home in India and with things Indian. They could appreciate its music, food, and the writings of its many fine novelists. Between them they exuded a broader knowledge and familiarity with modern India and its achievements than most other Sri Lankan leaders in their position. They could quite genuinely exult in the news of Aishwarya Rai winning the Miss World contest, Arundhati Roy the ‘Booker’, Sachin Tendulkar’s latest exploits in a Test Match or listen with pleasure to the haunting melodies, so close to the Sri Lankan, of A R Rahman in his exotic Bollywood musical, Bombay Dreams.

As in other things, like in his dress and the films he enjoyed watching, in the range of his choice of music, he could move with ease from the baila, which he sang with zest along with his classmates in the Mustangs tent at the annual Royal-Thomian match, into the world of Khemadasa or Mozart. With his eclectic tastes some would have called Ranil the renaissance man. I used to think that Ranil would have enjoyed belonging to the post-modern world of the future.

The Cease-fire Agreement of February 22, 2002

The heart of the peace process lay in the Cease-fire Agreement – sometimes and mistakenly called the MOU signed between Prabhakaran, the leader of the LTTE, and Ranil Wickremesinghe, prime minister, on behalf of the government of Sri Lanka. It was not like most other agreements signed by two people seated at the same table. This agreement was signed by Prabhakaran in Kilinochchi and Ranil Wickremesinghe in Vavuniya, on the same day – 22 February 2002 – a few hours apart. Jon Westborg, the Norwegian ambassador at the time, played a notable role in formulating drafts and handling the text of the agreement as the `facilitator’ of the Royal Government of Norway.

It was the first time in the history of the conflict that we had gone so far as to agree in writing on the details of the cease-fire and the course of future action. The 1987 Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement was between the two governments of India and Sri Lanka and the LTTE, the main actor in the conflict, was not directly involved.

I am convinced that it was only possible to have come so far because of the facilitation. Without the ‘middle man’ the neutral intermediary – the actions of the ‘spoilers’ of whom there were many on both sides, would have been certain to have upset the process. The Cease-fire Agreement (CFA) was in the form of four Articles: Article 1 dealing with the separation of the fighting forces; Article 2 about measures necessary to bring about normalcy in civilian life in the north-east; Article 3 stipulating the duties and obligations of the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM); and, Article 4 containing the standard sub-clauses as to the manner in which the agreement could be terminated by either party.

It was specified that abrogation of the agreement needed a period of at least two weeks notice. This was obviously to prevent – instances of sudden attack by the LTTE, as had happened at least twice before in the history of the conflict.

Managing the Process

Ranil spent a great amount of his time domestically on the conduct of the peace process. He was occupied, sometimes preoccupied by it, every day on most weekends and sometimes late into the night. Literally hundreds of meetings big and small took place with a variety of players – almost daily with the Minister of Defence Tilak Marapone and his military officials; with the Norwegian facilitators, both Jon Westborg and Hans Brattskar whose commitment and patience in the face of a very critical media was outstanding; with visits from abroad of the Norwegian Deputy Foreign Minister, Vidar Helgessen and his indefatigable men and women, who included the mystery man Eric Solheim; Yasushi Akashi of Japan with the legendary wisdom and experience garnered over several years in post-conflict management in the former Yugoslavia and Cambodia; the editors of the local newspapers and the free media movement, some of whom were supportive, and some very opposed, to what was going on; and sundry visitors from all part of the world like John Hume from Northern Ireland and ANC representatives from South Africa.

Virtually every visitor to the country was very interested in the peace process and Rand had to spend a great deal of time explaining and clarifying how this fragile adventure was moving. There was never a dull moment and I was very glad to be closely involved. Bernard Goonetilleke, head of SCOPP (Secretariat for Coordinating the Peace Process) who was at the time doing a long shuttle between keeping the diplomatic fire going in Beijing and attending to his work in the Peace Secretariat in Colombo, was totally engaged as was Austin Fernando, then secretary of defence. We tried to take some of the load off Ranil but all the major decisions had to be taken by him, the sensitivities being so complex and far-reaching.

The road to peace could literally be said to be marked by a number of illuminated sign posts – Bangkok, Berlin, Oslo, Hakone and Tokyo. In Oslo, between 2-5 December 2002 leading representatives of the two sides – Ministers G L Peiris, Milinda Moragoda and Rauf Hakeem on the government side and the leader of the Political Wing S P Thamil Selvam, Anton Balasingham and Jay Maheswaran on the LTTE side – achieved a great breakthrough. It culminated in the historic agreement when for the first time, the LTTE gave up its unwavering and consistent demand, of over 20 years, for a separate State of Tamil Eelam:

Responding to a proposal by the leadership of the LTTE, the parties agreed to explore a solution founded on the principle of internal self-determination in areas of historical habitation of the Tamil-speaking people, based on a federal structure within a united Sri Lanka. The parties acknowledged that the solution has to be acceptable to all communities.

This was a massive achievement apparent to anyone who had followed the history of the tortuous road of Sri Lanka’s ethnic conflict and attempts at its resolution. Ranil had won a major victory for his people and his country.

(Excerpted from ‘Rendering Unto Caesar’ by Bradman Weerakoon) ✍️



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The challenge of being positive about SAARC

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The RCSS forum addressed by SAARC Secretary General Ambassador Md. Golam Sarwar in progress. (Pic courtesy RCSS)

It was a few years back that a former President of Sri Lanka took it on himself to pronounce SAARC ‘dead’. Since then there have been other sections of Sri Lankan opinion that have joined the critics of SAARC and taken the solemn stance that SAARC has indeed died what may be called a natural death.

Their fatalism is understandable. SAARC has failed to meet at heads of government or state level for the past several years to take the SAARC process notably forward. Regional cooperation has more or less been only an appealing idea. No substantive concrete projects have taken off to make the idea a hard reality. ‘Inner paralysis’ seems to be SAARC’s lot. Hence the fatalism in these circles.

However, being one of the worst cash-strapped regions of the world and a teemingly populated one with people virtually left to their devices, what choices do the ‘SAARC Eight’ have other than to try their best to band together and continue with their cooperation efforts, however small they may be?

There is no escaping the mounting debt trap for many of these countries and bankrupt Sri Lanka is a glaring example, but ‘throwing in the towel’ and abandoning themselves entirely to the diktats of the strongest economies and their agencies will prove a ‘living death’ for many countries in the SAARC fold.

The gains may be meagre but giving-up on SAARC cooperation in full would prove self-defeating for the organization and South Asia. Right now, the collective intention ought to be to salvage what the region could from the tenuous cooperative efforts. Moreover, such initiatives could go some distance to generate a degree of goodwill among the Eight and help in sustaining a dialogue process.

Given this backdrop it proved ‘a stich in time’ for the Regional Centre for Strategic Studies (RCSS), Colombo, to recently host the SAARC Secretary General Ambassador Md. Golam Sarwar to a round table discussion on the unifying potential of SAARC and its future possibilities, besides other related issue areas.

Held on June 24th and moderated by RCSS Executive Director and former ambassador Ravinatha Aryasinha, the forum brought together a vibrant, wide ranging audience comprising academicians, diplomats, senior public servants, civil society activists and many others. Following the presentation by Ambassador Golam Sarwar titled, ‘Reigniting SAARC: Achievements, Challenges and the Way Ahead’, a lively Q&A followed.

The above forum could be described as an act of lighting the proverbial ‘candle’ rather than ‘cursing the darkness.’ It surely is a ‘darkness’ that could be seen as daunting considering that the region’s pivotal powers, India and Pakistan, are failing to act in a spirit of accord but are engaged in bitter finger-pointing on a number of questions of vital importance to SAARC.

On the other hand, what is the rest of the region doing to bring the above sides together? It is disappointing that to date the rest of SAARC has failed to launch a major diplomatic drive to bring peace between the feuding regional heavyweights. It needs to act without delay and establish its earnestness and this effort would need to prove SAARC’s staying power in the unfolding months and even years.

In assessing SAARC’s seeming failure local opinion in particular has failed to factor in what could be described as weak leadership. Since Sheikh Mujibur Rahman of Bangladesh, the founding father of SAARC, the region has failed to produce a visionary leader who could advance the SAARC cause with charisma and drive.

Among other reasons, weak leadership accounts considerably for the faltering and stuttering status, as it were, of SAARC. Badly needed are leaders who could go the extra mile, think less of narrow national interests and work diligently towards the collective well being of the region but SAARC’s millions of ordinary people have been made to wait in vain for leaders of such stature. Instead, they have been burdened with politicians who seem to be relishing the apparently moribund state of SAARC.

Looking back, it could be said that it was the dynamic leadership factor that led to the launching of the Non-Aligned Movement and for its sustenance for a few decades. True, it could be seen in some quarters that NAM is no more, but as in the case of SAARC, the former too has been unfortunate to be burdened over the years with politicians who lack the vision and drive to unflaggingly advance the fortunes of the South. NAM and SAARC lack the dynamism and vision of leaders of the stature of Jawaharlal Nehru, for example, to give them the required guidance and intellectual depth.

The reasons are complex for there not being among us currently political leaders with the vision and the steadfast commitment to advance the legitimate interests of the South. However, it could be stated with conviction that the majority of Southern leaders have too easily caved in to the demands of the global North and its financial agencies.

These leaders have failed to see, for instance, that the largely market economy oriented Northern governments would not view with favour a centrist economic model that attaches priority to the interests of the dis-empowered publics of the South. This realization ought to have dawned on the current government in Sri Lanka, for instance, some while ago but it has no choice but to abide by IMF dictates since economic survival at present is unthinkable without the latter’s succour.

Accordingly for SAARC this should be the time for some soul-searching. Priority needs to be attached to ending the feuding between India and Pakistan since at present the material fortunes of the region hinge largely on these regional giants giving peaceful relations among them a try. This is no easy challenge to meet but some daring, visionary diplomacy needs to take hold among the rest of SAARC.

There is some sense in SAARC bringing the peoples of the region together through programs that address their best collective interests. A meeting of minds among SAARC nations could enable SAARC and its agencies to build a region-wide people’s movement for progressive political and economic change that could in turn lead to the region’s political leaders sensitizing themselves more to the neglected needs of their publics.

However, the time is ‘now’ for the initiation of these progressive changes and the voice of SAARC well wishers would need to drown out those of their critics.

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OPA seminar examines Sri Lanka’s economic recovery, resilience and growth pathways

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(L to R) Dr Achinthya Koswatte, Anushan Kapilan, Dr Harsha Aturupane, Bhanu Wijeyaratne, Vice President, OPA and moderator of the discussion, and Eng Chamil Edirimuny, General Secretary, OPA, at the head table.

A seminar, “Sri Lanka’s Economic Crossroads: Navigating Recovery, Resilience and Growth” was recently held by the Organisation of Professional Associations of Sri Lanka (OPA) at the OPA Auditorium, bringing together economists, OPA members, and professionals from diverse fields for an insightful discussion on Sri Lanka’s economic recovery and future growth prospects.

The event was held under the patronage of Jayantha Gallehewa, President of the OPA, and was jointly organised by the National Issues Committee (NIC) and the Seminars, Workshops and Programmes Committee of the OPA. The event reaffirmed the organisation’s commitment to advancing professional excellence, fostering insightful intellectual engagement, facilitating interdisciplinary knowledge exchange and creating a constructive platform for informed dialogue on issues of national importance.

The panel of speakers comprised Dr. Harsha Aturupane, Lead Economist and Programme Leader for Human Development at the World Bank for Sri Lanka and the Maldives; Dr. Achinthya Koswatta, Senior Lecturer in Economics at the Open University of Sri Lanka, and Anushan Kapilan, Lead Economist at Verité Research.

In his welcome address, the President of the OPA emphasised that Sri Lanka was at a critical juncture in its economic recovery journey where sustained reforms, effective implementation, and collective national commitment are essential to achieving long-term stability, resilience and inclusive growth. He noted that the country had experienced one of the most severe economic crises in its history with the economy contracting by 7.8 percent in 2022 and a further 11.5 percent in 2023, resulting in significant economic and social challenges.

Delivering his introductory remarks Bhanu Wijeyaratne, Vice President of the OPA and Chairman of the National Issues Committee, underscored the need to move beyond short-term economic stabilisation towards a comprehensive agenda of structural transformation. He observed that the economic crisis had revealed deep-rooted weaknesses within the economy, including persistent fiscal pressures, rising public debt, foreign exchange limitations, and insufficient diversification of the export base. He stressed that addressing these challenges through strategic reforms, institutional strengthening and long-term economic planning would be essential to establishing a more resilient and competitive economy.

While acknowledging recent positive developments, including improved inflation management, tourism recovery and signs of economic stabilisation, Wijeyaratne stressed the need to advance reforms aimed at strengthening fiscal discipline, enhancing productivity, improving competitiveness, developing human capital and reinforcing governance and institutional effectiveness.

He further highlighted the important role of professionals, businesses, academia and other stakeholders in contributing to evidence-based dialogue and supporting Sri Lanka’s journey towards a resilient, inclusive and sustainable economic future.

Delivering the keynote presentation, Dr. Harsha Aturupane provided a comprehensive assessment of Sri Lanka’s economic prospects within the broader context of global economic transformation. He argued that Sri Lanka functioned as a small open economy whose performance is significantly influenced by developments in the global marketplace. External factors could not be controlled, and the country must strengthen its domestic capacity and resilience to respond effectively to international economic shifts, he noted.

Tracing the evolution of global economic systems, Dr. Aturupane highlighted the transition from ideological divisions between state-controlled and market-oriented economies towards increasingly pragmatic approaches focused on growth, competitiveness and development. He noted that Sri Lanka’s own economic journey reflects a similar evolution, with contemporary policy debates now centred on practical solutions for sustainable economic progress.

The presentation also examined the transformative impact of globalisation. Dr. Aturupane observed that global economic integration had enabled several East Asian economies, including South Korea, Singapore, Taiwan and Hong Kong, to achieve remarkable economic advancement through export-led growth strategies. Sri Lanka similarly benefited from this process through the expansion of its apparel industry and increased integration into global value chains.

Turning to Sri Lanka’s recovery programme, Dr. Aturupane emphasised that the ongoing stabilisation process should be viewed as a national programme supported by the International Monetary Fund rather than solely as an IMF initiative. He observed that strong worker remittances, improved tourism earnings, enhanced government revenue mobilisation and prudent import management have contributed significantly to economic stabilisation.

Despite this progress, he cautioned that rebuilding foreign exchange reserves and meeting future debt obligations remain major challenges. He underscored the need to strengthen export performance, attract investment and generate sustainable foreign exchange earnings to ensure long-term economic resilience.

The discussion also focused on monetary stability, inflation management and exchange-rate policy. Dr. Aturupane stressed that maintaining price stability was fundamental to sustainable growth and household welfare, while sound monetary policy remains essential for preserving economic confidence.

Looking beyond stabilisation, he argued that Sri Lanka must transition towards a broader economic transformation agenda. Sustainable growth, he noted, will depend on expanding productive capacity through investment, technological advancement, innovation, skills development and structural reforms.

Among the key constraints identified was the high cost of energy, which continues to affect competitiveness and investment attractiveness. Dr. Aturupane emphasised the importance of improving efficiency and affordability within the energy sector to enhance Sri Lanka’s business environment.

He further highlighted the social dimensions of the crisis, noting the rise in poverty and economic vulnerability among households. Strengthening social protection systems and ensuring inclusive growth, he argued, must remain central components of the national development agenda.

Another critical challenge identified was Sri Lanka’s demographic transition. With an ageing population, outward migration and evolving labour market dynamics, the country is increasingly confronting labour shortages in several sectors. Dr. Aturupane suggested that greater automation, increased labour-force participation and strategic workforce planning would be necessary to address these emerging realities.

Concluding his presentation, he emphasised the need to improve governance, strengthen institutions, enhance competitiveness and create an enabling environment for private sector investment. Sri Lanka’s future success, he noted, will depend on its ability to move decisively beyond crisis management towards a development model founded on resilience, innovation, productivity and inclusive growth.

Dr. Achinthya Koswatta reiterated the importance of policy consistency and predictability in fostering investment and industrial development. She observed that frequent policy changes create uncertainty and discourage long-term investment decisions, whereas stable and coherent policy frameworks build confidence and support sustainable economic transformation.

Meanwhile, Anushan Kapilan highlighted the substantial progress achieved in restoring macroeconomic stability following the recent crisis. He noted significant improvements in fiscal performance, including increased government revenue, reduced reliance on debt financing and a historically low fiscal deficit.

He further observed that public debt levels are declining faster than anticipated, economic growth has exceeded expectations and inflation has been brought under control more rapidly than forecast. Nevertheless, he cautioned that the recovery remains uneven, particularly within the industrial sector and that many households have yet to experience a meaningful improvement in living standards.

The seminar was expertly coordinated by Eng. Chamil Edirimuni, Vice President of the OPA and Chairman of the Seminars, Workshops and Programmes Committee, while the technical moderation and interactive discussion session were facilitated by Bhanu Wijeyaratne, Vice President of the OPA and Chairman of the National Issues Committee.

The event was attended by Tisara De Silva, President-Elect of the OPA, Eng. Ravi Rupasinghe, General Secretary, Past Presidents, members of the Executive Council, representatives of the General Forum and professionals representing a wide range of disciplines.

The seminar concluded with a vibrant exchange of ideas and perspectives, reaffirming the importance of evidence-based policy dialogue, institutional collaboration and collective national commitment in advancing Sri Lanka’s economic recovery, resilience and sustainable growth.

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Her roots run deep in Sri Lanka

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Samantha Kay: Now based in the UK Samantha’s biggest passion is helping people, especially women, build confidence and believe in themselves Today, her focus is on radio, podcasting and coaching women Whenever she visits Sri Lanka, she says she loves spending time on the beautiful south coast, especially Hikkaduwa and Mirissa She released a song with 90s music icon Angie Brown, which reached No. 9 in the UK Club Charts

Yes, for UK-based presenter and artiste Samantha Kay, home is where the heart – and the roots – are. And her roots run deep in Sri Lanka.

In an exclusive interview with The Island, Samantha says “I’m proud to be Sri Lankan. My mum is from Kandy and my dad is from Colombo, so Sri Lanka has always held a very special place in my heart.

“Whenever I visit Sri Lanka, I love spending time on the beautiful south coast, especially Hikkaduwa and Mirissa. It’s somewhere I always feel connected to my roots and completely at peace.”

Now living in Bournemouth, on the south coast of England, where, she says, she is lucky to be close to some of the UK’s most beautiful beaches, including the iconic Sandbanks, Samantha has built a career that refuses to fit into one box.

She is a radio presenter, podcast host, singer-songwriter, personal trainer and life coach.

“I genuinely love the variety because every role allows me to connect with people and, hopefully, make a positive difference in someone’s day.”

Of course, music has taken her far.

One of her proudest achievements, she says, was releasing a song with 90s music icon Angie Brown, which reached No. 9 in the UK Club Charts.

She also reached the final stages of The X Factor and performed at Wembley Stadium in front of thousands.

Beyond music, Samantha competed in bikini bodybuilding across the UK, winning several titles. “It taught me discipline, resilience and self-belief,” she recalls.

Today, her focus is on radio, podcasting and coaching women. Her podcast encourages people to live life on their own terms rather than feeling pressured to follow society’s expectations.

Says Samantha: “Whether someone is single, changing careers, travelling solo or simply trying to find their purpose, I want them to know that it’s never too late to create a life that feels authentic. If you’ve ever felt like you don’t fit into the box, maybe you were never meant to.”

Samantha Kay also spent a year in Dubai, performing at five-star hotels, including FIVE, and coaching at the iconic outdoor gym on Palm Jumeirah.

“I taught strength and conditioning classes, and hosted wellness retreats, combining my passion for music, health and inspiring others.”

However, with family matters calling her back to the UK, she made the choice to return. “Family comes first,” she says.

Looking ahead, Samantha plans to grow her radio and podcast work, release more music, and expand her wellness retreats.

“My biggest passion is helping people, especially women, build confidence and believe in themselves,” she says.

“Wherever my career takes me, I hope to continue inspiring others to live with courage, kindness and authenticity, while never forgetting my Sri Lankan roots.”

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